When Nicolas Maduro Moras took over charge at Venezuela after the untimely death of revolutionary socialist leader Hugo Chavez in 2013, not many expected him to have such a long stint at the helm. On Sunday (July 28), Maduro, the 61-year-old former bus driver declared himself the victor the contentious presidential election of the South American nation. This will be his third consecutive term, which lasts for another six years.

The election results were immediately rejected by opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Maria herself was banned by Madoro's regime from contesting, and instead the&nbsp;opposition fielded&nbsp;Edmundo Gonzalez. The opposition is claiming that Gonzalez&nbsp;&nbsp;won 70 per cent of the vote. But for now, Maduro appears to be firmly in the driver's seat yet again, all set for a third term as president.

<h2>Who is Nicolas Maduro?</h2>

Maduro was born into a working class Roman Catholic family in Caracas. His father was a prominent trade unionist.

A bus driver by profession, Maduro was part of Hugo Chavez's United Socialist Party. Having risen through its trade union, he was elected to the country's parliament, the National Assembly, for the first time in 2000.

Soon Maduro became the right hand man of Chavez, who was a fan of Che Guevera, and had led 'silent coups' to become president. The positions Maduro held over time include the president of National Assembly (2005-06) and foreign minister (2006-13) before becoming the vice president under Chavez (2012-13). &nbsp;

Eventually after Chavez died of cancer, Maduro took charge as president in 2013, winning the special presidential election.

<h2>Not a smooth ride for the former bus driver</h2>

But power was not a smooth ride for the leader of the oil-rich country. Venezuela has been for years the site of political experimentations by the US, which saw it as part of the sphere of influence and was averse to a communist leadership in the country. Like it did in the case of Cuba and Chile, and numerous other Latin American countries during much of the Cold War era, the US tried to oust Maduro in a number of ways, including by supporting and propping up alternative leaders.&nbsp;

Prominent among such leaders was the former speaker of the Venezuelan parliament Geaido. He was feted in the US and at one point gave a tough challenge to Maduro, but the socialist party machinery managed to weather that storm too.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/venezuela-election-president-nicolas-maduro-wins-third-term-745123">Also read |&nbsp;Venezuela election: President Nicolas Maduro wins third term, opposition rejects result</a>

<h2>Venezuela under Maduro: A nation under siege</h2>

What could have been one of the richest nations due to its oil wealth, Venezuela continued to languish in poverty under Maduro. But his ground support among the working classes remained strong, something that helped him maintain a firm grip on power. Venezuela faced immense inflation, with its currency highly devalued, and natural resources like petroleum nationalised by the Maduro regime. Essential goods shortages had led many Venezuelans to flee the country, particularly to neighbouring Colombia. 
&nbsp;

Under Maduro's regime, at least seven million people have fled the country and more than 20,000 people died in extrajudicial killings according to human rights observers.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/venezuela-presidential-elections-2024-incumbent-nicolas-maduro-wins-third-term-745164">Watch |&nbsp;Venezuela Presidential Elections 2024: Incumbent Nicolas Maduro wins third term</a>

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<h2>Facing down the Opposition, the Maduro way</h2>

Maduro has ruled with an iron fist, inspite of multiple protests challenging him. Those include the mainly middle class agitations in 2014. In 2015, the National Assembly was won by opposition parties, yet Maduro held on to power, with the so-called Supreme Tribunal, the National Electoral Council and the armed forces on his side.

He quelled a recall effort in 2016, led by the speaker of the opposition-led National Assembly Juan Guaidó. He had done this by making the Supreme Tribunal remove the powers of the assembly, which had led to further protests in 2017. To solve the constitutional crisis created by this situation, Maduro made efforts to rewrite the constitution.&nbsp;

At one point, there was even a strange situation of 'two presidents' in Venezuela. While Maduro was sworn in as president after the May 2018 presidential elections, the opposition-led National Assembly declared its leader Guaido as interim president. The tussle continued for four years, with Guaido explicitly backed by the US, which even invited him to the Congress.

(With inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

When Nicolas Maduro Moras took over charge at Venezuela after the untimely death of revolutionary socialist leader Hugo Chavez in 2013, not many expected him to have such a long stint at the helm.

When Nicolas Maduro Moras took over charge at Venezuela after the untimely death of revolutionary socialist leader Hugo Chavez in 2013, not many expected him to have such a long stint at the helm. On Sunday (July 28), Maduro, the 61-year-old former bus driver declared himself the victor the contentious presidential election of the South American nation. This will be his third consecutive term, which lasts for another six years. The election results were immediately rejected by opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Maria herself was banned by Madoro's regime from contesting, and instead the opposition fielded Edmundo Gonzalez. The opposition is claiming that Gonzalez won 70 per cent of the vote. But for now, Maduro appears to be firmly in the driver's seat yet again, all set for a third term as president. Who is Nicolas Maduro? Maduro was born into a working class Roman Catholic family in Caracas. His father was a prominent trade unionist. A bus driver by profession, Maduro was part of Hugo Chavez's United Socialist Party. Having risen through its trade union, he was elected to the country's parliament, the National Assembly, for the first time in 2000. Soon Maduro became the right hand man of Chavez, who was a fan of Che Guevera, and had led 'silent coups' to become president. The positions Maduro held over time include the president of National Assembly (2005-06) and foreign minister (2006-13) before becoming the vice president under Chavez (2012-13). Eventually after Chavez died of cancer, Maduro took charge as president in 2013, winning the special presidential election. Not a smooth ride for the former bus driver But power was not a smooth ride for the leader of the oil-rich country. Venezuela has been for years the site of political experimentations by the US, which saw it as part of the sphere of influence and was averse to a communist leadership in the country. Like it did in the case of Cuba and Chile, and numerous other Latin American countries during much of the Cold War era, the US tried to oust Maduro in a number of ways, including by supporting and propping up alternative leaders. Prominent among such leaders was the former speaker of the Venezuelan parliament Geaido. He was feted in the US and at one point gave a tough challenge to Maduro, but the socialist party machinery managed to weather that storm too. Also read | Venezuela election: President Nicolas Maduro wins third term, opposition rejects result Venezuela under Maduro: A nation under siege What could have been one of the richest nations due to its oil wealth, Venezuela continued to languish in poverty under Maduro. But his ground support among the working classes remained strong, something that helped him maintain a firm grip on power. Venezuela faced immense inflation, with its currency highly devalued, and natural resources like petroleum nationalised by the Maduro regime. Essential goods shortages had led many Venezuelans to flee the country, particularly to neighbouring Colombia. Under Maduro's regime, at least seven million people have fled the country and more than 20,000 people died in extrajudicial killings according to human rights observers. Watch | Venezuela Presidential Elections 2024: Incumbent Nicolas Maduro wins third term × Facing down the Opposition, the Maduro way Maduro has ruled with an iron fist, inspite of multiple protests challenging him. Those include the mainly middle class agitations in 2014. In 2015, the National Assembly was won by opposition parties, yet Maduro held on to power, with the so-called Supreme Tribunal, the National Electoral Council and the armed forces on his side. He quelled a recall effort in 2016, led by the speaker of the opposition-led National Assembly Juan Guaidó. He had done this by making the Supreme Tribunal remove the powers of the assembly, which had led to further protests in 2017. To solve the constitutional crisis created by this situation, Maduro made efforts to rewrite the constitution. At one point, there was even a strange situation of 'two presidents' in Venezuela. While Maduro was sworn in as president after the May 2018 presidential elections, the opposition-led National Assembly declared its leader Guaido as interim president. The tussle continued for four years, with Guaido explicitly backed by the US, which even invited him to the Congress. (With inputs from agencies)

Who is Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela's bus driver-turned-president, who won yet another term?

Thanks to subsidies under socialist former President Hugo Chavez and his successor and protege, Nicolas Maduro, gasoline sold by state oil company PDVSA - which has a legal monopoly on fuel sales - is essentially free in Venezuela.

Motorists offer pump workers tips of snacks or a few hundred bolivares - under 10 U.S. cents - instead of payment.

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But the country’s 1.3 million barrel-per-day refining network has all but collapsed, and U.S. sanctions aimed at ousting Maduro have complicated fuel imports, prompting Venezuelans to either wait hours outside gas stations, or turn to the pricey black market.

Octavio Salom, 53, said he and fellow kidney patients in the eastern city of Puerto Ordaz bought 20 liters of gasoline at $2 per liter for the nurses that provide their dialysis treatment to take a taxi to the clinic.

“They told us that if we could not secure transport, they could not give us dialysis,” Salom said.

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In the western city of Maracaibo, black market dealers are offering to deliver 20 liters of gasoline for $50, according to a Reuters witness. In some areas, Venezuelans have reported paying up to $4 per liter.

That was above pump prices in Hong Kong, which surveys show has the world's most expensive gasoline. Unleaded gasoline at Royal Dutch Shell stations in the city sold for $2.15 per liter as of Thursday, the company's website here showed.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-briefed-eu-on-methodology-followed-in-combating-spread-of-covid-19-indias-envoy-to-eu-gaitri-issar-kumar-294850">Also read:&nbsp;India briefed EU on methodology followed in combating spread of COVID-19: India's envoy to EU Gaitri Issar Kumar</a>

“Now we need to do sketchy deals to be able to get what is ours, gasoline,” said Maria Ines Urdaneta, a university professor in Maracaibo who always keeps a full tank in case her asthmatic son has an attack.

“As a single mother, I need to go negotiate with some guy who bleeds my wallet dry of dollars just to get gasoline.”

Venezuela’s spike comes as pump prices elsewhere are plunging due to falling demand amid the coronavirus outbreak. In the United States, prices averaged $0.48 per liter ($1.81 per gallon) in the week ended April 20, according to the Energy Information Administration.

PDVSA did not respond to a request for comment.

Venezuela’s government is seeking to repair refineries, and this week received refining material from Iran.

Thanks to subsidies under socialist former President Hugo Chavez and his successor and protege, Nicolas Maduro, gasoline sold by state oil company PDVSA - which has a legal monopoly on fuel sales - is essentially free in Venezuela.

Thanks to subsidies under socialist former President Hugo Chavez and his successor and protege, Nicolas Maduro, gasoline sold by state oil company PDVSA - which has a legal monopoly on fuel sales - is essentially free in Venezuela. Motorists offer pump workers tips of snacks or a few hundred bolivares - under 10 U.S. cents - instead of payment. Also read: South Korea to provide face masks to foreign veterans of 1950-53 Korean War But the country’s 1.3 million barrel-per-day refining network has all but collapsed, and U.S. sanctions aimed at ousting Maduro have complicated fuel imports, prompting Venezuelans to either wait hours outside gas stations, or turn to the pricey black market. Octavio Salom, 53, said he and fellow kidney patients in the eastern city of Puerto Ordaz bought 20 liters of gasoline at $2 per liter for the nurses that provide their dialysis treatment to take a taxi to the clinic. “They told us that if we could not secure transport, they could not give us dialysis,” Salom said. Also read: Bangladesh garment factories reopen, defying virus lockdown In the western city of Maracaibo, black market dealers are offering to deliver 20 liters of gasoline for $50, according to a Reuters witness. In some areas, Venezuelans have reported paying up to $4 per liter. That was above pump prices in Hong Kong, which surveys show has the world's most expensive gasoline. Unleaded gasoline at Royal Dutch Shell stations in the city sold for $2.15 per liter as of Thursday, the company's website here showed. Also read: India briefed EU on methodology followed in combating spread of COVID-19: India's envoy to EU Gaitri Issar Kumar “Now we need to do sketchy deals to be able to get what is ours, gasoline,” said Maria Ines Urdaneta, a university professor in Maracaibo who always keeps a full tank in case her asthmatic son has an attack. “As a single mother, I need to go negotiate with some guy who bleeds my wallet dry of dollars just to get gasoline.” Venezuela’s spike comes as pump prices elsewhere are plunging due to falling demand amid the coronavirus outbreak. In the United States, prices averaged $0.48 per liter ($1.81 per gallon) in the week ended April 20, according to the Energy Information Administration. PDVSA did not respond to a request for comment. Venezuela’s government is seeking to repair refineries, and this week received refining material from Iran.

