After years of tension and exclusion, it seems Pakistan&rsquo;s Pashtuns &ndash; the country&rsquo;s second-largest ethnic group &ndash; have had enough. In January, a large crowd began protesting after 27-year-old shopkeeper Naqibullah Mehsud was shot dead by a police officer in Karachi.

The protesters marched from Khyber Patunkhwa province to Islamabad, where they staged a sit-in protest in front of the National Press Club. Although the sit-in has ended, protests have erupted elsewhere in Pakistan, and the movement has variously become known as the Pashtun Long March and the Pashtun Spring.

The protesters are demanding the arrest and punishment of Rao Anwar, the police officer who killed Naqibullah. They are further demanding an end to what they call state-imposed terrorism and militarism justified by War on Terror rhetoric. Other demands include the clearing of landmines in the tribal areas, and the return of missing people who have been taken into custody by Pakistani security forces.

These demands are expressed in the language of human rights, and have received the support of leading Pakistani politicians, including opposition leader Bilawal Bhutto.

Pakistani authorities claimed that Naqibullah was a member of the Pakistani Taliban. The claim was later dropped. According to Human Rights Watch, extrajudicial killings by Pakistani police are widespread, especially among marginalised groups. These include Pashtuns, more than 1m of whom are Afghan refugees.

Across the border

Pakistan&rsquo;s prime minister, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, has reportedly promised to use all available means to secure Rao Anwar&rsquo;s arrest. He also vowed to build a college to be named after Naqibullah Mehsud, and clear South Waziristan of landmines.

The size and public visibility of the protest is unprecedented, but calls for Pashtun rights are not new. One protest leader, Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen from South Waziristan, is a co-founder of the Mehsud Tahafuz Movement (Mehsud Protection Movement). This movement has fought for the rights of the Pashtun Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan since 2013.

Around 25m Pashtuns live in Pakistan and around 11m in Afghanistan. In 1893, British India imposed the Durand Line, a 2,640km border between Afghanistan and today&rsquo;s Pakistan. The line bolstered British territorial control on its side of the line, which divides historical Pashtun areas. Afghanistan has never officially acknowledged this border.

Whereas Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, they are economically and politically marginalised in Pakistan. The tribal area they inhabit there borders Afghanistan to the west, and it has become a major front in the War on Terror. Pakistan routinely associates Pashtuns and Afghan refugees with the Taliban and Islamist terrorism.

Us and them

The protests have come along just as Pakistan and Afghanistan&rsquo;s relationship is deteriorating. In 2016, chafing at Afghanistan&rsquo;s deepening relationship with India, Pakistan deported more than 500,000 Afghans. Conversely, when Afghan officials discuss the Pashtun protest, they often resort to nationalist language.

Ahmad Shah Katawazai, defence liaison at the Afghan embassy in the US, has called for Pakistani Pashtun areas to be incorporated wholesale into Afghanistan. As he writes in American newspaper The Hill:

The government and people of Afghanistan have consistently asked for the territory to be re-incorporated into Afghanistan. People who live along the Durand Line don&rsquo;t consider it to be a border.

Both Pakistan and Afghanistan have tried to frame their respective approaches to the protest as beneficial for the War on Terror. Afghanistan&rsquo;s president, Ashraf Ghani, has supported the protest as a citizen struggle against terrorism and fundamentalism.&nbsp;

The protesters have a tough road ahead. They have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror. Yet it is undeniable that the protests are in themselves a victory of sorts for this marginalised group. As the columnist Raza Rumi writes in Pakistan&rsquo;s Daily Times:

The Pashtun long march and its ten-day long protest in Pakistan&rsquo;s capital Islamabad testifies to how the marginalised are negotiating the contradictions of today&rsquo;s Pakistan. The people of [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] continue to be treated as second-class citizens and all talk of &lsquo;reform&rsquo; founders at expediency of the civil-military elites. Youngsters from tribal areas are less willing to engage with the state structures as their elders have done in the past. Ethnicity-based politics will remain a reality and it needs to be accepted by powers-that-be. Democratisation, howsoever flawed it might be, enables reconciliation of multiple political and social identities.

