
Panama has officially backed India's bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), calling India an essential voice for the Global South. In an exclusive interview with WION, Panama's Foreign Minister strongly supported comprehensive UN reforms, stating that the current global governance structure no longer reflects the realities of the 21st century.

The minister emphasized that India deserves a permanent seat on the UNSC while also advocating for permanent representation for Latin America. He further highlighted Panama's interest in expanding strategic ties with India through digital governance, innovation, technology, and education. Panama is also exploring the establishment of an IIT campus to serve the wider Latin American region.

Panama backs India’s UNSC permanent seat bid | Big boost for PM 

Armenian voters have backed Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, reinforcing the country's apparent shift toward closer ties with Europe. The outcome has drawn criticism from Moscow and intensified debate over Armenia's geopolitical future. This episode explores the election results, regional reactions, and the strategic implications for the South Caucasus.

Armenia Votes For Pro-EU Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Moscow Cries Foul 

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance.

This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. &nbsp;

Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception?&nbsp;

Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship.&nbsp;

It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. &nbsp;

Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption.&nbsp;

This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct.

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception? Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship. It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption. This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Under PM Narendra Modi's leadership, India has earned significant status in global arena

The Rohingya crisis has put Bangladesh in the most difficult of positions. The international community has extended solidarity to Bangladesh but beyond that, there has been little financial assistance with when it comes rehabilitating the very large population - 1,000,000 - of Rohingya currently taking refuge in Bangladesh.&nbsp;

Nor has Myanmar been held accountable for its actions.&nbsp;

Until the apartheid in Myanmar is dismantled and the country's government held accountable for the atrocities that have been committed, repatriation of the Rohingya will not be sustainable. WION's Bangladesh bureau chief Saad Hammadi speaks to Dr Gowher Rizvi, international affairs advisor to Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

WION: Dr Rizvi, thank you for speaking to WION. I would first like to ask you how you feel about the response from the international community?

Gowher Rizvi: At one level the response of the international community has been most heartening. In a sense there is hardly a country in the world which has not condemned Myanmar and has not supported and appreciated the gesture of Bangladesh in taking in about a million Myanmar refugees into the country. To that extent we are really pleased. However, just verbal support is not enough. We know that Myanmar is stubborn. It has no intention of moving away from its position. The only way to be moved is when pressure is brought on. Myanmar is playing a very skilful game. Whenever there is some discussion in the United Nations, whenever there is a possibility that this will be raised in some international forum, some movement takes place but the real test is the repatriation of the refugees back to Myanmar. No progress has been made there. Unfortunately, the international community has not taken sterner measures without which nothing seems to happen.

WION: With regard to the geopolitics in this area, Bangladesh's closest allies are India and China. How do you feel about their responses?

Gowher Rizvi: We have been in conversation both with China and India. We are really satisfied and happy with their responses. One thing which is very important to realise is that every country has multiple interests, multiple priorities. For India or China, Rohingya issue or Bangladesh or Myanmar cannot be the only issue. They have to balance many of their other interests. Secondly, we know we have excellent relationship with India and with China. We do not want to put India or China in a position where we say you are with us or against us. That is not how diplomacy is played out. They have offered their help, they are using their influence, they are bringing subtle pressures and we are working hand in hand. I believe both of them are working in the right direction, although as I said, we are now reaching a point where we have to perhaps move beyond closed room diplomacy to some real hard international actions.

WION: You have referred to more pressure being exerted on Myanmar to create the conditions for the repatriation to take place. What do you feel should be the immediate actions?

Gowher Rizvi: For first, Myanmar must accept international observers, must accept international humanitarian organisations, the UN agency, International Committee for Red Cross, International Organisation for Migration, who will be there on the ground to monitor the situation, to make sure that the environment is safe and free for the Rohingyas to return. Unless that happens, no refugee will willingly go back to face the same brutality, massacre, genocide that they escaped from in August and September.

WION: Very recently, you have also mentioned sanctions. Will you tell us more about what you meant?