Venezuela's gasoline goes from world's cheapest to steepest as fuel shortages bite

Hitting Venezuela with oil sanctions to undermine the Maduro regime, Washington's latest gambit could turn 20 years of frosty relations still icier.

US links with Caracas nosedived when Nicolas Maduro's Bolivarian Socialist predecessor Hugo Chavez came to power in 1999, and did not improve during his 14 years in power.

They slid even further on January 23 when some 50 countries, led by the United States, recognised Juan Guaido, leader of the opposition-controlled legislature, as president.

Sanctions add another layer of permafrost.

Nationalisations

Chavez's "Bolivarian revolution" from 2001 saw a wave of nationalisations, from agriculture and retail to the energy sector -- a "reappropriation" of assets that hit US groups including ConocoPhilipps and Exxonmobil, which launched legal actions.&nbsp;

Failed coup

In 2002, Chavez accused the George W. Bush administration of backing a failed coup.

Washington abhorred Chavez-flavoured anti-liberalism as well as his close ties to Iraq, Libya and Cuban President Fidel Castro.

There was further US concern at alleged links to Colombian guerrillas which Chavez denied, all the while railing at what he termed US imperialism.

Insult upon insult

Chavez dialled up the invective several levels during Bush's time in office, variously labelling his US counterpart "the Devil," "a coward," "a killer," an "alcoholic," "a liar," and "a donkey" as well as "Mr. Danger," "an ignoramus" and "a psychologically sick man."&nbsp;

In 2006, US Secretary of State for Defense Donald Rumsfeld compared Chavez to Hitler.

Chavez, and in turn Maduro as his successor accused Washington of helping to hatch coup plots against them.&nbsp;

Sanctions

Also in 2006, the US banned the sale of US arms and military equipment to Venezuela for perceived non-cooperation in the Bush-declared "war on terror."

In 2015, Washington imposed sanctions on some Venezuelan businessmen accused of human rights abuses -- Caracas responded by taking out a full-page ad in the New York Times to insist it did not pose a threat.

Further sanctions targeted regime officials and Maduro himself.

After the 2017 election of a constituent assembly which it branded illegitimate, Washington forbade US citizens and companies from buying Venezuelan public debt or stakes in state-owned energy behemoth PDVSA.

Caracas blames the measure for the country's dire shortages of food and medecines.&nbsp;

Total rupture

US President Donald Trump has angered Caracas and a wide swath of Latin American public opinion by declaring all options are on the table for Venezuela, including military action.

After a quelled military revolt in January, Maduro accused Washington of trying to foment "a fascist coup" and then broke off diplomatic links when on January 23 the US recognised Guaido as interim president.&nbsp;

In February, Caracas blocked the entry of aid trucks from Colombia and Brazil on the premise that letting them in could presage a military intervention.

Oil

Despite the rhetoric the US and Venezuela have remained trade partners -- but the new sanctions risk accentuating the latter's economic meltdown.

Caracas, which earns 96 percent of its foreign earnings from oil, was still late last year exporting half a million barrels a day to the United States and some three-quarters of its oil-receipts are from US customers.

Washington has now blocked US-based PDVSA funds and its US subsidiary Citgo -- which has refineries, pipelines and stakes in oil terminals inside the US -- handing control over the accounts to Guaido to 'safeguard' the assets.

Hitting Venezuela with oil sanctions to undermine the Maduro regime, Washington's latest gambit could turn 20 years of frosty relations still icier. US links with Caracas nosedived when Nicolas Maduro's Bolivarian Socialist predecessor Hugo Chavez came to power in 1999, and did not improve during his 14 years in power.

Hitting Venezuela with oil sanctions to undermine the Maduro regime, Washington's latest gambit could turn 20 years of frosty relations still icier. US links with Caracas nosedived when Nicolas Maduro's Bolivarian Socialist predecessor Hugo Chavez came to power in 1999, and did not improve during his 14 years in power. They slid even further on January 23 when some 50 countries, led by the United States, recognised Juan Guaido, leader of the opposition-controlled legislature, as president. Sanctions add another layer of permafrost. Nationalisations Chavez's "Bolivarian revolution" from 2001 saw a wave of nationalisations, from agriculture and retail to the energy sector -- a "reappropriation" of assets that hit US groups including ConocoPhilipps and Exxonmobil, which launched legal actions. Failed coup In 2002, Chavez accused the George W. Bush administration of backing a failed coup. Washington abhorred Chavez-flavoured anti-liberalism as well as his close ties to Iraq, Libya and Cuban President Fidel Castro. There was further US concern at alleged links to Colombian guerrillas which Chavez denied, all the while railing at what he termed US imperialism. Insult upon insult Chavez dialled up the invective several levels during Bush's time in office, variously labelling his US counterpart "the Devil," "a coward," "a killer," an "alcoholic," "a liar," and "a donkey" as well as "Mr. Danger," "an ignoramus" and "a psychologically sick man." In 2006, US Secretary of State for Defense Donald Rumsfeld compared Chavez to Hitler. Chavez, and in turn Maduro as his successor accused Washington of helping to hatch coup plots against them. Sanctions Also in 2006, the US banned the sale of US arms and military equipment to Venezuela for perceived non-cooperation in the Bush-declared "war on terror." In 2015, Washington imposed sanctions on some Venezuelan businessmen accused of human rights abuses -- Caracas responded by taking out a full-page ad in the New York Times to insist it did not pose a threat. Further sanctions targeted regime officials and Maduro himself. After the 2017 election of a constituent assembly which it branded illegitimate, Washington forbade US citizens and companies from buying Venezuelan public debt or stakes in state-owned energy behemoth PDVSA. Caracas blames the measure for the country's dire shortages of food and medecines. Total rupture US President Donald Trump has angered Caracas and a wide swath of Latin American public opinion by declaring all options are on the table for Venezuela, including military action. After a quelled military revolt in January, Maduro accused Washington of trying to foment "a fascist coup" and then broke off diplomatic links when on January 23 the US recognised Guaido as interim president. In February, Caracas blocked the entry of aid trucks from Colombia and Brazil on the premise that letting them in could presage a military intervention. Oil Despite the rhetoric the US and Venezuela have remained trade partners -- but the new sanctions risk accentuating the latter's economic meltdown. Caracas, which earns 96 percent of its foreign earnings from oil, was still late last year exporting half a million barrels a day to the United States and some three-quarters of its oil-receipts are from US customers. Washington has now blocked US-based PDVSA funds and its US subsidiary Citgo -- which has refineries, pipelines and stakes in oil terminals inside the US -- handing control over the accounts to Guaido to 'safeguard' the assets.

US-Venezuela relations in deep freeze

President Nicolas Maduro and his supporters on Saturday celebrated the 10th anniversary of the founding of Venezuela's National Bolivarian Militia by his predecessor, Hugo Chavez.

Maduro celebrates 10th anniversary of militia

The rise and fall of Venezuela

Thousands of volunteers in Venezuela will begin mobilising on Sunday to bring American aid into their crisis-hit country despite a blockade by President Nicolas Maduro who claims the assistance could be cover for a US invasion.

Once-wealthy Venezuela is gripped by a power struggle between socialist leader Maduro and Juan Guaido, the head of the National Assembly who proclaimed himself interim president last month and now has the backing of more than 50 countries.&nbsp;

But even as the political battle pitting Guaido against Maduro continued to deepen, Caracas confirmed talks had taken place with an envoy for US President Donald Trump's administration.

The oil-rich country's economic meltdown under Maduro has left millions in poverty facing shortages of medicine and food, with hyperinflation making purchases impossible.

US aid that has been piling up in the Colombian border town of Cucuta has become the frontline of the confrontation between Guaido and Maduro.

"Venezuela is preparing for the humanitarian avalanche," Guaido told about 4,000 supporters clad in white T-shirts and green scarves who gathered Saturday to sign up as volunteers.

The throng included doctors, nurses and students.

Six hundred thousand people have registered to help bring aid in through border points, Guaido told the Caracas rally, asking the volunteers to meet in town councils on Sunday to get instructions about the process.

Without revealing details that could jeopardize the operation, Guaido said volunteer brigades will travel in a bus caravan to entry points for the aid which he wants to come in next Saturday.

Coromoto Crespo, 58, told AFP he volunteered because of the urgent need for supplies.

"To find medicines requires a miracle. I need tablets for high blood pressure, and what I find, I can't pay for," Crespo said.

"One of my relatives died because of a lack of antibiotics."

Guaido has targeted February 23 for entry of the aid, more of which arrived for the stockpile on Saturday. Three US military cargo planes delivered several dozen more tons (tonnes) of food assistance to Cucuta.&nbsp;

Another US aircraft is due in the Caribbean island of Curacao from Miami on Tuesday, and a collection centre for Brazilian aid will open Monday on the border, Guaido's team said.

The US shipment Saturday was accompanied by a delegation led by Mark Green, head of the US Agency for International Development.&nbsp;

US assistance has been blocked by containers which Maduro loyalists placed on a border bridge to prevent access.

On another front, Venezuelan Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza confirmed having held two meetings with special US envoy Elliott Abrams. Arreaza, who traveled to New York on February 13, said he held the talks with Abrams at the request of the State Department. He declined to comment on the substance of their discussions.

Guaido repeated his call on Venezuela's military -- whose support for Maduro has been crucial -- to let the aid pass.

"You have, in your hands, the possibility of fighting alongside the people who are suffering the same shortages you are," Guaido said in a tweet addressed to soldiers.

A State Department spokeswoman, Julie Chung, issued a similar plea during a news conference in Cucuta, urging the military to stand aside at a time when Venezuelans are "dying of hunger."&nbsp;

'Crumbs' and 'rotten food'

Maduro asserts that aid could be used as a way for the United States to invade. He called for reinforced border security and dismissed the arriving "crumbs" as "rotten and contaminated food."

On Friday Maduro instructed his army to prepare a "special deployment plan" for the 2,200-kilometer (1,370-mile) border with Colombia. He said he would examine "what new forces" might be needed to keep the frontier "inviolable."&nbsp;

Maduro has assailed the US aid as a "show" but Arreaza said he would be willing to meet with "the devil" if it helped ensure Venezuelan sovereignty.