It seems that for Pakistan&rsquo;s Pashtuns, the odds of change for the better could finally be shifting in their favour.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Pakistans's Pashtun protesters are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan. Yet they have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror

After years of tension and exclusion, it seems Pakistan’s Pashtuns – the country’s second-largest ethnic group – have had enough. In January, a large crowd began protesting after 27-year-old shopkeeper Naqibullah Mehsud was shot dead by a police officer in Karachi. The protesters marched from Khyber Patunkhwa province to Islamabad, where they staged a sit-in protest in front of the National Press Club. Although the sit-in has ended, protests have erupted elsewhere in Pakistan, and the movement has variously become known as the Pashtun Long March and the Pashtun Spring. The protesters are demanding the arrest and punishment of Rao Anwar, the police officer who killed Naqibullah. They are further demanding an end to what they call state-imposed terrorism and militarism justified by War on Terror rhetoric. Other demands include the clearing of landmines in the tribal areas, and the return of missing people who have been taken into custody by Pakistani security forces. These demands are expressed in the language of human rights, and have received the support of leading Pakistani politicians, including opposition leader Bilawal Bhutto. Pakistani authorities claimed that Naqibullah was a member of the Pakistani Taliban. The claim was later dropped. According to Human Rights Watch, extrajudicial killings by Pakistani police are widespread, especially among marginalised groups. These include Pashtuns, more than 1m of whom are Afghan refugees. Across the border Pakistan’s prime minister, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, has reportedly promised to use all available means to secure Rao Anwar’s arrest. He also vowed to build a college to be named after Naqibullah Mehsud, and clear South Waziristan of landmines. The size and public visibility of the protest is unprecedented, but calls for Pashtun rights are not new. One protest leader, Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen from South Waziristan, is a co-founder of the Mehsud Tahafuz Movement (Mehsud Protection Movement). This movement has fought for the rights of the Pashtun Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan since 2013. Around 25m Pashtuns live in Pakistan and around 11m in Afghanistan. In 1893, British India imposed the Durand Line, a 2,640km border between Afghanistan and today’s Pakistan. The line bolstered British territorial control on its side of the line, which divides historical Pashtun areas. Afghanistan has never officially acknowledged this border. Whereas Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, they are economically and politically marginalised in Pakistan. The tribal area they inhabit there borders Afghanistan to the west, and it has become a major front in the War on Terror. Pakistan routinely associates Pashtuns and Afghan refugees with the Taliban and Islamist terrorism. Us and them The protests have come along just as Pakistan and Afghanistan’s relationship is deteriorating. In 2016, chafing at Afghanistan’s deepening relationship with India, Pakistan deported more than 500,000 Afghans. Conversely, when Afghan officials discuss the Pashtun protest, they often resort to nationalist language. Ahmad Shah Katawazai, defence liaison at the Afghan embassy in the US, has called for Pakistani Pashtun areas to be incorporated wholesale into Afghanistan. As he writes in American newspaper The Hill: The government and people of Afghanistan have consistently asked for the territory to be re-incorporated into Afghanistan. People who live along the Durand Line don’t consider it to be a border. Both Pakistan and Afghanistan have tried to frame their respective approaches to the protest as beneficial for the War on Terror. Afghanistan’s president, Ashraf Ghani, has supported the protest as a citizen struggle against terrorism and fundamentalism. The protesters have a tough road ahead. They have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror. Yet it is undeniable that the protests are in themselves a victory of sorts for this marginalised group. As the columnist Raza Rumi writes in Pakistan’s Daily Times: The Pashtun long march and its ten-day long protest in Pakistan’s capital Islamabad testifies to how the marginalised are negotiating the contradictions of today’s Pakistan. The people of [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] continue to be treated as second-class citizens and all talk of ‘reform’ founders at expediency of the civil-military elites. Youngsters from tribal areas are less willing to engage with the state structures as their elders have done in the past. Ethnicity-based politics will remain a reality and it needs to be accepted by powers-that-be. Democratisation, howsoever flawed it might be, enables reconciliation of multiple political and social identities. It seems that for Pakistan’s Pashtuns, the odds of change for the better could finally be shifting in their favour. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Pakistan's Pashtuns protest oppression in the name of 'War on Terror'

In 2017, we saw the consolidation of China&rsquo;s power and influence globally, and of Communist Party leader Xi Jinping&rsquo;s power nationally. This year, the party will try to use this to tackle some of its biggest economic hurdles such as financial risk, environmental pollution and maintaining social cohesion.

