The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke with South African Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor, on Thursday (Jan 25) about the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas in Gaza. Meanwhile, Israel is bracing for a ruling by the United Nations judges at the World Court who are set to decide whether to order Israel to suspend its military campaign in Gaza. &nbsp;

<h2>What did US and South Africa discuss?</h2>

During the call on Thursday, Blinken reaffirmed Washington’s support for “Israel’s right to ensure the terrorist attacks of October 7 can never be repeated,” said the US State Department&nbsp;in a statement.&nbsp;

Washington’s top diplomat and South Africa’s foreign minister also discussed the need to protect civilian lives in Gaza, and ensure regional peace that “advances the establishment of an independent Palestinian state,” said the State Department.&nbsp;

Blinken and Pandor also reaffirmed bilateral ties between the two countries.&nbsp;

WATCH |&nbsp;Israel-Hamas War: ICJ to rule genocide case against Israel

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Notably, the conversation took place as the International Court of Justice (ICJ),&nbsp;on Friday (Jan 26), delivers a landmark ruling in a case against Israel over alleged genocide in the Gaza Strip.&nbsp;

<h2>Israel braces for ICJ ruling</h2>

The UN judges will rule on South Africa’s request for emergency measures against Israel after accusing it of state-led genocide for its military operation in Gaza.&nbsp;

Israel has since rejected the accusations by&nbsp;South Africa and said it has a right to defend itself after Hamas’ October 7 attacks on Israel where around 1,200 people were killed and 240 others were taken as hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli officials.&nbsp;

Pretoria has sought an immediate halt to Israel’s military operation which has killed nearly 26,000 people in the Palestinian enclave, according to the Hamas-run health ministry.&nbsp;

South Africa has requested nine emergency measures, which act like a restraining order against Israel while the court will proceed with hearing the rest of the case, which could go on for years.&nbsp;

ALSO READ |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/explained-uns-top-court-to-hand-down-its-ruling-in-gaza-genocide-case-against-israel-on-friday-what-is-it-683591">Explained: UN's top court to hand down ruling in Gaza 'genocide case' against Israel on Friday. What is it?</a>

Therefore, the judgement on Friday will be an initial one at best and does not necessarily mean that Israel is being convicted based on the accusations of genocide. The court is also not bound to act on measures sought by South Africa and can order its own.&nbsp;

“South Africa does not need to prove that Israel is committing genocide,” Juliette McIntyre, an international law expert told AFP. She added, “They simply need to establish that there is a plausible risk of genocide occurring.”&nbsp;

According to experts, if the court decides there is a risk of genocide in Gaza, it could still have a ripple effect, particularly on the nations which support Israel politically or militarily.

<h2>Situation on the ground</h2>

As the world waits with bated breath for ICJ’s ruling, which could potentially see a halt in the months-long war, media reports citing sources have said diplomatic efforts to bring about a break in the conflict are underway.&nbsp;

A report by Reuters citing sources said US and Israeli intelligence chiefs were due to meet Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani in Europe this weekend, and Egypt’s intelligence chief would also participate.

ALSO READ |<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/israel-genocide-case-western-countries-reject-safricas-charges-turkey-to-provide-documents-679670">&nbsp;Israel ‘genocide’ case: Western countries reject S. Africa’s charges; Turkey to provide documents</a>

Officials in Gaza, on Thursday, said Israeli strikes killed 20 Palestinians queuing for food aid in Gaza City. Additionally, strikes in central Gaza’s Al-Nusseirat refugee camp killed six and at least 50 people lost their lives in the last 24 hours in Gaza’s main southern city Khan Younis.

Meanwhile, in Israel, protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continue as families and supporters of the more than 100 remaining Israeli hostages took to the streets demanding that the government strike a deal to secure their release.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

Disclaimer: WION takes utmost care to accurately and responsibly report ongoing developments on the Israel-Palestine conflict after the Hamas attacks. However, we cannot independently verify the authenticity of all statements, photos and videos.

The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke with South African Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor, on Thursday (Jan 25) about the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas in Gaza.