About 2.3 million Venezuelans have fled the country since 2015 as the crisis intensified, according to the United Nations.

Guaido accuses Maduro of being a "usurper" over his controversial reelection last year in polls widely branded as fraudulent.

Maduro, the hand-picked successor to socialist firebrand Hugo Chavez, blames Venezuela's woes on US sanctions, more of which were added on Friday.

He said six million families had benefited from subsidized food boxes and he claimed to have bought 933 tons of medicines and medical supplies from China, Cuba and Russia, his main international allies.

"We paid for it with our own money because we're beggars to no one," Maduro said.

Thousands of volunteers in Venezuela will begin mobilising on Sunday to bring American aid into their crisis-hit country despite a blockade by President Nicolas Maduro who claims the assistance could be cover for a US invasion.

Thousands of volunteers in Venezuela will begin mobilising on Sunday to bring American aid into their crisis-hit country despite a blockade by President Nicolas Maduro who claims the assistance could be cover for a US invasion. Once-wealthy Venezuela is gripped by a power struggle between socialist leader Maduro and Juan Guaido, the head of the National Assembly who proclaimed himself interim president last month and now has the backing of more than 50 countries. But even as the political battle pitting Guaido against Maduro continued to deepen, Caracas confirmed talks had taken place with an envoy for US President Donald Trump's administration. The oil-rich country's economic meltdown under Maduro has left millions in poverty facing shortages of medicine and food, with hyperinflation making purchases impossible. US aid that has been piling up in the Colombian border town of Cucuta has become the frontline of the confrontation between Guaido and Maduro. "Venezuela is preparing for the humanitarian avalanche," Guaido told about 4,000 supporters clad in white T-shirts and green scarves who gathered Saturday to sign up as volunteers. The throng included doctors, nurses and students. Six hundred thousand people have registered to help bring aid in through border points, Guaido told the Caracas rally, asking the volunteers to meet in town councils on Sunday to get instructions about the process. Without revealing details that could jeopardize the operation, Guaido said volunteer brigades will travel in a bus caravan to entry points for the aid which he wants to come in next Saturday. Coromoto Crespo, 58, told AFP he volunteered because of the urgent need for supplies. "To find medicines requires a miracle. I need tablets for high blood pressure, and what I find, I can't pay for," Crespo said. "One of my relatives died because of a lack of antibiotics." Guaido has targeted February 23 for entry of the aid, more of which arrived for the stockpile on Saturday. Three US military cargo planes delivered several dozen more tons (tonnes) of food assistance to Cucuta. Another US aircraft is due in the Caribbean island of Curacao from Miami on Tuesday, and a collection centre for Brazilian aid will open Monday on the border, Guaido's team said. The US shipment Saturday was accompanied by a delegation led by Mark Green, head of the US Agency for International Development. US assistance has been blocked by containers which Maduro loyalists placed on a border bridge to prevent access. On another front, Venezuelan Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza confirmed having held two meetings with special US envoy Elliott Abrams. Arreaza, who traveled to New York on February 13, said he held the talks with Abrams at the request of the State Department. He declined to comment on the substance of their discussions. Guaido repeated his call on Venezuela's military -- whose support for Maduro has been crucial -- to let the aid pass. "You have, in your hands, the possibility of fighting alongside the people who are suffering the same shortages you are," Guaido said in a tweet addressed to soldiers. A State Department spokeswoman, Julie Chung, issued a similar plea during a news conference in Cucuta, urging the military to stand aside at a time when Venezuelans are "dying of hunger." 'Crumbs' and 'rotten food' Maduro asserts that aid could be used as a way for the United States to invade. He called for reinforced border security and dismissed the arriving "crumbs" as "rotten and contaminated food." On Friday Maduro instructed his army to prepare a "special deployment plan" for the 2,200-kilometer (1,370-mile) border with Colombia. He said he would examine "what new forces" might be needed to keep the frontier "inviolable." Maduro has assailed the US aid as a "show" but Arreaza said he would be willing to meet with "the devil" if it helped ensure Venezuelan sovereignty. About 2.3 million Venezuelans have fled the country since 2015 as the crisis intensified, according to the United Nations. Guaido accuses Maduro of being a "usurper" over his controversial reelection last year in polls widely branded as fraudulent. Maduro, the hand-picked successor to socialist firebrand Hugo Chavez, blames Venezuela's woes on US sanctions, more of which were added on Friday. He said six million families had benefited from subsidized food boxes and he claimed to have bought 933 tons of medicines and medical supplies from China, Cuba and Russia, his main international allies. "We paid for it with our own money because we're beggars to no one," Maduro said.

Thousands of Venezuela volunteers begin preparing US aid entry

By Pia Riggirozzi 
 
Long before the current crisis in Venezuela, democracy in Latin America was a damaged project. Military coups d’etat and other violent seizures of power in the 1960s and 1970s were followed by weak attempts at redemocratisation. Efforts to institutionalise social rights, particularly those based on state intervention in the economy, provoked a hostile reaction from domestic and foreign markets.

Democratic attempts often faced hurdles caused by profound socio-economic restructuring and severe cuts in public spending – with national budgets linked closely to the global economy. Democracy was also highly dependent on markets.

During the 1980s, oil prices fell dramatically. In Venezuela, debt then skyrocketed, giving way to a dramatic political and economic crisis that was exacerbated by blatant corruption.

Then in 1998, Hugo Chávez was elected president – but with no fixed strategy of what an “anti-capitalist project” might entail. Instead, he took power at the end of a decade that had seen a catastrophic deterioration in living standards and the monopoly of conservative political parties.

Chávez was elected on his pledge to refound the republic in line with the vision of Simon Bolivar, who had liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule in the early 19th century. And for Chávez, over more than a decade his experiments seemed to work.

According to the World Bank, his social, political and economic reforms led to a spectacular 50 per cent reduction of poverty, and a 65 per cent drop in “extreme poverty” between 1998 and 2012.

These gains were mirrored by Venezuela’s neighbours, with Latin America successfully reducing poverty and promoting shared prosperity. The proportion of the region’s 600m people living in extreme poverty (defined as a daily income of less than $2.50) was cut in half between 2003 and 2012 to around 12 per cent.

In Venezuela, post-neoliberalism as a project (committed to the creation of non-market societies, economies and cultures) remained highly dependent on the oil bonanza, accumulating reserves which supported the use (and abuse) of social welfare regimes. Yet as it became increasingly caught in the international oil industry downturn, so too did the post-neoliberal project.

A state that failed the people

The halving of the oil price in 2014 sharply reversed the advances made in reducing poverty and inequality. Fatal food and medicines shortages, disease outbreaks and widespread social deprivation spiralled into an unprecedented social and economic crisis.

Now, according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), nearly 90 per cent of Venezuelans live in poverty – a dramatic increase from an already alarming 48 per cent in 2014.

It would be politically naive to think that the promise of democracy in Venezuela was vulnerable purely because of an over-reliance on volatile oil industry. That was undoubtedly a fatal flaw, but Venezuela also failed to reconcile a deeply polarised society.

Since his election as president in 2013, Nicolás Maduro has failed to address chronic problems of economic mismanagement, poor planning, increasing social discontent, and corruption. His country has since undergone cycles of protest and repression that reinforced the social divide.

Human rights violations became systematic. There have been well-documented restrictions on social protest and freedom of expression, with extrajudicial detentions and arbitrary arrests of opponents. On top of this, a devastating humanitarian crisis has seen an exodus to neighbouring countries - Brazil and Colombia – in a scale never seen before. The number of arrivals from Venezuela to neighbouring countries has steadily increased, reaching 5,000 per day in early 2018.

To some, Venezuela had become a failed state, without the basic norms of democratic governance. Then on January 23 2019, Juan Guaidó, leader of the Venezuelan National Assembly, declared himself president of the republic.

Guaidó has long been an anti-government activist, but until recently was little known around the world – or even in Venezuela. Yet his move was quickly endorsed by several Latin American countries, as well as Canada and the United States. His self-claim to the presidency is quite problematic too: it draws legitimacy from “assertive politics” rather than from a direct democratic ballot. The end apparently justifies the means.

Power grab?

The argument seems to be that Maduro has ruined the Venezuelan economy, violated human rights of all sorts, repeatedly challenged the Venezuelan constitution himself, and was not freely or fairly re-elected in 2018.

Guaidó, therefore, alleges that Maduro “stole” power and the role of president has therefore been left vacant.

Meanwhile, the president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, said the Venezuelan people have had “enough of the hunger and abuse suffered at the hands of Maduro”. And the Trump administration asserts that all countries must “pick a side” and back the “forces of freedom”.

But can an opposition leader – albeit with the support of foreign powers – simply state that the president of the country is not actually the president, and take power himself? If he can, how would Venezuelans be reassured that removing the “bad” president will not simply legitimise more politics of this “assertive” kind.

So for the moment, the country has been plunged into a situation whereby it has an internationally recognised government which has no democratic mandate from the people or control over state functions - yet it runs parallel to Maduro’s parliament, with a de facto presidential mandate yet a delusional and dangerous sense of authority.

This is not democracy. What Venezuela urgently needs is to reconstruct the foundations of political legitimacy beyond declarations. It requires electoral democracy and political consensus that can genuinely represent the people, deliver development, and reconstruct a sense of citizenship and belonging for its people.

 
(Pia Riggirozzi is Professor of Global Politics, University of Southampton)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/venezuela-is-putting-democracy-and-its-legitimacy-to-test-111466">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

By Pia Riggirozzi Long before the current crisis in Venezuela, democracy in Latin America was a damaged project. Military coups d’etat and other violent seizures of power in the 1960s and 1970s were followed by weak attempts at redemocratisation.