A first and overriding priority will be managing and preventing major financial risks within the Chinese economy. China will continue to clean up and tighten controls over its financial sector.

Beijing has already banned risk-laden Bitcoin from its financial system, and the government says it will maintain a &ldquo;proactive fiscal policy and prudent monetary policy&rdquo; for 2018.

This is in line with moves earlier in 2017 to curb credit growth and consolidate the country&rsquo;s 100 trillion yuan (US$15 trillion) financial services asset-management industry under a single regulatory umbrella.

Regulators have also issued a 36-point code of conduct for the country&rsquo;s private enterprises to follow when investing overseas. This is part of a move to clip the wings of China&rsquo;s most aggressive global deal makers, firms like HNA Group and Fosun International. These businesses responded enthusiastically to the government&rsquo;s &ldquo;going out&rdquo; policy to link China to the rest of the global economy, launched at the beginning of the century.

On the one hand, China has banned investments in gambling and &ldquo;sensitive&rdquo; industries and restricted investments in property, hotel, film and sports. But projects linked to China&rsquo;s ambitious Belt and Road initiative are actively encouraged. So 2018 should see a continuation of China&rsquo;s expanding economic influence globally through infrastructure and other major projects.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/201458/original/file-20180110-48505-14mg7t0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/201458/original/file-20180110-48505-14mg7t0.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></a>

<figcaption>
Beijing&rsquo;s agenda is clear and the message from the centre is tightly controlled. How Hwee Young/AAP

&nbsp;
</figcaption>
</figure>

Tackling pollution, of all kinds

In line with the party&rsquo;s focus on stability and risk minimisation is a clear determination to move away from high-speed growth to high-quality growth. &ldquo;Quality&rdquo; here means an economy that is cleaner and more user friendly.

The government is trying to reduce pollution. Measures to close down polluting factories and make local officials more accountable for environmental damage are starting to make a difference.

A major component of the shift to a cleaner economy is China&rsquo;s determination to free itself from any reliance upon carbon imports. This has potentially major implications for the Australian economy, which has done so well over the past few decades largely because of its commodity exports to China.

China is also no longer willing to accept imports of Australian waste, leaving Australia with the question of how else to deal with its accumulating stockpiles.

Social stability for economic and political stability

In an unusual move during last year&rsquo;s annual end-of-year economic convention, the government detailed concerns from the wider public on issues such as online scams, sex discrimination in the workplace and a lack of kindergarten services in certain regions. This reflects the party&rsquo;s concern with social cohesion.

Maintaining a harmonious society has long been a concern of China&rsquo;s leaders. In 2018, the anti-poverty campaign - one of Xi Jinping&rsquo;s pet projects - will accelerate, with millions of rural poor being relocated to new housing with water and power. This will not only boost GDP and economic growth figures, it&rsquo;s also aimed at promoting support for the party and its leaders.

Chinese leadership&rsquo;s emphasis on social harmony extends to supporting the party in its policy endeavours. A series of recent measures have been aimed at strengthening party organisations in business and civil society organisations.

In line with existing provisions in China&rsquo;s Company Law, these measures seek to ensure that all organisations in China (local and foreign, commercial and non-profit) make room within the organisation for the operations of a Communist Party cell. This allows the party to monitor and influence the operations of any organisation.

The rolling out of a social credit system is also aimed at monitoring and influencing the behaviour of both organisations and individuals. It operates by awarding social credit points for good social behaviour, whether it be corporate philanthropy or an individual picking up rubbish on the kerbside. It also deducts points for bad behaviour, such as traffic law violations, failing to pay bills on time or domestic violence. There are even &ldquo;blacklists&rdquo; for the worst offenders.

Beijing&rsquo;s agenda is clear and the message from the centre is tightly controlled. But the messiness and the unknowns will lie in its local implementation.