Gowher Rizvi: It is very obvious. We know that there was a sanction against Myanmar to bring its hardline military rulers to behave and those sanctions were lifted as a response to the state counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the hope that there would be democracy, there would be opening of the Myanmar society and Myanmar would behave as a responsible member of the international community. Sadly, Myanmar took all the concessions but has not moved. The military still controls, the elected leaders wield very little power. In these circumstances our expectation that the removal of sanctions will enable democracy to flourish has not happened and as a matter of fact it has encouraged the military to launch this campaign of genocide, ethnic cleansing, the worst of its kind that we can remember. It is now time for countries to reconsider posing economic sanctions, military sanctions, travel restrictions, stopping foreign investment, denying access of market to Myanmar products. When these things happen, the military in Myanmar will come to senses. Until then I fear these will be all empty talks. Myanmar knows that after a while the global attention will shift somewhere else. Please remember, this is a very well designed, carefully planned genocide to push an entire ethnic group out of the country and we need to be very careful and remember that. I also believe we need to document all the egregious human rights violations that are taking place, the genocide that has taken place. At some point, I hope these human rights organisations, Human Rights Watch and so forth, will take these to the International Criminal Court of Justice.&nbsp;

WION: Clearly that would be the real test of humanity for the international community. While the Rohingya community have moved here to Bangladesh, in the southern Cox's Bazar, the monsoon is also approaching. A landslide could take place, how challenging will it be to avoid a catastrophe?

Gowher Rizvi: As you can see, Bangladesh is a very small country, extremely congested, by far the most densely populated country in the world. Despite that we have taken in a million people and opened up whatever we have, whatever little land that was available. We have housed them, we are feeding them, we are providing healthcare and we are providing security. Bangladesh is doing and will continue to do everything within its power. There is indeed the danger of mudslide because the terrain is such that there is going to be a mudslide. That is why we are also trying to make an alternative arrangement in a neighbouring island so that those who are most vulnerable can be safely evacuated there and in conditions which are habitable, which are up to the standards, meets the necessities of the refugees. We are doing everything we can. I think the international community, rather than focusing on Bangladesh and what more can Bangladesh do, should be looking into Myanmar. Bangladesh did not create this problem. The problem was created by Myanmar. The solution lies in Myanmar. Therefore, we should be looking there. As far as our prime minister is concerned, she has really done a very humane thing, a courageous thing to take them in. She has promised that she wants them to voluntarily go back. We are not pushing them. We have upheld the highest level of international and humanitarian law. And we will continue to do. I do believe the focus needs to be on Myanmar where the problem is.

I think we have to also be aware of the larger issues. What we are seeing today is a dictatorial, tyrannical regime ousting an entire ethnic community from the soils of Myanmar and if the global community accepts this, then I fear there will be upheaval in many corners. There are minorities in every country. Minorities in every country will come under threat. We need to be very mindful of that and we should not allow any country to get away with it. There is another thing that we need to be thinking about. This camp of a million people is a potential for recruitment of extremists. We are protecting it, we are making sure no such thing happens. But over years, as we have seen in other camps, this becomes a breeding ground for terrorists. If that happens, our entire region, Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Thailand, none of us will be safe. The stakes are really high and we must move as fast as possible to make sure the root cause is eliminated.&nbsp;

Watch the full interview below:&nbsp;

<iframe allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/hqhPmIu3gtc" width="560"></iframe>

Gowher Rizvi, international affairs adviser to Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina, spoke to WION's Bangladesh bureau chief Saad Hammadi