By Pia Riggirozzi Long before the current crisis in Venezuela, democracy in Latin America was a damaged project. Military coups d’etat and other violent seizures of power in the 1960s and 1970s were followed by weak attempts at redemocratisation. Efforts to institutionalise social rights, particularly those based on state intervention in the economy, provoked a hostile reaction from domestic and foreign markets. Democratic attempts often faced hurdles caused by profound socio-economic restructuring and severe cuts in public spending – with national budgets linked closely to the global economy. Democracy was also highly dependent on markets. During the 1980s, oil prices fell dramatically. In Venezuela, debt then skyrocketed, giving way to a dramatic political and economic crisis that was exacerbated by blatant corruption. Then in 1998, Hugo Chávez was elected president – but with no fixed strategy of what an “anti-capitalist project” might entail. Instead, he took power at the end of a decade that had seen a catastrophic deterioration in living standards and the monopoly of conservative political parties. Chávez was elected on his pledge to refound the republic in line with the vision of Simon Bolivar, who had liberated Venezuela from Spanish rule in the early 19th century. And for Chávez, over more than a decade his experiments seemed to work. According to the World Bank, his social, political and economic reforms led to a spectacular 50 per cent reduction of poverty, and a 65 per cent drop in “extreme poverty” between 1998 and 2012. These gains were mirrored by Venezuela’s neighbours, with Latin America successfully reducing poverty and promoting shared prosperity. The proportion of the region’s 600m people living in extreme poverty (defined as a daily income of less than $2.50) was cut in half between 2003 and 2012 to around 12 per cent. In Venezuela, post-neoliberalism as a project (committed to the creation of non-market societies, economies and cultures) remained highly dependent on the oil bonanza, accumulating reserves which supported the use (and abuse) of social welfare regimes. Yet as it became increasingly caught in the international oil industry downturn, so too did the post-neoliberal project. A state that failed the people The halving of the oil price in 2014 sharply reversed the advances made in reducing poverty and inequality. Fatal food and medicines shortages, disease outbreaks and widespread social deprivation spiralled into an unprecedented social and economic crisis. Now, according to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), nearly 90 per cent of Venezuelans live in poverty – a dramatic increase from an already alarming 48 per cent in 2014. It would be politically naive to think that the promise of democracy in Venezuela was vulnerable purely because of an over-reliance on volatile oil industry. That was undoubtedly a fatal flaw, but Venezuela also failed to reconcile a deeply polarised society. Since his election as president in 2013, Nicolás Maduro has failed to address chronic problems of economic mismanagement, poor planning, increasing social discontent, and corruption. His country has since undergone cycles of protest and repression that reinforced the social divide. Human rights violations became systematic. There have been well-documented restrictions on social protest and freedom of expression, with extrajudicial detentions and arbitrary arrests of opponents. On top of this, a devastating humanitarian crisis has seen an exodus to neighbouring countries - Brazil and Colombia – in a scale never seen before. The number of arrivals from Venezuela to neighbouring countries has steadily increased, reaching 5,000 per day in early 2018. To some, Venezuela had become a failed state, without the basic norms of democratic governance. Then on January 23 2019, Juan Guaidó, leader of the Venezuelan National Assembly, declared himself president of the republic. Guaidó has long been an anti-government activist, but until recently was little known around the world – or even in Venezuela. Yet his move was quickly endorsed by several Latin American countries, as well as Canada and the United States. His self-claim to the presidency is quite problematic too: it draws legitimacy from “assertive politics” rather than from a direct democratic ballot. The end apparently justifies the means. Power grab? The argument seems to be that Maduro has ruined the Venezuelan economy, violated human rights of all sorts, repeatedly challenged the Venezuelan constitution himself, and was not freely or fairly re-elected in 2018. Guaidó, therefore, alleges that Maduro “stole” power and the role of president has therefore been left vacant. Meanwhile, the president of the European Parliament, Antonio Tajani, said the Venezuelan people have had “enough of the hunger and abuse suffered at the hands of Maduro”. And the Trump administration asserts that all countries must “pick a side” and back the “forces of freedom”. But can an opposition leader – albeit with the support of foreign powers – simply state that the president of the country is not actually the president, and take power himself? If he can, how would Venezuelans be reassured that removing the “bad” president will not simply legitimise more politics of this “assertive” kind. So for the moment, the country has been plunged into a situation whereby it has an internationally recognised government which has no democratic mandate from the people or control over state functions - yet it runs parallel to Maduro’s parliament, with a de facto presidential mandate yet a delusional and dangerous sense of authority. This is not democracy. What Venezuela urgently needs is to reconstruct the foundations of political legitimacy beyond declarations. It requires electoral democracy and political consensus that can genuinely represent the people, deliver development, and reconstruct a sense of citizenship and belonging for its people. (Pia Riggirozzi is Professor of Global Politics, University of Southampton) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Venezuela crisis: Can Juan Guaido state that Nicolas Maduro is not the president, and seize power himself?

By Scott Morgenstern and John Polga–Hecimovich

As political and economic crises threaten to topple Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, political scientists like us are not surprised that he has run into trouble.

Instead, we see Venezuela as another example of what scholars call the “resource curse.” That’s the unfortunate correlation first described by the British economic geographer Richard M. Auty between nations with vast wealth from oil or other natural resources and political instability.

Venezuela is a textbook case of the curse, since nearly 90 per cent of its people are now living in poverty in the country with the world’s largest oil reserves. After decades of leaders who failed to harness this commodity for peace and prosperity, it is questionable whether a new government can do a better job.

Only a few oil and natural gas-rich countries, such as the United States, Canada and Norway have avoided this curse – in part because they built solid institutions and diverse economies before their petroleum drilling began.

The resource curse

The resource curse has afflicted many Latin American countries with profligate and populist elected leaders who succumbed to the temptations of corruption and reckless spending when easy money poured in, followed by right-wing dictatorships imposing repressive technocracies. Oil and wealth from other commodities like gold and copper, and foreign aid, have also supported kleptocrats and dictatorships who have often used their fortunes to retain power in other regions.

The scholars Terry Karl and Thad Dunning have persuasively argued that oil export revenue helped sustain Venezuelan democracy from the 1950s to the early 1980s. The government, they explained, could buy support from the elite with lower taxes and from the poor with social programs.

Oil money, in short, can sustain whatever government is in power, be it dictatorship or democracy.

But when crude prices fall, the loss of revenue polarises politics as the wealthy and the poor fight over the reduced proceeds. And when these countries not only rely on one export but also very limited markets, that adds to their vulnerability.

Oil sales constituted 98 per cent of Venezuela’s export earnings in 2017, with the US buying nearly half of the country’s exported crude.

Boom and bust

After several decades of strong economic performance backed by comparatively impressive social programs, Venezuela’s economy started to sputter in the 1980s. The vast sums of money it had borrowed a decade earlier, backed by future oil revenues, were coming due by that time.

President Carlos Andrés Pérez, who had presided over strong economic growth between 1974 and 1979, returned to power in 1989. However, this time the country faced a weak currency, rising poverty rates, and increased foreign and public debt in combination with low oil prices.

To stabilize the economy, Pérez implemented austerity policies that deregulated capital markets and reduced-price controls on gasoline and other products.

These measures exacerbated economic hardships for the poor, and Venezuelans took to the streets to protest in deadly riots known as the Caracazo. Pérez survived two coup attempts in 1992 only to be impeached and forced out of office for embezzlement in 1993.

Popular anger against economic conditions and the dominant political class led voters to back more polarizing politicians. The first coup attempt against Pérez in 1992 was organized by Hugo Chávez, then a lieutenant-colonel, who famously exclaimed to the nation that he had failed “for now.”

He was right. Just six years later, in 1998, he ran for president and won an overwhelming victory.

Building support 
 
Luckily for Chávez, oil prices had started to rise again, eventually reaching record levels while he was in power. Aside from a brief downturn brought on by the Great Recession, those high oil prices raised enough revenue to help sustain his support.

He gained extra revenue by restructuring Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), the country’s state-owned oil and natural gas company that now faces U.S. sanctions, to increase his control and to direct a bigger percentage of its export earnings into government coffers.

With that money, he built popular support by paying for dozens of safety net programs, such as the “Barrio Adentro” health initiative for the poor and the “Misión Robinson” literacy program, starting massive infrastructure projects, and continuing to subsidise the world’s cheapest gasoline.

When Chávez appointed allies to prominent posts at PDVSA in 2002, dissident members of the military and radicalized leaders of the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce staged a coup attempt that ultimately failed to oust him.

Meanwhile, the government invested too little in the oil industry and mismanaged it. At the same time, it did too little to prepare for the possibility of lower revenue from oil, to boost other exports or to stop depending on the United States as its biggest customer. Following a big decline, Venezuela remained America’s third-largest source of foreign oil as of October 2018.

Maduro’s staying power

Maduro arrived to power in 2013, after the 58-year-old Chávez died from cancer. By then, Venezuelan oil production had declined, and just one year later global oil prices began to collapse.

Maduro’s popularity collapsed too, although he did get re-elected in 2018 in a race without any independent international electoral observers that was marked by boycotts, accusations of repressing the opposition, and vote-rigging.

On top of his misfortune to be leading Venezuela during an oil price slump, Maduro has turned out to be even worse at managing the oil industry than Chávez. He installed military cronies as managers, led by Manuel Quevedo, a major general in Venezuela’s National Guard.

Since his rise, there have been more purges of PDVSA executives, and many reports that lower-level workers are staying home since they can no longer afford the commute on their wages. Adding even further to the commotion, corruption has run rampant.

The increased social and economic upheaval has even led many poor people to withdraw their allegiance to Maduro. Amid the turmoil, the U.S. and many other countries are recognizing opposition leader Juan Guaidó, as the nation’s legitimate president.

Whether or not Guaidó manages to dislodge Maduro’s grip on power, the country’s turbulent history suggests that long-term success will require much more than removing its current embattled leader. Any future leaders must also build the coalitions and institutions necessary to break the resource curse and thus empower Venezuela to finally draw social and economic stability from its oil wealth.

(Scott Morgenstern is Professor, University of Pittsburgh; John Polga–Hecimovich is Assistant Professor, United States Naval Academy)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

By Scott Morgenstern and John Polga–Hecimovich As political and economic crises threaten to topple Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, political scientists like us are not surprised that he has run into trouble.