China has always struggled, and always will struggle, with the question of how to balance direction from a central government with local implementation for local circumstances.

For example, a recent decree requiring all local areas to move away from coal fired heating, towards natural gas, hit a snag when thousands of houses and schools were left without heating in freezing conditions in northern China. It forced authorities to back-track on implementing the policy.

The key for the government will be to strike a balance between reform and preserving stability. Aggressive reforms will be duly countered by other policies if they are seen as posing risks to economic stability.

If successful, China&rsquo;s reforms will allow its economy to take the lead in adapting to a dynamic world. But the sheer size of its ambitions (both global and local) also contains the risk that failures, if they occur, could have devastating impacts.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-we-can-expect-from-chinas-economy-in-2018-89911" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

In China, aggressive reforms will be duly countered by other policies if they are seen as posing risks to economic stability.

In 2017, we saw the consolidation of China’s power and influence globally, and of Communist Party leader Xi Jinping’s power nationally. This year, the party will try to use this to tackle some of its biggest economic hurdles such as financial risk, environmental pollution and maintaining social cohesion. A first and overriding priority will be managing and preventing major financial risks within the Chinese economy. China will continue to clean up and tighten controls over its financial sector. Beijing has already banned risk-laden Bitcoin from its financial system, and the government says it will maintain a “proactive fiscal policy and prudent monetary policy” for 2018. This is in line with moves earlier in 2017 to curb credit growth and consolidate the country’s 100 trillion yuan (US$15 trillion) financial services asset-management industry under a single regulatory umbrella. Regulators have also issued a 36-point code of conduct for the country’s private enterprises to follow when investing overseas. This is part of a move to clip the wings of China’s most aggressive global deal makers, firms like HNA Group and Fosun International. These businesses responded enthusiastically to the government’s “going out” policy to link China to the rest of the global economy, launched at the beginning of the century. On the one hand, China has banned investments in gambling and “sensitive” industries and restricted investments in property, hotel, film and sports. But projects linked to China’s ambitious Belt and Road initiative are actively encouraged. So 2018 should see a continuation of China’s expanding economic influence globally through infrastructure and other major projects. Beijing’s agenda is clear and the message from the centre is tightly controlled. How Hwee Young/AAP Tackling pollution, of all kinds In line with the party’s focus on stability and risk minimisation is a clear determination to move away from high-speed growth to high-quality growth. “Quality” here means an economy that is cleaner and more user friendly. The government is trying to reduce pollution. Measures to close down polluting factories and make local officials more accountable for environmental damage are starting to make a difference. A major component of the shift to a cleaner economy is China’s determination to free itself from any reliance upon carbon imports. This has potentially major implications for the Australian economy, which has done so well over the past few decades largely because of its commodity exports to China. China is also no longer willing to accept imports of Australian waste, leaving Australia with the question of how else to deal with its accumulating stockpiles. Social stability for economic and political stability In an unusual move during last year’s annual end-of-year economic convention, the government detailed concerns from the wider public on issues such as online scams, sex discrimination in the workplace and a lack of kindergarten services in certain regions. This reflects the party’s concern with social cohesion. Maintaining a harmonious society has long been a concern of China’s leaders. In 2018, the anti-poverty campaign - one of Xi Jinping’s pet projects - will accelerate, with millions of rural poor being relocated to new housing with water and power. This will not only boost GDP and economic growth figures, it’s also aimed at promoting support for the party and its leaders. Chinese leadership’s emphasis on social harmony extends to supporting the party in its policy endeavours. A series of recent measures have been aimed at strengthening party organisations in business and civil society organisations. In line with existing provisions in China’s Company Law, these measures seek to ensure that all organisations in China (local and foreign, commercial and non-profit) make room within the organisation for the operations of a Communist Party cell. This allows the party to monitor and influence the operations of any organisation. The rolling out of a social credit system is also aimed at monitoring and influencing the behaviour of both organisations and individuals. It operates by awarding social credit points for good social behaviour, whether it be corporate philanthropy or an individual picking up rubbish on the kerbside. It also deducts points for bad behaviour, such as traffic law violations, failing to pay bills on time or domestic violence. There are even “blacklists” for the worst offenders. Beijing’s agenda is clear and the message from the centre is tightly controlled. But the messiness and the unknowns will lie in its local implementation. China has always struggled, and always will struggle, with the question of how to balance direction from a central government with local implementation for local circumstances. For example, a recent decree requiring all local areas to move away from coal fired heating, towards natural gas, hit a snag when thousands of houses and schools were left without heating in freezing conditions in northern China. It forced authorities to back-track on implementing the policy. The key for the government will be to strike a balance between reform and preserving stability. Aggressive reforms will be duly countered by other policies if they are seen as posing risks to economic stability. If successful, China’s reforms will allow its economy to take the lead in adapting to a dynamic world. But the sheer size of its ambitions (both global and local) also contains the risk that failures, if they occur, could have devastating impacts. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Opinion: China needs to balance aggressive reforms with economic stability