The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke with South African Foreign Minister Naledi Pandor, on Thursday (Jan 25) about the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas in Gaza. Meanwhile, Israel is bracing for a ruling by the United Nations judges at the World Court who are set to decide whether to order Israel to suspend its military campaign in Gaza. What did US and South Africa discuss? During the call on Thursday, Blinken reaffirmed Washington’s support for “Israel’s right to ensure the terrorist attacks of October 7 can never be repeated,” said the US State Department in a statement. Washington’s top diplomat and South Africa’s foreign minister also discussed the need to protect civilian lives in Gaza, and ensure regional peace that “advances the establishment of an independent Palestinian state,” said the State Department. Blinken and Pandor also reaffirmed bilateral ties between the two countries. WATCH | Israel-Hamas War: ICJ to rule genocide case against Israel Notably, the conversation took place as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), on Friday (Jan 26), delivers a landmark ruling in a case against Israel over alleged genocide in the Gaza Strip. Israel braces for ICJ ruling The UN judges will rule on South Africa’s request for emergency measures against Israel after accusing it of state-led genocide for its military operation in Gaza. Israel has since rejected the accusations by South Africa and said it has a right to defend itself after Hamas’ October 7 attacks on Israel where around 1,200 people were killed and 240 others were taken as hostages back to Gaza, according to Israeli officials. Pretoria has sought an immediate halt to Israel’s military operation which has killed nearly 26,000 people in the Palestinian enclave, according to the Hamas-run health ministry. South Africa has requested nine emergency measures, which act like a restraining order against Israel while the court will proceed with hearing the rest of the case, which could go on for years. ALSO READ | Explained: UN's top court to hand down ruling in Gaza 'genocide case' against Israel on Friday. What is it? Therefore, the judgement on Friday will be an initial one at best and does not necessarily mean that Israel is being convicted based on the accusations of genocide. The court is also not bound to act on measures sought by South Africa and can order its own. “South Africa does not need to prove that Israel is committing genocide,” Juliette McIntyre, an international law expert told AFP. She added, “They simply need to establish that there is a plausible risk of genocide occurring.” According to experts, if the court decides there is a risk of genocide in Gaza, it could still have a ripple effect, particularly on the nations which support Israel politically or militarily. Situation on the ground As the world waits with bated breath for ICJ’s ruling, which could potentially see a halt in the months-long war, media reports citing sources have said diplomatic efforts to bring about a break in the conflict are underway. A report by Reuters citing sources said US and Israeli intelligence chiefs were due to meet Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani in Europe this weekend, and Egypt’s intelligence chief would also participate. ALSO READ | Israel ‘genocide’ case: Western countries reject S. Africa’s charges; Turkey to provide documents Officials in Gaza, on Thursday, said Israeli strikes killed 20 Palestinians queuing for food aid in Gaza City. Additionally, strikes in central Gaza’s Al-Nusseirat refugee camp killed six and at least 50 people lost their lives in the last 24 hours in Gaza’s main southern city Khan Younis. Meanwhile, in Israel, protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu continue as families and supporters of the more than 100 remaining Israeli hostages took to the streets demanding that the government strike a deal to secure their release. (With inputs from agencies) Disclaimer: WION takes utmost care to accurately and responsibly report ongoing developments on the Israel-Palestine conflict after the Hamas attacks. However, we cannot independently verify the authenticity of all statements, photos and videos.

US, South Africa discuss Gaza war as Israel braces for World Court ruling on 'genocide' case

Over the past week, in response to the gut-wrenching scenes in Ukraine, Western unity has been impressive and heartening. I know from my near-daily conversations with President Volodymyr Zelensky that this has provided Ukrainians with some comfort in their hour of need.

Never in my life have I seen an international crisis where the dividing line between right and wrong has been so stark, as the Russian war machine unleashes its fury on a proud democracy. Russia’s reckless attack on the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant reminds us just how grave the stakes are for everyone. More than one million people have fled the violence, toward an uncertain future.

President Biden has displayed great leadership, consulting and convening allies, exposing the lie that America’s commitment to Europe is somehow diminished. The European Union has undertaken a remarkable effort to align behind severe sanctions on Russia. Dozens of European countries are sending defensive equipment to Ukraine’s armed forces. But have we done enough for Ukraine? The honest answer is no.

Vladimir Putin’s act of aggression must fail and be seen to fail. We must not allow anyone in the Kremlin to get away with misrepresenting our intentions in order to find ex post facto justification for this war of choice. This is not a NATO conflict, and it will not become one. No ally has sent combat troops to Ukraine. We have no hostility toward the Russian people, and we have no desire to impugn a great nation and a world power. We despair of the decision to send young, innocent Russians into a futile war.