By Scott Morgenstern and John Polga–Hecimovich As political and economic crises threaten to topple Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, political scientists like us are not surprised that he has run into trouble. Instead, we see Venezuela as another example of what scholars call the “resource curse.” That’s the unfortunate correlation first described by the British economic geographer Richard M. Auty between nations with vast wealth from oil or other natural resources and political instability. Venezuela is a textbook case of the curse, since nearly 90 per cent of its people are now living in poverty in the country with the world’s largest oil reserves. After decades of leaders who failed to harness this commodity for peace and prosperity, it is questionable whether a new government can do a better job. Only a few oil and natural gas-rich countries, such as the United States, Canada and Norway have avoided this curse – in part because they built solid institutions and diverse economies before their petroleum drilling began. The resource curse The resource curse has afflicted many Latin American countries with profligate and populist elected leaders who succumbed to the temptations of corruption and reckless spending when easy money poured in, followed by right-wing dictatorships imposing repressive technocracies. Oil and wealth from other commodities like gold and copper, and foreign aid, have also supported kleptocrats and dictatorships who have often used their fortunes to retain power in other regions. The scholars Terry Karl and Thad Dunning have persuasively argued that oil export revenue helped sustain Venezuelan democracy from the 1950s to the early 1980s. The government, they explained, could buy support from the elite with lower taxes and from the poor with social programs. Oil money, in short, can sustain whatever government is in power, be it dictatorship or democracy. But when crude prices fall, the loss of revenue polarises politics as the wealthy and the poor fight over the reduced proceeds. And when these countries not only rely on one export but also very limited markets, that adds to their vulnerability. Oil sales constituted 98 per cent of Venezuela’s export earnings in 2017, with the US buying nearly half of the country’s exported crude. Boom and bust After several decades of strong economic performance backed by comparatively impressive social programs, Venezuela’s economy started to sputter in the 1980s. The vast sums of money it had borrowed a decade earlier, backed by future oil revenues, were coming due by that time. President Carlos Andrés Pérez, who had presided over strong economic growth between 1974 and 1979, returned to power in 1989. However, this time the country faced a weak currency, rising poverty rates, and increased foreign and public debt in combination with low oil prices. To stabilize the economy, Pérez implemented austerity policies that deregulated capital markets and reduced-price controls on gasoline and other products. These measures exacerbated economic hardships for the poor, and Venezuelans took to the streets to protest in deadly riots known as the Caracazo. Pérez survived two coup attempts in 1992 only to be impeached and forced out of office for embezzlement in 1993. Popular anger against economic conditions and the dominant political class led voters to back more polarizing politicians. The first coup attempt against Pérez in 1992 was organized by Hugo Chávez, then a lieutenant-colonel, who famously exclaimed to the nation that he had failed “for now.” He was right. Just six years later, in 1998, he ran for president and won an overwhelming victory. Building support Luckily for Chávez, oil prices had started to rise again, eventually reaching record levels while he was in power. Aside from a brief downturn brought on by the Great Recession, those high oil prices raised enough revenue to help sustain his support. He gained extra revenue by restructuring Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), the country’s state-owned oil and natural gas company that now faces U.S. sanctions, to increase his control and to direct a bigger percentage of its export earnings into government coffers. With that money, he built popular support by paying for dozens of safety net programs, such as the “Barrio Adentro” health initiative for the poor and the “Misión Robinson” literacy program, starting massive infrastructure projects, and continuing to subsidise the world’s cheapest gasoline. When Chávez appointed allies to prominent posts at PDVSA in 2002, dissident members of the military and radicalized leaders of the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce staged a coup attempt that ultimately failed to oust him. Meanwhile, the government invested too little in the oil industry and mismanaged it. At the same time, it did too little to prepare for the possibility of lower revenue from oil, to boost other exports or to stop depending on the United States as its biggest customer. Following a big decline, Venezuela remained America’s third-largest source of foreign oil as of October 2018. Maduro’s staying power Maduro arrived to power in 2013, after the 58-year-old Chávez died from cancer. By then, Venezuelan oil production had declined, and just one year later global oil prices began to collapse. Maduro’s popularity collapsed too, although he did get re-elected in 2018 in a race without any independent international electoral observers that was marked by boycotts, accusations of repressing the opposition, and vote-rigging. On top of his misfortune to be leading Venezuela during an oil price slump, Maduro has turned out to be even worse at managing the oil industry than Chávez. He installed military cronies as managers, led by Manuel Quevedo, a major general in Venezuela’s National Guard. Since his rise, there have been more purges of PDVSA executives, and many reports that lower-level workers are staying home since they can no longer afford the commute on their wages. Adding even further to the commotion, corruption has run rampant. The increased social and economic upheaval has even led many poor people to withdraw their allegiance to Maduro. Amid the turmoil, the U.S. and many other countries are recognizing opposition leader Juan Guaidó, as the nation’s legitimate president. Whether or not Guaidó manages to dislodge Maduro’s grip on power, the country’s turbulent history suggests that long-term success will require much more than removing its current embattled leader. Any future leaders must also build the coalitions and institutions necessary to break the resource curse and thus empower Venezuela to finally draw social and economic stability from its oil wealth. (Scott Morgenstern is Professor, University of Pittsburgh; John Polga–Hecimovich is Assistant Professor, United States Naval Academy) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why Venezuela’s oil money could keep undermining its economy and democracy

In less than a month, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/us-regional-powers-recognise-maduro-opponent-as-venezuela-leader-192345">Juan </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/us-regional-powers-recognise-maduro-opponent-as-venezuela-leader-192345">Guaido</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/us-regional-powers-recognise-maduro-opponent-as-venezuela-leader-192345"> </a>has gone from a virtual unknown in Venezuelan politics to the country's most-watched figure, assuming the presidency of the opposition-controlled congress and briefly being detained by the secret police.

On Wednesday, the skinny 35-year-old from the South American country's hardscrabble Caribbean coast thrust himself onto the international stage with the boldest challenge to socialist President Nicolas Maduro's rule in years: he declared himself interim president, a move swiftly recognized by the United States, Canada and many Latin American countries.

His rapid ascent has raised hopes that he could fill a leadership vacuum in Venezuela's notoriously divided opposition, which has failed in several attempts to oust Maduro and his predecessor Hugo Chavez. Many of its most prominent figures have been jailed, exiled or barred from seeking public office.

The salsa-loving baseball fan has animated the opposition's upper-class base and won over many working-class Venezuelans fed up with the country's hyperinflationary economic collapse, who have taken to the streets demanding Maduro step down.

Yet Guaido still needs the backing of the armed forces to achieve his goal of forcing new elections.

"Today in Venezuela we are living under a dictatorship, and we need to put on enough pressure to take control," Guaido, the grandson of National Guard and Navy officers, said in an interview with Reuters this week.

He has proposed an amnesty for members of the military, but said members of the Maduro government who committed human rights violations should be punished.

"I do not intend to heal the wounds of 20 years, but nor do I intend to hide them."

Guaido took the helm of the National Assembly on January 5 with a call for the armed forces to recognize Maduro as a "usurper" after his May 2018 re-election vote, widely viewed as fraudulent.

The eldest of six children from a working-class family in the coastal state of Vargas, Guaido survived a devastating 1999 mudslide that posed one of the earliest tests to Chavez's 14-year rule.

He went on to study engineering, but became involved in politics while at university and received a master's in public administration from George Washington University in the United States. He is married with a 1-year-old daughter.

For some years, the focus of the opposition - both of Guaido and his mentor, Leopoldo Lopez, the well-known head of the Popular Will party, currently under house arrest - has been ousting Maduro from power.

Representing Vargas for Popular Will, Guaido assumed the parliament's leadership as part of a power-sharing agreement between Venezuela's main opposition parties. He has said little about what policies he would pursue as president, but Popular Will describe themselves as center-left social democrats.

Guaido was dragged out of his car on the highway and detained by intelligence agents last week, but was swiftly released. Government officials said the officers responsible would be punished.

His whereabouts on Wednesday evening were unknown.

Guaido has said he is not afraid of being arrested, boosting his popularity among Venezuelans tired with Maduro.

"I am giving Guaido my vote of confidence," said Jose Luis Galindo, a Caracas firefighter wearing a gas mask around his neck at a protest against Maduro on Wednesday.

"It is time to escape from this anarchy we have lived through for more than 20 years. I am here for my children's future, and I will stay for as long as it takes."

In less than a month, Juan Guaido has gone from a virtual unknown in Venezuelan politics to the country's most-watched figure, assuming the presidency of the opposition-controlled congress and briefly being detained by the secret police.

In less than a month, Juan Guaido has gone from a virtual unknown in Venezuelan politics to the country's most-watched figure, assuming the presidency of the opposition-controlled congress and briefly being detained by the secret police. On Wednesday, the skinny 35-year-old from the South American country's hardscrabble Caribbean coast thrust himself onto the international stage with the boldest challenge to socialist President Nicolas Maduro's rule in years: he declared himself interim president, a move swiftly recognized by the United States, Canada and many Latin American countries. His rapid ascent has raised hopes that he could fill a leadership vacuum in Venezuela's notoriously divided opposition, which has failed in several attempts to oust Maduro and his predecessor Hugo Chavez. Many of its most prominent figures have been jailed, exiled or barred from seeking public office. The salsa-loving baseball fan has animated the opposition's upper-class base and won over many working-class Venezuelans fed up with the country's hyperinflationary economic collapse, who have taken to the streets demanding Maduro step down. Yet Guaido still needs the backing of the armed forces to achieve his goal of forcing new elections. "Today in Venezuela we are living under a dictatorship, and we need to put on enough pressure to take control," Guaido, the grandson of National Guard and Navy officers, said in an interview with Reuters this week. He has proposed an amnesty for members of the military, but said members of the Maduro government who committed human rights violations should be punished. "I do not intend to heal the wounds of 20 years, but nor do I intend to hide them." Guaido took the helm of the National Assembly on January 5 with a call for the armed forces to recognize Maduro as a "usurper" after his May 2018 re-election vote, widely viewed as fraudulent. The eldest of six children from a working-class family in the coastal state of Vargas, Guaido survived a devastating 1999 mudslide that posed one of the earliest tests to Chavez's 14-year rule. He went on to study engineering, but became involved in politics while at university and received a master's in public administration from George Washington University in the United States. He is married with a 1-year-old daughter. For some years, the focus of the opposition - both of Guaido and his mentor, Leopoldo Lopez, the well-known head of the Popular Will party, currently under house arrest - has been ousting Maduro from power. Representing Vargas for Popular Will, Guaido assumed the parliament's leadership as part of a power-sharing agreement between Venezuela's main opposition parties. He has said little about what policies he would pursue as president, but Popular Will describe themselves as center-left social democrats. Guaido was dragged out of his car on the highway and detained by intelligence agents last week, but was swiftly released. Government officials said the officers responsible would be punished. His whereabouts on Wednesday evening were unknown. Guaido has said he is not afraid of being arrested, boosting his popularity among Venezuelans tired with Maduro. "I am giving Guaido my vote of confidence," said Jose Luis Galindo, a Caracas firefighter wearing a gas mask around his neck at a protest against Maduro on Wednesday. "It is time to escape from this anarchy we have lived through for more than 20 years. I am here for my children's future, and I will stay for as long as it takes."

In a month, Venezuela's Guaido emerged from obscurity to challenge Maduro

Thirteen people have died during two days of unrest in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/hola-im-mike-pence-us-vp-delivers-message-of-support-to-venezuelans-192101">Venezuela amid protests </a>against leftist leader Nicolas Maduro, a Caracas-based rights group reported Wednesday.

The deaths, mostly from gunshot wounds, were recorded in the capital and across the country, along with reports of looting in Brazilian border state Bolivar, the Venezuelan Observatory of Social Conflict told AFP.

Unrest first kicked off on Monday when 27 soldiers rose up against Maduro at a command post in Caracas, calling upon people to "take to the streets" in a video circulated on social media.

But the most fierce began Tuesday night in Caracas and Bolivar -- continuing Wednesday throughout Venezuela on a day of huge opposition-backed demonstrations against Maduro.

In Bolivar's San Felix, demonstrators burned a statue of former president Hugo Chavez late Tuesday night.

On Wednesday, anti-riot police confronted protesters in east Caracas following the march called for by opposition leader Juan Guaido, who declared himself Venezuela's interim president as part of his aim to remove Maduro.

Chaos erupted when dozens of young people, some hooded, blocked a key route through the wealthy Altamira neighbourhood -- only for military personnel to fire tear gasses and rubber bullets, which were, in turn, met with stones from protesters.

Apart from the capital Caracas, deaths were reported in Tachira, Barinas, Portuguesa, Amazonas and Bolivar states.

Wednesday's demonstration, meanwhile, marked the first significant clash between the government and the opposition in the streets after violent protests left 125 people dead between April and July 2017.

Juan Guaido -- the opposition-led legislature head who declared himself "acting president" -- called for the protests two weeks ago.&nbsp;

His aim is to remove Maduro, set up a transitional government and hold elections.

He accuses Maduro of being a usurper following his disputed re-election in a poll dismissed as a fraud by the European Union, the US and OAS.

Thirteen people have died during two days of unrest in Venezuela amid protests against leftist leader Nicolas Maduro, a Caracas-based rights group reported Wednesday.