Many observers of China&rsquo;s escalating global program of foreign investment and infrastructure development are crossing their fingers and hoping for the best. In an ideal world, China&rsquo;s unbridled ambitions will improve economic growth, food security and social development in many poor nations, as well as enrich itself.

Such hopes are certainly timely, given the isolationism of the US Trump administration, which has created an international leadership vacuum that China is eager to fill.

But a close look reveals that China&rsquo;s international agenda is far more exploitative than many realise, especially for the global environment. And the Chinese leadership&rsquo;s claims to be embracing &ldquo;green development&rdquo; are in many cases more propaganda than fact.

To help steer through the maze, I provide here a snapshot of China&rsquo;s present environmental impacts. Are China&rsquo;s assertions reasoned and defensible, or something else altogether?

Predatory force?

For a start, China is overwhelmingly the world&rsquo;s biggest consumer of illegally poached wildlife and wildlife products. From rhino horn&nbsp;to pangolins, to shark fins, to a menagerie of wild bird species, Chinese consumption drives much of the global trade in wildlife exploitation and smuggling.

Over the past 15 years, China&rsquo;s rapacious appetite for ivory has largely driven a global collapse of elephant populations. In response to growing international criticism, China promised to shut down its domestic ivory trade by the end of 2017.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/file-20171130-12075-1at9skl-20171213063935.jpg" />
<div class="media-description">
The author examining a Forest Elephant gunned down by ivory poachers in central Africa. (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

But even before China&rsquo;s ban has taken full force, a black market for ivory is developing in neighbouring Laos. There, Chinese entrepreneurs are churning out great quantities of carved ivory products, specifically designed for Chinese tastes and openly sold to Chinese visitors.

China is also the world&rsquo;s biggest importer of illegal timber, a trade that imperils forests while defrauding developing nations of billions of dollars each year in timber royalties.

China claims to be working to reduce its illegal timber imports, but its efforts are half-hearted at best, judging by the amount of illegal timber still flowing across its border with Myanmar.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/terrorism-fashion-and-illegal-animal-trafficking-20996">Also read: Terrorism, fashion and Illegal animal trafficking</a>

Infrastructure tsunami

More damaging still are China&rsquo;s plans for infrastructure expansion that will irreparably degrade much of the natural world.

China&rsquo;s One Belt One Road initiative alone will carve massive arrays of new roads, railroads, ports, and extractive industries such as mining, logging, and oil and gas projects into at least 70 nations across Asia, Europe, and Africa.

Chinese President Xi Jinping promises that the Belt and Road initiative will be &ldquo;green, low-carbon, circular and sustainable&rdquo;, but such a claim is profoundly divorced from reality.

As my colleagues and I recently argued in Science and Current Biology, the modern infrastructure tsunami that is largely being driven by China will open a Pandora&rsquo;s box of environmental crises, including large-scale deforestation, habitat fragmentation, wildlife poaching, water pollution and greenhouse gas emissions.

China&rsquo;s pursuit of natural resources is also escalating across Latin America. In the Amazon, for example, big mining projects &ndash; many of which are feeding Chinese industries &ndash; don&rsquo;t just cause serious local degradation, but also promote widespread deforestation from the networks of roads bulldosed into remote areas to access the mines.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/the-first-ladies-of-conservation-how-the-black-mambas-are-protecting-wildlife-in-south-africa-13178">Also read: How women are protecting wildlife in South Africa</a>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false"><iframe allow="encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" gesture="media" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/mwwlxlMoVVQ" width="560"></iframe></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Overall, China is the most aggressive consumer of minerals on the planet and the biggest driver of tropical deforestation.