The Rohingya crisis has put Bangladesh in the most difficult of positions. The international community has extended solidarity to Bangladesh but beyond that, there has been little financial assistance with when it comes rehabilitating the very large population - 1,000,000 - of Rohingya currently taking refuge in Bangladesh. Nor has Myanmar been held accountable for its actions. Until the apartheid in Myanmar is dismantled and the country's government held accountable for the atrocities that have been committed, repatriation of the Rohingya will not be sustainable. WION's Bangladesh bureau chief Saad Hammadi speaks to Dr Gowher Rizvi, international affairs advisor to Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. WION: Dr Rizvi, thank you for speaking to WION. I would first like to ask you how you feel about the response from the international community? Gowher Rizvi: At one level the response of the international community has been most heartening. In a sense there is hardly a country in the world which has not condemned Myanmar and has not supported and appreciated the gesture of Bangladesh in taking in about a million Myanmar refugees into the country. To that extent we are really pleased. However, just verbal support is not enough. We know that Myanmar is stubborn. It has no intention of moving away from its position. The only way to be moved is when pressure is brought on. Myanmar is playing a very skilful game. Whenever there is some discussion in the United Nations, whenever there is a possibility that this will be raised in some international forum, some movement takes place but the real test is the repatriation of the refugees back to Myanmar. No progress has been made there. Unfortunately, the international community has not taken sterner measures without which nothing seems to happen. WION: With regard to the geopolitics in this area, Bangladesh's closest allies are India and China. How do you feel about their responses? Gowher Rizvi: We have been in conversation both with China and India. We are really satisfied and happy with their responses. One thing which is very important to realise is that every country has multiple interests, multiple priorities. For India or China, Rohingya issue or Bangladesh or Myanmar cannot be the only issue. They have to balance many of their other interests. Secondly, we know we have excellent relationship with India and with China. We do not want to put India or China in a position where we say you are with us or against us. That is not how diplomacy is played out. They have offered their help, they are using their influence, they are bringing subtle pressures and we are working hand in hand. I believe both of them are working in the right direction, although as I said, we are now reaching a point where we have to perhaps move beyond closed room diplomacy to some real hard international actions. WION: You have referred to more pressure being exerted on Myanmar to create the conditions for the repatriation to take place. What do you feel should be the immediate actions? Gowher Rizvi: For first, Myanmar must accept international observers, must accept international humanitarian organisations, the UN agency, International Committee for Red Cross, International Organisation for Migration, who will be there on the ground to monitor the situation, to make sure that the environment is safe and free for the Rohingyas to return. Unless that happens, no refugee will willingly go back to face the same brutality, massacre, genocide that they escaped from in August and September. WION: Very recently, you have also mentioned sanctions. Will you tell us more about what you meant? Gowher Rizvi: It is very obvious. We know that there was a sanction against Myanmar to bring its hardline military rulers to behave and those sanctions were lifted as a response to the state counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the hope that there would be democracy, there would be opening of the Myanmar society and Myanmar would behave as a responsible member of the international community. Sadly, Myanmar took all the concessions but has not moved. The military still controls, the elected leaders wield very little power. In these circumstances our expectation that the removal of sanctions will enable democracy to flourish has not happened and as a matter of fact it has encouraged the military to launch this campaign of genocide, ethnic cleansing, the worst of its kind that we can remember. It is now time for countries to reconsider posing economic sanctions, military sanctions, travel restrictions, stopping foreign investment, denying access of market to Myanmar products. When these things happen, the military in Myanmar will come to senses. Until then I fear these will be all empty talks. Myanmar knows that after a while the global attention will shift somewhere else. Please remember, this is a very well designed, carefully planned genocide to push an entire ethnic group out of the country and we need to be very careful and remember that. I also believe we need to document all the egregious human rights violations that are taking place, the genocide that has taken place. At some point, I hope these human rights organisations, Human Rights Watch and so forth, will take these to the International Criminal Court of Justice. WION: Clearly that would be the real test of humanity for the international community. While the Rohingya community have moved here to Bangladesh, in the southern Cox's Bazar, the monsoon is also approaching. A landslide could take place, how challenging will it be to avoid a catastrophe? Gowher Rizvi: As you can see, Bangladesh is a very small country, extremely congested, by far the most densely populated country in the world. Despite that we have taken in a million people and opened up whatever we have, whatever little land that was available. We have housed them, we are feeding them, we are providing healthcare and we are providing security. Bangladesh is doing and will continue to do everything within its power. There is indeed the danger of mudslide because the terrain is such that there is going to be a mudslide. That is why we are also trying to make an alternative arrangement in a neighbouring island so that those who are most vulnerable can be safely evacuated there and in conditions which are habitable, which are up to the standards, meets the necessities of the refugees. We are doing everything we can. I think the international community, rather than focusing on Bangladesh and what more can Bangladesh do, should be looking into Myanmar. Bangladesh did not create this problem. The problem was created by Myanmar. The solution lies in Myanmar. Therefore, we should be looking there. As far as our prime minister is concerned, she has really done a very humane thing, a courageous thing to take them in. She has promised that she wants them to voluntarily go back. We are not pushing them. We have upheld the highest level of international and humanitarian law. And we will continue to do. I do believe the focus needs to be on Myanmar where the problem is. I think we have to also be aware of the larger issues. What we are seeing today is a dictatorial, tyrannical regime ousting an entire ethnic community from the soils of Myanmar and if the global community accepts this, then I fear there will be upheaval in many corners. There are minorities in every country. Minorities in every country will come under threat. We need to be very mindful of that and we should not allow any country to get away with it. There is another thing that we need to be thinking about. This camp of a million people is a potential for recruitment of extremists. We are protecting it, we are making sure no such thing happens. But over years, as we have seen in other camps, this becomes a breeding ground for terrorists. If that happens, our entire region, Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Thailand, none of us will be safe. The stakes are really high and we must move as fast as possible to make sure the root cause is eliminated. Watch the full interview below:

Rohingya crisis: Impose sanctions, cut off investment, then Myanmar Army will come to its senses, says adviser to Bangladesh PM 

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