Thirteen people have died during two days of unrest in Venezuela amid protests against leftist leader Nicolas Maduro, a Caracas-based rights group reported Wednesday. The deaths, mostly from gunshot wounds, were recorded in the capital and across the country, along with reports of looting in Brazilian border state Bolivar, the Venezuelan Observatory of Social Conflict told AFP. Unrest first kicked off on Monday when 27 soldiers rose up against Maduro at a command post in Caracas, calling upon people to "take to the streets" in a video circulated on social media. But the most fierce began Tuesday night in Caracas and Bolivar -- continuing Wednesday throughout Venezuela on a day of huge opposition-backed demonstrations against Maduro. In Bolivar's San Felix, demonstrators burned a statue of former president Hugo Chavez late Tuesday night. On Wednesday, anti-riot police confronted protesters in east Caracas following the march called for by opposition leader Juan Guaido, who declared himself Venezuela's interim president as part of his aim to remove Maduro. Chaos erupted when dozens of young people, some hooded, blocked a key route through the wealthy Altamira neighbourhood -- only for military personnel to fire tear gasses and rubber bullets, which were, in turn, met with stones from protesters. Apart from the capital Caracas, deaths were reported in Tachira, Barinas, Portuguesa, Amazonas and Bolivar states. Wednesday's demonstration, meanwhile, marked the first significant clash between the government and the opposition in the streets after violent protests left 125 people dead between April and July 2017. Juan Guaido -- the opposition-led legislature head who declared himself "acting president" -- called for the protests two weeks ago. His aim is to remove Maduro, set up a transitional government and hold elections. He accuses Maduro of being a usurper following his disputed re-election in a poll dismissed as a fraud by the European Union, the US and OAS.

13 dead in two days of Venezuela unrest: Rights group

Venezuela, the South American country convulsed by economic and humanitarian catastrophe, has defaulted on some of its debt after missing an interest payment due in October.

Even as investors meet in Caracas to discuss restructuring US$60 billion in foreign debt, the country is in urgent need of international financial assistance.

Yet few nations are rushing in to offer financial assistance to the ailing country. Under the authoritarian regime of Nicol&aacute;s Maduro, Venezuela is isolated in Latin America, and the United States, Canada and the European Union have all imposed sanctions against Venezuelan officials. Maduro has at times suggested he would not even accept humanitarian aid.

Still, no indebted nation is totally alone in this world. As a financial analyst, I know there are always international players who see opportunity in the problems of others. And for Venezuela, my home country, all hope of a bailout rests with China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund.

Will they do anything to help?

Venezuela&rsquo;s debt: By the numbers

Before exploring a possible Venezuela rescue, it is useful to understand how the country&rsquo;s debt became such a burden.

In 1998, the year before the late Hugo Ch&aacute;vez came into power, Venezuela was rich. It produced roughly 60 barrels of oil per inhabitant per year.

By late 2017, my projections &ndash; based on data compiled from Venezuela&rsquo;s National Statistics Institute and BP&rsquo;s World Energy Report 2017 &ndash; show that production will have dropped to 20 barrels per capita. That&rsquo;s a 66 per cent drop in 20 years.

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Oil output per capita in Venezuela has dropped significantly in the past several decades. Henkel Garcia/BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2017/National Statistics Institute (Others)
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Even as output steadily shrank, Ch&aacute;vez benefitted from relatively high oil prices, which allowed him to boost revenue from petroleum exports. And as oil sales rose, so did government expenditures, as well as imports of food and other goods.

Eventually, excess spending took a toll on Venezuela&rsquo;s international reserves. Rather than cut expenditures and imports, the Ch&aacute;vez regime piled up foreign debt.

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As exports (US$ per capita) rose, so too did government spending and imports. Banco Central de Venezuela, FRED (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis), National Statistics Institute and Econom&eacute;trica. (Others)
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Then, in late 2014, international oil prices began to plunge. Today, estimates indicate that Venezuela&rsquo;s public sector debt tops $184.5 billion, including $60 billion in foreign debt, though the Venezuelan Central Bank claims it&rsquo;s much lower.

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Venezuela&rsquo;s foreign public debt, in US$ million, is at an all-time high. (Venezuelan Central Bank) (Others)
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To service this debt, the government must pay $16 billion to $20 billion a year through at least 2022. Shouldering that huge expense has meant slashing imports, causing food and medicine shortages. As a result, almost 54 per cent of Venezuelan children are malnourished.

To ensure its citizens&rsquo; basic well-being, Venezuela must be able to import, on average, $1,000 a year per inhabitant &ndash; or roughly $33 billion a year. My data show it&rsquo;s currently bringing in about half that.

No Chinese largess

As an oil producer, Venezuela&rsquo;s desperation rouses geopolitical interests.

Venezuela owes $28.1 billion to China and $9.1 billion to Russia, its main creditors. In recent years, both countries have been eager to prop up the Maduro regime, with little concern for its authoritarian tendencies.

China, at least publicly, has remained decidedly mum on Venezuela&rsquo;s political crisis. According to a spokesperson from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in October, Beijing &ldquo;believe[s] that the government of this country is able to appropriately handle its domestic affairs within the law, maintaining stability and prosperity.&rdquo;

So far, though, Chinese financial institutions have not further opened their coffers. They have, however, granted Venezuela a grace period of at least 18 months to pay off the debt it owes them. This modest concession gives the government a bit of breathing room.

China has also allowed Venezuela to use shipments of crude to pay off some of its debt, revealing China&rsquo;s main interest in Venezuela: its oil.

But, in my view, Venezuela shouldn&rsquo;t count on Beijing for significant additional financial help. For China to issue new loans, insiders have told me, Maduro&rsquo;s government would have to show clear signs of fiscal discipline. Nothing indicates it is capable of that.

I believe a more likely next step is that Venezuela will bring in much-needed cash by selling off existing stakes in oil companies and resource-extraction ventures it co-owns with China.

Putin to the rescue?

Russia has been somewhat more generous with Venezuela, and its geopolitical interests here are clear.

The Kremlin benefits from having a trustworthy ally on this side of the world &ndash; especially one that is avowedly anti-U.S. and ranked as the 11th-largest oil producer worldwide.

Plus, Russia already has many oil interests in the country, including joint exploration projects with Petr&oacute;leos de Venezuela, the state-owned oil company.

Indeed, Russia and its state-funded oil venture, Rosneft, have already helped the country avoid default at least twice, providing Caracas with $10 billion in financial assistance. In an Oct. 29 New York Times article, oil expert Francisco Monaldi said Russia is &ldquo;the only country that can toss Venezuela a lifeline.&rdquo;

In my opinion, even its public declarations defending Venezuela&rsquo;s politics are more incisive than China&rsquo;s. Russia&rsquo;s Foreign Ministry has called international sanctions against Venezuela &ldquo;unacceptable.&rdquo;

Still, thus far, Russia has agreed only to restructure its bilateral debt with Venezuela. While the terms weren&rsquo;t disclosed, I don&rsquo;t believe anything like a real bailout is on offer.

Last resource

This could lead Venezuela to its last resort: the International Monetary Fund. In my opinion, this global lender would be the most appropriate source of a bailout.

Neither China nor Russia is willing or able to offer the huge sum Venezuela needs to stay afloat, at least $30 billion. Nor is any country likely to match the super-low 2 per cent interest rate that the IMF offers to emerging economies in crisis.

Bondholders typically look askance at this type of financial assistance. Countries receiving support from the IMF and other multilateral lenders are generally &ldquo;advised to renegotiate foreign debt,&rdquo; which can leave investors with empty pockets.

And today, Venezuela has no official relationship with the organisation. The Ch&aacute;vez administration loved to disparage the IMF, saying it should &ldquo;close down&rdquo; or &ldquo;vanish.&rdquo;

Even so, there are signs that the IMF is sketching out a possible rescue plan for the country. Bank officials have expressed concern with both Venezuela&rsquo;s humanitarian crisis and the possible spinoff effects of its economic collapse on other Latin American economies.

Since the multilateral organisation is unlikely to bail out the current regime &ndash; which has previously rebuked its possible intervention &ndash; the IMF probably hopes to work with some future transition government that&rsquo;s more democratic and open to international aid. If so, help may be a long time coming.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/nobody-is-going-to-bail-out-venezuela-87428" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund are among those contemplating a Venezuela bailout. But help for this debt-stricken nation seems far from assured.