Beyond this, China is pushing to build a 5,000km railroad across South America, to make it cheaper for China to import timber, minerals, soy and other natural resources from ports along South America&rsquo;s Pacific coast. If it proceeds, the number of critical ecosystems that would be impacted by this project is staggering.

A World Bank study of more than 3,000 overseas projects funded or operated by China revealed how it often treats poor nations as &ldquo;pollution havens&rdquo; &ndash; transferring its own environmental degradation to developing nations that are desperate for foreign investment.

Finally, much has been made of the fact that China is beginning to temper its appetite for domestic fossil-fuelled energy. It is now a leading investor in solar and wind energy, and recently delayed construction of more than 150 coal-fired electricity plants in China.

These are unquestionably pluses, but they need to be seen in their broad context. In terms of greenhouse-gas emissions, China has exploded past every other nation. It now produces more than twice the carbon emissions of the United States, the second-biggest polluter, following the greatest building spree of coal, nuclear, and large-scale hydro projects in human history.

Despite its new post-Trump role as the world&rsquo;s de facto climate leader, China&rsquo;s overall agenda could scarcely be described as green.

<figure class="align-center zoomable">
<figcaption>
Iceberg ahead

Some would say it&rsquo;s unfair to criticise China like this. They would argue that China is merely following a well-trodden path of exploitative development previously forged by other nations and colonial powers.

But China is not the same as any other nation. The astounding growth and size of its economy, its dangerously single-minded vision for exploiting natural resources and land internationally, its intolerance of internal and external criticism, and its increasingly closed media and official myopia all combine to make it unique.

President Xi admits that many Chinese corporations, investors and lenders operating overseas have often acted aggressively and even illegally. But he says his government is powerless to do much about it. The most notable government response to date is a series of &ldquo;green papers&rdquo; containing guidelines that sound good in theory but are almost universally ignored by Chinese interests overseas.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/file-20171130-30896-1lw73xn-20171213064007.jpg" />
<div class="media-description">
Indigenous forest people in the Congo Basin become increasingly poor and marginalised as foreign miners, loggers and poachers invade their lands. (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Are Xi&rsquo;s assertions of powerlessness believable? He increasingly rules China with an iron hand. Is it really impossible for China to guide and control its overseas industries, or are they simply so profitable that the government doesn&rsquo;t want to?

Of course, China&rsquo;s huge international ambitions will have some positive effects, and could even be economically transformative for certain nations. But many other elements will benefit China while profoundly damaging our planet.
</figcaption>
</figure>

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/chinas-growing-footprint-on-the-globe-threatens-to-trample-the-natural-world-88312" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Image Credit:&nbsp;Bill Laurance and&nbsp;Mahmoud

Chinese investment is driving an unprecedented investment boom in global infrastructure. But despite its claims to be pursuing green development, China's building bonanza is harming the planet