The truth is that Ukraine had no serious prospect of NATO membership in the near future — and we were ready to respond to Russia’s stated security concerns through negotiation. I and many other Western leaders have spoken to Mr. Putin to understand his perspective. The United Kingdom even sent emissaries to Moscow before Russia’s invasion to deal directly with Defense Minister Gen. Sergei Shoigu and the chief of the general staff, Gen. Valery Gerasimov, who are spearheading this awful campaign.

It is now clear diplomacy never had a chance. But it is precisely because of our respect for Russia that we find the actions of the Putin regime so unconscionable. Mr. Putin is attempting the destruction of the very foundation of international relations and the United Nations Charter: the right of nations to decide their own future, free from aggression and fear of invasion. His assault on Ukraine began with a confected pretext and a flagrant violation of international law. It is sinking further into a sordid campaign of war crimes and unthinkable violence against civilians.

Though there can be no comparison with the assault on Ukraine, we in the United Kingdom know something of Mr. Putin’s ruthlessness. Four years ago, we endured the outcome of Russian operatives’ use of chemical weapons against people in Salisbury, England — and our allies rallied to our side. In our defense and foreign policy review, published a year ago, we warned that Russia remained the most acute security threat, and we announced the biggest increase in our defense spending since the end of the Cold War.

We also warned that the world was entering into a period of competition in which authoritarian states would test the mettle of the West in every domain. Last year’s agreement among the United Kingdom, America and Australia to help deploy nuclear submarines for the Australian Navy demonstrated our shared resolve to meet the challenges we face in the Indo-Pacific.

We have failed to learn the lessons of Russian aggression. For too long, we have turned the other cheek. No one can say we were not warned: We saw what Russia did in Georgia in 2008, in Ukraine in 2014 and even on the streets of Salisbury. And I know from speaking to my counterparts on recent visits to Poland and Estonia just how acutely they feel the threat.

It is no longer enough to express warm platitudes about the rules-based international order. We are going to have to actively defend it against a sustained attempt to rewrite the rules by force and other tools, such as economic coercion. We must restore effective deterrence in Europe, where, for too long, the very success of NATO and of America’s security guarantee has bred complacency. What happens in Europe will have profound implications worldwide.

We are pleased to see more nations beginning to grasp this hard reality. In January, the United Kingdom was among a handful of European countries sending defensive aid to Ukraine. Now more than 20 countries are part of that effort. Defense spending is going up, though it will take time for that to translate into capability.

That’s a welcome development, but it is not going to be enough on its own to save Ukraine or keep the flame of freedom alive. Russia has overwhelming force and apparently no regard for the laws of war. We need to prepare now for even darker days ahead.

So we must begin a six-point plan for Ukraine, starting today.

First, we must mobilize an international humanitarian coalition. On Monday, I will meet the leaders of Canada and the Netherlands in London to talk about creating the widest possible coalition to expose the outrages that are taking place in Ukraine. On Tuesday, I will host the leaders of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic, now on the front line of a refugee crisis. The United Kingdom has 1,000 troops on standby for humanitarian operations, on top of 220 million pounds ($291 million) of aid. We must all work together to establish an immediate cease-fire and allow civilians safe passage, food and medical supplies.

Second, we must do more to help Ukraine to defend itself. More and more nations are willing to provide defensive equipment. We must act quickly to coordinate our efforts to support the government of Ukraine.

Third, we must maximize the economic pressure on Mr. Putin’s regime. We must go further on economic sanctions, expelling every Russian bank from SWIFT and giving our law enforcement agencies unprecedented powers to peel back the facade of dirty Russian money in London. We must go after the oligarchs. So far, the United Kingdom has imposed sanctions on more than 300 elites and entities, including Mr. Putin himself. But these measures will be insufficient unless Europe begins to wean itself off the Russian oil and gas that bankroll Mr. Putin’s war machine.

Fourth, no matter how long it takes, we must prevent any creeping normalization of what Russia does in Ukraine. The lesson from Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 and seizure of Crimea in 2014 is that accepting the results of Russian aggression merely encourages more aggression. We cannot allow the Kremlin to bite off chunks of an independent country and inflict immense human suffering and then creep back into the fold.

Fifth, we should always be open to diplomacy and de-escalation, provided that the government of Ukraine has full agency in any potential settlement. There can be no new Yalta, decided over the heads of the people of Ukraine, by external powers.