Venezuela, the South American country convulsed by economic and humanitarian catastrophe, has defaulted on some of its debt after missing an interest payment due in October. Even as investors meet in Caracas to discuss restructuring US$60 billion in foreign debt, the country is in urgent need of international financial assistance. Yet few nations are rushing in to offer financial assistance to the ailing country. Under the authoritarian regime of Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela is isolated in Latin America, and the United States, Canada and the European Union have all imposed sanctions against Venezuelan officials. Maduro has at times suggested he would not even accept humanitarian aid. Still, no indebted nation is totally alone in this world. As a financial analyst, I know there are always international players who see opportunity in the problems of others. And for Venezuela, my home country, all hope of a bailout rests with China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund. Will they do anything to help? Venezuela’s debt: By the numbers Before exploring a possible Venezuela rescue, it is useful to understand how the country’s debt became such a burden. In 1998, the year before the late Hugo Chávez came into power, Venezuela was rich. It produced roughly 60 barrels of oil per inhabitant per year. By late 2017, my projections – based on data compiled from Venezuela’s National Statistics Institute and BP’s World Energy Report 2017 – show that production will have dropped to 20 barrels per capita. That’s a 66 per cent drop in 20 years. Oil output per capita in Venezuela has dropped significantly in the past several decades. Henkel Garcia/BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2017/National Statistics Institute (Others) × Even as output steadily shrank, Chávez benefitted from relatively high oil prices, which allowed him to boost revenue from petroleum exports. And as oil sales rose, so did government expenditures, as well as imports of food and other goods. Eventually, excess spending took a toll on Venezuela’s international reserves. Rather than cut expenditures and imports, the Chávez regime piled up foreign debt. As exports (US$ per capita) rose, so too did government spending and imports. Banco Central de Venezuela, FRED (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis), National Statistics Institute and Econométrica. (Others) × Then, in late 2014, international oil prices began to plunge. Today, estimates indicate that Venezuela’s public sector debt tops $184.5 billion, including $60 billion in foreign debt, though the Venezuelan Central Bank claims it’s much lower. Venezuela’s foreign public debt, in US$ million, is at an all-time high. (Venezuelan Central Bank) (Others) × To service this debt, the government must pay $16 billion to $20 billion a year through at least 2022. Shouldering that huge expense has meant slashing imports, causing food and medicine shortages. As a result, almost 54 per cent of Venezuelan children are malnourished. To ensure its citizens’ basic well-being, Venezuela must be able to import, on average, $1,000 a year per inhabitant – or roughly $33 billion a year. My data show it’s currently bringing in about half that. No Chinese largess As an oil producer, Venezuela’s desperation rouses geopolitical interests. Venezuela owes $28.1 billion to China and $9.1 billion to Russia, its main creditors. In recent years, both countries have been eager to prop up the Maduro regime, with little concern for its authoritarian tendencies. China, at least publicly, has remained decidedly mum on Venezuela’s political crisis. According to a spokesperson from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in October, Beijing “believe[s] that the government of this country is able to appropriately handle its domestic affairs within the law, maintaining stability and prosperity.” So far, though, Chinese financial institutions have not further opened their coffers. They have, however, granted Venezuela a grace period of at least 18 months to pay off the debt it owes them. This modest concession gives the government a bit of breathing room. China has also allowed Venezuela to use shipments of crude to pay off some of its debt, revealing China’s main interest in Venezuela: its oil. But, in my view, Venezuela shouldn’t count on Beijing for significant additional financial help. For China to issue new loans, insiders have told me, Maduro’s government would have to show clear signs of fiscal discipline. Nothing indicates it is capable of that. I believe a more likely next step is that Venezuela will bring in much-needed cash by selling off existing stakes in oil companies and resource-extraction ventures it co-owns with China. Putin to the rescue? Russia has been somewhat more generous with Venezuela, and its geopolitical interests here are clear. The Kremlin benefits from having a trustworthy ally on this side of the world – especially one that is avowedly anti-U.S. and ranked as the 11th-largest oil producer worldwide. Plus, Russia already has many oil interests in the country, including joint exploration projects with Petróleos de Venezuela, the state-owned oil company. Indeed, Russia and its state-funded oil venture, Rosneft, have already helped the country avoid default at least twice, providing Caracas with $10 billion in financial assistance. In an Oct. 29 New York Times article, oil expert Francisco Monaldi said Russia is “the only country that can toss Venezuela a lifeline.” In my opinion, even its public declarations defending Venezuela’s politics are more incisive than China’s. Russia’s Foreign Ministry has called international sanctions against Venezuela “unacceptable.” Still, thus far, Russia has agreed only to restructure its bilateral debt with Venezuela. While the terms weren’t disclosed, I don’t believe anything like a real bailout is on offer. Last resource This could lead Venezuela to its last resort: the International Monetary Fund. In my opinion, this global lender would be the most appropriate source of a bailout. Neither China nor Russia is willing or able to offer the huge sum Venezuela needs to stay afloat, at least $30 billion. Nor is any country likely to match the super-low 2 per cent interest rate that the IMF offers to emerging economies in crisis. Bondholders typically look askance at this type of financial assistance. Countries receiving support from the IMF and other multilateral lenders are generally “advised to renegotiate foreign debt,” which can leave investors with empty pockets. And today, Venezuela has no official relationship with the organisation. The Chávez administration loved to disparage the IMF, saying it should “close down” or “vanish.” Even so, there are signs that the IMF is sketching out a possible rescue plan for the country. Bank officials have expressed concern with both Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis and the possible spinoff effects of its economic collapse on other Latin American economies. Since the multilateral organisation is unlikely to bail out the current regime – which has previously rebuked its possible intervention – the IMF probably hopes to work with some future transition government that’s more democratic and open to international aid. If so, help may be a long time coming. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Who is going to pay for Venezuela's oil debt

A 20-year-old Venezuelan protester died on Friday after being shot in the head, authorities said, taking fatalities from a month of anti-government unrest to at least 37 as the opposition geared up for more demonstrations.

Hecder Lugo was hurt during fighting between demonstrators and security forces in Valencia on Thursday that also injured four others, the local opposition Mayor Enzo Scarano said in a series of tweets.

The state prosecutor&#39;s office, which keeps an official count of deaths since protests began against socialist President Nicolas Maduro in early April, confirmed he died after being shot in a protest.

Another 717 people have been injured and 152 are still in jail from the hundreds rounded up in widespread unrest around the volatile South American OPEC nation of 30 million people, according to the office&#39;s latest tally.

There has been violence and widespread looting this week in Valencia, a once-bustling industrial hub two hours from the capital by road.

And in an incident loaded with symbolism, a handful of young men destroyed a statue of late leader Hugo Chavez in the oil-producing Zulia state, according to videos circulating on social media on Friday evening.

Footage shows the statue, which depicts Chavez saluting and wearing a sash, being yanked down to cheers in a public plaza before it is bashed into a sidewalk and then the road as onlookers swear at the leftist, who died in 2013 from cancer.

&quot;Students destroyed this statue of Chavez. They accuse him, correctly, of destroying their future,&quot; opposition lawmaker Carlos Valero said about the incident, which was also reported in local media. Reuters was unable to independently confirm it.

Venezuela&#39;s opposition, which now enjoys majority support after being in the shadow of the ruling Socialist party since Chavez&#39;s 1998 election win, says his successor Maduro has become a dictator and wrecked the economy.

Vowing to stay in the streets for as long as necessary, opposition leaders announced nationwide women&#39;s marches for Saturday with the biggest planned for the capital Caracas.

Opposition lawmakers briefly unfurled a banner on Friday at the National Assembly, where they won a majority in 2015 thanks to voter ire over the recession, saying &quot;Maduro Dictator&quot;.

The president says they are seeking a violent coup with US support, and is setting up a &quot;constituent assembly&quot; super body to shake up public powers, change the constitution, and possibly replace the existing legislature.

&quot;President Maduro has made a big call to national dialogue,&quot; Foreign Minister Delcy Rodriguez told diplomats at a meeting on Friday, showing them images of violence and vandalism on the streets caused by youths at the front of protests.

&quot;They are not peaceful, the opposition leaders share big responsibility in these acts of extremism and vandalism.&quot;

Fatalities on&nbsp;both sides

Opposition protests have often started peacefully but degenerated into violence when security forces block marchers and masked youths fight them with stones, Molotov cocktails and fireworks shot from pipes turned into homemade mortars.

Fatalities have included supporters of both sides, bystanders and members of the security forces.

Gunshot wounds have been the most common cause of deaths.

The opposition is boycotting Maduro&#39;s constituent assembly process, saying it is a ploy to keep him in power by setting up a body with mechanisms to ensure a government majority.

Having failed to trigger a referendum on his rule last year, the opposition is calling for delayed state gubernatorial elections to be held as soon as possible, and for the next presidential election slated for 2018 to be brought forward.

Polls show the ruling Socialists would badly lose any conventional vote due to four years of economic crisis that has led to debilitating food and medicine shortages.

While Maduro says opposition ranks include armed hoodlums, activists accuse the security forces of using excessive force including firing teargas canisters directly at people and allowing pro-government gangs to terrorize demonstrators.

Opposition leader Henrique Capriles said on Friday that 85 members of the military in Caracas had been arrested for opposition &quot;repression,&quot; adding that their relatives had asked him to publicize the detentions.

&quot;Cousin, it&#39;s enough!&quot; Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino&#39;s cousin, Ernesto Padrino, wrote to him in an open letter.

He was following in the footsteps of the state human rights ombudsman&#39;s son who surprised the country by publishing a video begging his father to &quot;end the injustice.&quot;

&quot;Eighty percent of Venezuelans want elections as a way out of our nation&#39;s grave economic and political crisis,&quot; wrote Ernesto Padrino on Facebook.

&quot;Sooner or later, the Venezuelan people will make you pay.&quot;

(Reuters)

Another 717 people have been injured and 152 are still in jail from the hundreds rounded up in widespread unrest

A 20-year-old Venezuelan protester died on Friday after being shot in the head, authorities said, taking fatalities from a month of anti-government unrest to at least 37 as the opposition geared up for more demonstrations. Hecder Lugo was hurt during fighting between demonstrators and security forces in Valencia on Thursday that also injured four others, the local opposition Mayor Enzo Scarano said in a series of tweets. The state prosecutor's office, which keeps an official count of deaths since protests began against socialist President Nicolas Maduro in early April, confirmed he died after being shot in a protest. Another 717 people have been injured and 152 are still in jail from the hundreds rounded up in widespread unrest around the volatile South American OPEC nation of 30 million people, according to the office's latest tally. There has been violence and widespread looting this week in Valencia, a once-bustling industrial hub two hours from the capital by road. And in an incident loaded with symbolism, a handful of young men destroyed a statue of late leader Hugo Chavez in the oil-producing Zulia state, according to videos circulating on social media on Friday evening. Footage shows the statue, which depicts Chavez saluting and wearing a sash, being yanked down to cheers in a public plaza before it is bashed into a sidewalk and then the road as onlookers swear at the leftist, who died in 2013 from cancer. "Students destroyed this statue of Chavez. They accuse him, correctly, of destroying their future," opposition lawmaker Carlos Valero said about the incident, which was also reported in local media. Reuters was unable to independently confirm it. Venezuela's opposition, which now enjoys majority support after being in the shadow of the ruling Socialist party since Chavez's 1998 election win, says his successor Maduro has become a dictator and wrecked the economy. Vowing to stay in the streets for as long as necessary, opposition leaders announced nationwide women's marches for Saturday with the biggest planned for the capital Caracas. Opposition lawmakers briefly unfurled a banner on Friday at the National Assembly, where they won a majority in 2015 thanks to voter ire over the recession, saying "Maduro Dictator". The president says they are seeking a violent coup with US support, and is setting up a "constituent assembly" super body to shake up public powers, change the constitution, and possibly replace the existing legislature. "President Maduro has made a big call to national dialogue," Foreign Minister Delcy Rodriguez told diplomats at a meeting on Friday, showing them images of violence and vandalism on the streets caused by youths at the front of protests. "They are not peaceful, the opposition leaders share big responsibility in these acts of extremism and vandalism." Fatalities on both sides Opposition protests have often started peacefully but degenerated into violence when security forces block marchers and masked youths fight them with stones, Molotov cocktails and fireworks shot from pipes turned into homemade mortars. Fatalities have included supporters of both sides, bystanders and members of the security forces. Gunshot wounds have been the most common cause of deaths. The opposition is boycotting Maduro's constituent assembly process, saying it is a ploy to keep him in power by setting up a body with mechanisms to ensure a government majority. Having failed to trigger a referendum on his rule last year, the opposition is calling for delayed state gubernatorial elections to be held as soon as possible, and for the next presidential election slated for 2018 to be brought forward. Polls show the ruling Socialists would badly lose any conventional vote due to four years of economic crisis that has led to debilitating food and medicine shortages. While Maduro says opposition ranks include armed hoodlums, activists accuse the security forces of using excessive force including firing teargas canisters directly at people and allowing pro-government gangs to terrorize demonstrators. Opposition leader Henrique Capriles said on Friday that 85 members of the military in Caracas had been arrested for opposition "repression," adding that their relatives had asked him to publicize the detentions. "Cousin, it's enough!" Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino's cousin, Ernesto Padrino, wrote to him in an open letter. He was following in the footsteps of the state human rights ombudsman's son who surprised the country by publishing a video begging his father to "end the injustice." "Eighty percent of Venezuelans want elections as a way out of our nation's grave economic and political crisis," wrote Ernesto Padrino on Facebook. "Sooner or later, the Venezuelan people will make you pay." (Reuters)

Venezuela: Death toll rises to at least 37 in month-long protests against President Maduro

Thousands of Venezuelans staged rival demonstrations on Wednesday for and against President Nicolas Maduro in a new test of strength as the opposition pushes for a vote on driving him from power. 
 