Many observers of China’s escalating global program of foreign investment and infrastructure development are crossing their fingers and hoping for the best. In an ideal world, China’s unbridled ambitions will improve economic growth, food security and social development in many poor nations, as well as enrich itself. Such hopes are certainly timely, given the isolationism of the US Trump administration, which has created an international leadership vacuum that China is eager to fill. But a close look reveals that China’s international agenda is far more exploitative than many realise, especially for the global environment. And the Chinese leadership’s claims to be embracing “green development” are in many cases more propaganda than fact. To help steer through the maze, I provide here a snapshot of China’s present environmental impacts. Are China’s assertions reasoned and defensible, or something else altogether? Predatory force? For a start, China is overwhelmingly the world’s biggest consumer of illegally poached wildlife and wildlife products. From rhino horn to pangolins, to shark fins, to a menagerie of wild bird species, Chinese consumption drives much of the global trade in wildlife exploitation and smuggling. Over the past 15 years, China’s rapacious appetite for ivory has largely driven a global collapse of elephant populations. In response to growing international criticism, China promised to shut down its domestic ivory trade by the end of 2017. The author examining a Forest Elephant gunned down by ivory poachers in central Africa. (Others) × But even before China’s ban has taken full force, a black market for ivory is developing in neighbouring Laos. There, Chinese entrepreneurs are churning out great quantities of carved ivory products, specifically designed for Chinese tastes and openly sold to Chinese visitors. China is also the world’s biggest importer of illegal timber, a trade that imperils forests while defrauding developing nations of billions of dollars each year in timber royalties. China claims to be working to reduce its illegal timber imports, but its efforts are half-hearted at best, judging by the amount of illegal timber still flowing across its border with Myanmar. Also read: Terrorism, fashion and Illegal animal trafficking Infrastructure tsunami More damaging still are China’s plans for infrastructure expansion that will irreparably degrade much of the natural world. China’s One Belt One Road initiative alone will carve massive arrays of new roads, railroads, ports, and extractive industries such as mining, logging, and oil and gas projects into at least 70 nations across Asia, Europe, and Africa. Chinese President Xi Jinping promises that the Belt and Road initiative will be “green, low-carbon, circular and sustainable”, but such a claim is profoundly divorced from reality. As my colleagues and I recently argued in Science and Current Biology, the modern infrastructure tsunami that is largely being driven by China will open a Pandora’s box of environmental crises, including large-scale deforestation, habitat fragmentation, wildlife poaching, water pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. China’s pursuit of natural resources is also escalating across Latin America. In the Amazon, for example, big mining projects – many of which are feeding Chinese industries – don’t just cause serious local degradation, but also promote widespread deforestation from the networks of roads bulldosed into remote areas to access the mines. Also read: How women are protecting wildlife in South Africa × Overall, China is the most aggressive consumer of minerals on the planet and the biggest driver of tropical deforestation. Beyond this, China is pushing to build a 5,000km railroad across South America, to make it cheaper for China to import timber, minerals, soy and other natural resources from ports along South America’s Pacific coast. If it proceeds, the number of critical ecosystems that would be impacted by this project is staggering. A World Bank study of more than 3,000 overseas projects funded or operated by China revealed how it often treats poor nations as “pollution havens” – transferring its own environmental degradation to developing nations that are desperate for foreign investment. Finally, much has been made of the fact that China is beginning to temper its appetite for domestic fossil-fuelled energy. It is now a leading investor in solar and wind energy, and recently delayed construction of more than 150 coal-fired electricity plants in China. These are unquestionably pluses, but they need to be seen in their broad context. In terms of greenhouse-gas emissions, China has exploded past every other nation. It now produces more than twice the carbon emissions of the United States, the second-biggest polluter, following the greatest building spree of coal, nuclear, and large-scale hydro projects in human history. Despite its new post-Trump role as the world’s de facto climate leader, China’s overall agenda could scarcely be described as green. Iceberg ahead Some would say it’s unfair to criticise China like this. They would argue that China is merely following a well-trodden path of exploitative development previously forged by other nations and colonial powers. But China is not the same as any other nation. The astounding growth and size of its economy, its dangerously single-minded vision for exploiting natural resources and land internationally, its intolerance of internal and external criticism, and its increasingly closed media and official myopia all combine to make it unique. President Xi admits that many Chinese corporations, investors and lenders operating overseas have often acted aggressively and even illegally. But he says his government is powerless to do much about it. The most notable government response to date is a series of “green papers” containing guidelines that sound good in theory but are almost universally ignored by Chinese interests overseas. Indigenous forest people in the Congo Basin become increasingly poor and marginalised as foreign miners, loggers and poachers invade their lands. (Others) × Are Xi’s assertions of powerlessness believable? He increasingly rules China with an iron hand. Is it really impossible for China to guide and control its overseas industries, or are they simply so profitable that the government doesn’t want to? Of course, China’s huge international ambitions will have some positive effects, and could even be economically transformative for certain nations. But many other elements will benefit China while profoundly damaging our planet. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity). Image Credit: Bill Laurance and Mahmoud

Opinion: China's growth is harming the planet