Sixth, we must act now to strengthen Euro-Atlantic security. This includes not only bolstering NATO’s eastern flank but also supporting non-NATO European countries that are potentially at risk of Russian aggression, such as Moldova, Georgia and the nations of the western Balkans. And those that participate or enable Russian aggression, such as Belarus, will be subject to maximum sanctions.

Ukrainians have bravely defended their country. It is their valor that has united the international community. We can’t let them down.

Over the past week, in response to the gut-wrenching scenes in Ukraine, Western unity has been impressive and heartening. I know from my near-daily conversations with President Volodymyr Zelensky that this has provided Ukrainians with some comfort in their hour of need.

Over the past week, in response to the gut-wrenching scenes in Ukraine, Western unity has been impressive and heartening. I know from my near-daily conversations with President Volodymyr Zelensky that this has provided Ukrainians with some comfort in their hour of need. Never in my life have I seen an international crisis where the dividing line between right and wrong has been so stark, as the Russian war machine unleashes its fury on a proud democracy. Russia’s reckless attack on the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant reminds us just how grave the stakes are for everyone. More than one million people have fled the violence, toward an uncertain future. President Biden has displayed great leadership, consulting and convening allies, exposing the lie that America’s commitment to Europe is somehow diminished. The European Union has undertaken a remarkable effort to align behind severe sanctions on Russia. Dozens of European countries are sending defensive equipment to Ukraine’s armed forces. But have we done enough for Ukraine? The honest answer is no. Vladimir Putin’s act of aggression must fail and be seen to fail. We must not allow anyone in the Kremlin to get away with misrepresenting our intentions in order to find ex post facto justification for this war of choice. This is not a NATO conflict, and it will not become one. No ally has sent combat troops to Ukraine. We have no hostility toward the Russian people, and we have no desire to impugn a great nation and a world power. We despair of the decision to send young, innocent Russians into a futile war. The truth is that Ukraine had no serious prospect of NATO membership in the near future — and we were ready to respond to Russia’s stated security concerns through negotiation. I and many other Western leaders have spoken to Mr. Putin to understand his perspective. The United Kingdom even sent emissaries to Moscow before Russia’s invasion to deal directly with Defense Minister Gen. Sergei Shoigu and the chief of the general staff, Gen. Valery Gerasimov, who are spearheading this awful campaign. It is now clear diplomacy never had a chance. But it is precisely because of our respect for Russia that we find the actions of the Putin regime so unconscionable. Mr. Putin is attempting the destruction of the very foundation of international relations and the United Nations Charter: the right of nations to decide their own future, free from aggression and fear of invasion. His assault on Ukraine began with a confected pretext and a flagrant violation of international law. It is sinking further into a sordid campaign of war crimes and unthinkable violence against civilians. Though there can be no comparison with the assault on Ukraine, we in the United Kingdom know something of Mr. Putin’s ruthlessness. Four years ago, we endured the outcome of Russian operatives’ use of chemical weapons against people in Salisbury, England — and our allies rallied to our side. In our defense and foreign policy review, published a year ago, we warned that Russia remained the most acute security threat, and we announced the biggest increase in our defense spending since the end of the Cold War. We also warned that the world was entering into a period of competition in which authoritarian states would test the mettle of the West in every domain. Last year’s agreement among the United Kingdom, America and Australia to help deploy nuclear submarines for the Australian Navy demonstrated our shared resolve to meet the challenges we face in the Indo-Pacific. We have failed to learn the lessons of Russian aggression. For too long, we have turned the other cheek. No one can say we were not warned: We saw what Russia did in Georgia in 2008, in Ukraine in 2014 and even on the streets of Salisbury. And I know from speaking to my counterparts on recent visits to Poland and Estonia just how acutely they feel the threat. It is no longer enough to express warm platitudes about the rules-based international order. We are going to have to actively defend it against a sustained attempt to rewrite the rules by force and other tools, such as economic coercion. We must restore effective deterrence in Europe, where, for too long, the very success of NATO and of America’s security guarantee has bred complacency. What happens in Europe will have profound implications worldwide. We are pleased to see more nations beginning to grasp this hard reality. In January, the United Kingdom was among a handful of European countries sending defensive aid to Ukraine. Now more than 20 countries are part of that effort. Defense spending is going up, though it will take time for that to translate into capability. That’s a welcome development, but it is not going to be enough on its own to save Ukraine or keep the flame of freedom alive. Russia has overwhelming force and apparently no regard for the laws of war. We need to prepare now for even darker days ahead. So we must begin a six-point plan for Ukraine, starting today. First, we must mobilize an international humanitarian coalition. On Monday, I will meet the leaders of Canada and the Netherlands in London to talk about creating the widest possible coalition to expose the outrages that are taking place in Ukraine. On Tuesday, I will host the leaders of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic, now on the front line of a refugee crisis. The United Kingdom has 1,000 troops on standby for humanitarian operations, on top of 220 million pounds ($291 million) of aid. We must all work together to establish an immediate cease-fire and allow civilians safe passage, food and medical supplies. Second, we must do more to help Ukraine to defend itself. More and more nations are willing to provide defensive equipment. We must act quickly to coordinate our efforts to support the government of Ukraine. Third, we must maximize the economic pressure on Mr. Putin’s regime. We must go further on economic sanctions, expelling every Russian bank from SWIFT and giving our law enforcement agencies unprecedented powers to peel back the facade of dirty Russian money in London. We must go after the oligarchs. So far, the United Kingdom has imposed sanctions on more than 300 elites and entities, including Mr. Putin himself. But these measures will be insufficient unless Europe begins to wean itself off the Russian oil and gas that bankroll Mr. Putin’s war machine. Fourth, no matter how long it takes, we must prevent any creeping normalization of what Russia does in Ukraine. The lesson from Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 and seizure of Crimea in 2014 is that accepting the results of Russian aggression merely encourages more aggression. We cannot allow the Kremlin to bite off chunks of an independent country and inflict immense human suffering and then creep back into the fold. Fifth, we should always be open to diplomacy and de-escalation, provided that the government of Ukraine has full agency in any potential settlement. There can be no new Yalta, decided over the heads of the people of Ukraine, by external powers. Sixth, we must act now to strengthen Euro-Atlantic security. This includes not only bolstering NATO’s eastern flank but also supporting non-NATO European countries that are potentially at risk of Russian aggression, such as Moldova, Georgia and the nations of the western Balkans. And those that participate or enable Russian aggression, such as Belarus, will be subject to maximum sanctions. Ukrainians have bravely defended their country. It is their valor that has united the international community. We can’t let them down.