A week after a mass protest in the capital Caracas, Maduro opponents rallied near offices of the electoral authorities nationwide, demanding a recall referendum in the crisis-stricken country by the end of the year. 
 
The leftist leader&#39;s supporters held rallies of their own nearby, but the rival demos -- far smaller than last week&#39;s -- went off with no reports of major clashes. 
 
Oil giant Venezuela&#39;s once-booming economy has gone into meltdown as crude prices have crashed since mid-2014. 
 
Outrage is mounting over shortages of food and medicine, threatening Maduro and the socialist &quot;revolution&quot; his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez, launched in 1999. 
 
&quot;We have to do something. Voting and peaceful protest are the only weapons we have,&quot; said Rosmina Castillo, 52, demonstrating against Maduro in the town of Los Teques, just southwest of the capital. 
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<h5>Outrage is mounting over shortages of food and medicine, threatening Maduro and the socialist &quot;revolution&quot; his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez, launched in 1999.</h5>
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Outrage is mounting over shortages of food and medicine, threatening Maduro and the socialist &quot;revolution&quot; his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez, launched in 1999." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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She was among a crowd of some 1,500 opposition protesters who gathered a block away from roughly the same number of Maduro supporters. A metal barrier and lines of police kept them apart. 
 
&quot;We&#39;re here defending the revolution against an attack by this unpatriotic right,&quot; said state oil company employee Alexander Rangel at a pro-government demo in Caracas. 
 
The protests&#39; target, the electoral authorities&#39; 24 regional offices, were closed and tightly guarded by police. 
 
&nbsp;&#39;Coup-mongering&#39;&nbsp; 
 
Maduro accuses his opponents of plotting protest violence in a bid to oust him. 
 
&quot;No one will bring fascist violence to Venezuela, nor coup-mongering, nor hate,&quot; he told a crowd of supporters on Wednesday. 
 
The center-right opposition, for its part, accuses the government of waging an authoritarian crackdown. 
 
Dozens of protesters were arrested in the aftermath of last Thursday&#39;s rally, human rights groups say. 
 
The opposition says around one million people flooded the streets of Caracas that day, the biggest protest in decades. Maduro put the turnout at a maximum of 30,000 people. 
 
But the massive crowds, dressed in white and venting months of pent-up anger, gave the opposition new momentum. 
 
&quot;The opposition&#39;s roadmap is to try to keep people participating,&quot; political analyst Luis Vicente Leon said. &quot;The challenge is to stay active and peaceful in the street while pushing a referendum.&quot; 
 
War of words&nbsp; 
 
Long lines and bare supermarket shelves have become the norm in Venezuela, where inflation is forecast to top 700 per cent this year. 
 
Outbreaks of looting have erupted and violent crime is festering. 
 
Maduro blames the crisis on an &quot;economic war&quot; by Venezuelan elites backed by &quot;American imperialism.&quot; 
 
Although the opposition has won control of the legislature, it has been hamstrung by a Supreme Court it condemns as loyal to Maduro.
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<h5>Although the opposition has won control of the legislature, it has been hamstrung by a Supreme Court it condemns as loyal to Maduro.</h5>
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Maduro blames the crisis on an &quot;economic war&quot; by Venezuelan elites backed by &quot;American imperialism.&quot;
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If Maduro loses a recall vote before January 10 -- as opinion polls predict he would -- it would trigger new elections. After that date, he would simply hand power to his hand-picked vice president. 
 
Maduro&#39;s number two, Diosdado Cabello, vowed there was &quot;no chance&quot; of the recall referendum taking place this year. 
 
&quot;We demand the constitution be respected. We have the right to a referendum,&quot; fired back Jesus Torrealba, spokesman for the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD). 
 
Cracks in Maduro camp&nbsp; 
 
In the next stage of the referendum process, the opposition must gather four million signatures within three days. 
 
The electoral authorities are due to announce the dates for that petition next Tuesday. 
 
The opposition has called for a full 24 hours of protests the following day. 
 
&quot;They are pushing the people&#39;s patience,&quot; senior opposition figure Henrique Capriles said of Maduro&#39;s side. 
 
&quot;What will happen if they keep pushing? A social explosion.&quot; 
 
Maduro meanwhile faces growing pressure within his own camp. 
 
Former Chavez minister Ana Elisa Osorio, once a steadfast ally, told AFP this week that recent events show Maduro is &quot;not up to the job.&quot; 
 
Crucially, however, the embattled president has so far maintained the backing of the security forces. 
 
Seeking to contain the crisis, he has given the army vast powers over food distribution, and on Wednesday announced a new $25-million spending program for arms and equipment for the national police force. 
 
(AFP)

President Nicholas Maduro has accused his opponents of plotting protest violence in a bid to oust him

Thousands of Venezuelans staged rival demonstrations on Wednesday for and against President Nicolas Maduro in a new test of strength as the opposition pushes for a vote on driving him from power. A week after a mass protest in the capital Caracas, Maduro opponents rallied near offices of the electoral authorities nationwide, demanding a recall referendum in the crisis-stricken country by the end of the year. The leftist leader's supporters held rallies of their own nearby, but the rival demos -- far smaller than last week's -- went off with no reports of major clashes. Oil giant Venezuela's once-booming economy has gone into meltdown as crude prices have crashed since mid-2014. Outrage is mounting over shortages of food and medicine, threatening Maduro and the socialist "revolution" his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez, launched in 1999. "We have to do something. Voting and peaceful protest are the only weapons we have," said Rosmina Castillo, 52, demonstrating against Maduro in the town of Los Teques, just southwest of the capital. Outrage is mounting over shortages of food and medicine, threatening Maduro and the socialist "revolution" his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez, launched in 1999. She was among a crowd of some 1,500 opposition protesters who gathered a block away from roughly the same number of Maduro supporters. A metal barrier and lines of police kept them apart. "We're here defending the revolution against an attack by this unpatriotic right," said state oil company employee Alexander Rangel at a pro-government demo in Caracas. The protests' target, the electoral authorities' 24 regional offices, were closed and tightly guarded by police. 'Coup-mongering' Maduro accuses his opponents of plotting protest violence in a bid to oust him. "No one will bring fascist violence to Venezuela, nor coup-mongering, nor hate," he told a crowd of supporters on Wednesday. The center-right opposition, for its part, accuses the government of waging an authoritarian crackdown. Dozens of protesters were arrested in the aftermath of last Thursday's rally, human rights groups say. The opposition says around one million people flooded the streets of Caracas that day, the biggest protest in decades. Maduro put the turnout at a maximum of 30,000 people. But the massive crowds, dressed in white and venting months of pent-up anger, gave the opposition new momentum. "The opposition's roadmap is to try to keep people participating," political analyst Luis Vicente Leon said. "The challenge is to stay active and peaceful in the street while pushing a referendum." War of words Long lines and bare supermarket shelves have become the norm in Venezuela, where inflation is forecast to top 700 per cent this year. Outbreaks of looting have erupted and violent crime is festering. Maduro blames the crisis on an "economic war" by Venezuelan elites backed by "American imperialism." Although the opposition has won control of the legislature, it has been hamstrung by a Supreme Court it condemns as loyal to Maduro. Although the opposition has won control of the legislature, it has been hamstrung by a Supreme Court it condemns as loyal to Maduro. If Maduro loses a recall vote before January 10 -- as opinion polls predict he would -- it would trigger new elections. After that date, he would simply hand power to his hand-picked vice president. Maduro's number two, Diosdado Cabello, vowed there was "no chance" of the recall referendum taking place this year. "We demand the constitution be respected. We have the right to a referendum," fired back Jesus Torrealba, spokesman for the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD). Cracks in Maduro camp In the next stage of the referendum process, the opposition must gather four million signatures within three days. The electoral authorities are due to announce the dates for that petition next Tuesday. The opposition has called for a full 24 hours of protests the following day. "They are pushing the people's patience," senior opposition figure Henrique Capriles said of Maduro's side. "What will happen if they keep pushing? A social explosion." Maduro meanwhile faces growing pressure within his own camp. Former Chavez minister Ana Elisa Osorio, once a steadfast ally, told AFP this week that recent events show Maduro is "not up to the job." Crucially, however, the embattled president has so far maintained the backing of the security forces. Seeking to contain the crisis, he has given the army vast powers over food distribution, and on Wednesday announced a new $25-million spending program for arms and equipment for the national police force. (AFP)

Venezuelans demand referendum, Maduro hard-pressed

The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (IACHR) on Friday decried the dire shortages of food and medicine in Venezuela, calling on officials in Caracas to undertake &quot;urgent measures&quot; to try to stem the crisis. 
 
The Washington DC-based group &quot;regrets the urgent situation of extreme scarcity and shortages of medicine, medical supplies and food in Venezuela,&quot; it said in a statement. 
 
&quot;This situation has led to a significant deterioration in living conditions in the country and an increase in violence, which results in harm to people&#39;s health, personal integrity and life, to the detriment of the rights protected by the inter-American and universal human rights instruments,&quot; the commission, an autonomous human rights arm of the Organization of American States, added. 
 
The ongoing crisis &quot;has a negative impact on conditions to guarantee that Venezuelans can live a life of dignity, and it urges the State to adopt comprehensive measures to overcome this crisis,&quot; the IACHR said. 
 
Among the hardships created by the shortages in medical care and supplies are &quot;a significant number of neonatal deaths&quot; and &quot;long waits for critical surgical interventions,&quot; it added. 
 
With respect to food scarcity, the group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans &quot;it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet.&quot; 
 
Venezuela&#39;s economy is reeling from the global crash in the price of oil, its main export. 
 
The plunge in crude revenues has unleashed a deep recession, chronic shortages and hyperinflation, threatening 17 years of socialist rule under President Nicolas Maduro and his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez. 
 
(AFP)&nbsp; 
 
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The group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans 'it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet'

The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (IACHR) on Friday decried the dire shortages of food and medicine in Venezuela, calling on officials in Caracas to undertake "urgent measures" to try to stem the crisis. The Washington DC-based group "regrets the urgent situation of extreme scarcity and shortages of medicine, medical supplies and food in Venezuela," it said in a statement. "This situation has led to a significant deterioration in living conditions in the country and an increase in violence, which results in harm to people's health, personal integrity and life, to the detriment of the rights protected by the inter-American and universal human rights instruments," the commission, an autonomous human rights arm of the Organization of American States, added. The ongoing crisis "has a negative impact on conditions to guarantee that Venezuelans can live a life of dignity, and it urges the State to adopt comprehensive measures to overcome this crisis," the IACHR said. Among the hardships created by the shortages in medical care and supplies are "a significant number of neonatal deaths" and "long waits for critical surgical interventions," it added. With respect to food scarcity, the group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans "it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet." Venezuela's economy is reeling from the global crash in the price of oil, its main export. The plunge in crude revenues has unleashed a deep recession, chronic shortages and hyperinflation, threatening 17 years of socialist rule under President Nicolas Maduro and his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez. (AFP)

Rights group decries shortage of food, medicine in crisis-hit Venezuela

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