Boris Johnson: 6 steps the West must take to help Ukraine right now

An 11-year-old Ukrainian refugee travelled all the way to Slovakia from the city of Zaporizhzhia, where Russian forces captured a nuclear power facility last week.

The boy's mother, who stayed behind to care for her sick mother, sent him on a 1,000-kilometer train journey to find relatives.

The mother's statement to the Slovak government and police for taking care of her kid is captured on video.

According to the Interior Ministry, the kid arrived alone with a plastic bag, a passport, and a telephone number scribbled on his hand before being reunited with his family in Bratislava.&nbsp;

With his smile, the kid captivated the hearts of everyone at the border, who acclaimed him as "a great hero."

Volunteers looked after him, transporting him to a warm shelter and providing him with food and drink. 
 
IN PICS |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/battle-analysis-russian-tank-armada-vs-ukraine-who-will-win-459067">Battle analysis: Russian tank armada vs Ukraine - who will win?</a>

They were able to reconnect him with his family in Bratislava later. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/middle-east-to-suffer-from-the-grain-shortage-russian-attack-disrupts-ukraines-supply-chain-459690">Also read | Middle East to suffer from the grain shortage: Russian attack disrupts Ukraine's supply chain</a>

In a video provided by Slovak police, the mother praised the Slovak government and police for taking care of her kid.

In your small country, there are people with great hearts. Please save our Ukrainian children, "Yulia Volodymyrivna Pisecka, the mother, urged.&nbsp; 
 
IN PICS |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/what-are-czech-hedgehogs-homemade-obstacles-that-can-destroy-russian-tanks-459254">What are Czech hedgehogs?: Homemade obstacles that can destroy Russian tanks</a>

(With inputs from agencies)

An 11-year-old Ukrainian refugee travelled all the way to Slovakia from the city of Zaporizhzhia, where Russian forces captured a nuclear power facility last week.

An 11-year-old Ukrainian refugee travelled all the way to Slovakia from the city of Zaporizhzhia, where Russian forces captured a nuclear power facility last week. The boy's mother, who stayed behind to care for her sick mother, sent him on a 1,000-kilometer train journey to find relatives. The mother's statement to the Slovak government and police for taking care of her kid is captured on video. According to the Interior Ministry, the kid arrived alone with a plastic bag, a passport, and a telephone number scribbled on his hand before being reunited with his family in Bratislava. With his smile, the kid captivated the hearts of everyone at the border, who acclaimed him as "a great hero." Volunteers looked after him, transporting him to a warm shelter and providing him with food and drink. IN PICS | Battle analysis: Russian tank armada vs Ukraine - who will win? They were able to reconnect him with his family in Bratislava later. Also read | Middle East to suffer from the grain shortage: Russian attack disrupts Ukraine's supply chain In a video provided by Slovak police, the mother praised the Slovak government and police for taking care of her kid. In your small country, there are people with great hearts. Please save our Ukrainian children, "Yulia Volodymyrivna Pisecka, the mother, urged. IN PICS | What are Czech hedgehogs?: Homemade obstacles that can destroy Russian tanks (With inputs from agencies)

An Ukrainian boy travelled 1,000 km alone to Slovakia to get to safety

At the United Nations' top court on Monday, Ukraine is looking for an emergency ruling asking Russia to stop invasion. &nbsp;

Kyiv has said that Moscow's justification for the attack is based on a faulty interpretation of genocide law. &nbsp;

Although this court's rulings are binding and countries follow them generally, it has no direct means of enforcing them actually. &nbsp;

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/to-allow-safe-passage-to-civilians-un-chief-asks-to-halt-fighting-in-ukraine-459700">To allow safe passage to civilians, UN chief asks to halt fighting in Ukraine</a>

Russia's "special military action" is needed "to protect people who have been subjected to bullying and genocide", meaning those whose first or only language is Russian, in eastern Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin has said. &nbsp;

The claim of genocide is untrue, and also does not provide legal justification for invasion, Ukraine has argued. &nbsp;

The case lodged at the World Court, which is officially known as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), focusses on the interpretation of a 1948 treaty on the prevention of genocide, which was signed by both countries. The treaty has named the ICJ as the forum for resolving disputes between the signatories. &nbsp;

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/amid-russian-invasion-over-61000-airbnb-bookings-made-in-ukraine-in-48-hours-not-for-staying-459576" hreflang="en">Amid Russian invasion, over 61,000 Airbnb bookings made in Ukraine in 48 hours. Not for staying</a>

The hearings will start at 10 am (0900 GMT) with Ukraine presenting its case on Monday. It's Russia turn to respond on Tuesday. &nbsp;

Before it looks at the merits of the case, the ICJ can order fast-track "provisional measures" in a matter of days to prevent the situation from worsening. &nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

At the United Nations' top court on Monday, Ukraine is looking for an emergency ruling asking Russia to stop invasion. Kyiv has said that Moscow's justification for the attack is based on a faulty interpretation of genocide law.

At the United Nations' top court on Monday, Ukraine is looking for an emergency ruling asking Russia to stop invasion. Kyiv has said that Moscow's justification for the attack is based on a faulty interpretation of genocide law. Although this court's rulings are binding and countries follow them generally, it has no direct means of enforcing them actually. Also Read: To allow safe passage to civilians, UN chief asks to halt fighting in Ukraine Russia's "special military action" is needed "to protect people who have been subjected to bullying and genocide", meaning those whose first or only language is Russian, in eastern Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin has said. The claim of genocide is untrue, and also does not provide legal justification for invasion, Ukraine has argued. The case lodged at the World Court, which is officially known as the International Court of Justice (ICJ), focusses on the interpretation of a 1948 treaty on the prevention of genocide, which was signed by both countries. The treaty has named the ICJ as the forum for resolving disputes between the signatories. Also Read: Amid Russian invasion, over 61,000 Airbnb bookings made in Ukraine in 48 hours. Not for staying The hearings will start at 10 am (0900 GMT) with Ukraine presenting its case on Monday. It's Russia turn to respond on Tuesday. Before it looks at the merits of the case, the ICJ can order fast-track "provisional measures" in a matter of days to prevent the situation from worsening. (With inputs from agencies)

At ICJ, Ukraine and Russia to fight again but over ‘genocide claim’  

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