<p>We tend to think that nature and cities are polar opposites. Yet this is not true. As my research on Bangalore or Bengaluru &ndash; India&rsquo;s IT hub &ndash; shows, for centuries, the population of this region grew because of nature, not despite it.</p>

<p>In my book Nature in the City: Bengaluru in the Past, Present and Future, I take a deep dive into the ecological history of an Indian city, going way back in the past to the 6th century CE.</p>

<p>Inscriptions on stone and copper plates show that the starting point for a new village was often the creation of a tank, or lake, to collect rainwater &ndash; essential and life-giving in this unfavourable low-rainfall environment. These inscriptions provide fascinating insights into the close relationship that these early residents had with nature. They describe the landscape as consisting of the lakes, the surrounding irrigated and dry land, the &ldquo;wells above&rdquo;, and the &ldquo;trees below&rdquo;. This three-dimensional view of the landscape, consisting of two major resources, water (lake) and food (agriculture), nourished by nature below (in the form of wells) and above (in the form of trees) is a remarkably holistic conception of nature.</p>

<p>Unfortunately, in today&rsquo;s urbanised India, we have lost all trace of this three-dimensional vision.</p>

<p><strong>Declining sources of water</strong></p>

<p>The&nbsp;central areas of Bangalore had 1960 open wells in 1885; today, there are fewer than 50. Bangalore also lost many of its lakes, which were considered to be filthy breeding grounds for malaria, and converted to bus stands, malls, housing, and other built spaces.</p>

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<p>Sree Kanteerava stadium was built in 1997, where Sampangi lake used to be located before. (Others)</p>
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<p>The city&rsquo;s central Sampangi lake, which supplied water to many parts of Bangalore in the 19th century, was transformed into a sports stadium by the 20th century, leaving behind only a tiny pond for ceremonial religious purposes. As long as lakes and wells supplied water, essential for the activities of daily life, they were worshipped as sacred and protected as life-giving.</p>

<p>Rituals celebrating the overflowing of lakes during the monsoon by paying homage to the lake goddess kept the importance of lakes in the forefront of people&rsquo;s imaginations. But once the piped water began to be provided in the 1890s, these water bodies began to decay. By the end of the 19th century, wells and lakes began to be polluted with garbage, sewage, and even corpses during times of epidemics and disease.</p>

<p><strong>Citizens nurturing nature</strong></p>

<p>What transformed this centuries-long, strong relationship between people and nature? When Bangalore shattered its local loop of dependence by importing water from outside, people forgot the importance of their local sources of water.</p>

<p>Yet, as our research has shown, Bangalore still needs water just as badly for its resilience. The city has grown so large that piped water from distant rivers can no longer supply all its needs.</p>

<p>Thus resurgent citizen movements across Bangalore have begun to focus on protecting and restoring lakes in their neighbourhoods, which will also recharge the water below ground. In some low-income settlements, where adequate water supply is a constant challenge, community wells, once ignored, are now being assiduously protected and maintained as well.</p>

<p>The same pattern &ndash; of an early, close relationship with nature, followed by a break, and later a resurgent interest in the connection &ndash; is also playing out when it comes to trees. Early residents did not only focus on water but also &ldquo;greened&rdquo; this dusty, hot landscape of the dry Deccan plateau. Successive rulers from the 16th century onwards and common citizens planted millions of trees over centuries.</p>

<p>Each settlement was greened with a gundathope&nbsp;&ndash; a woodlot commonly planted with fruiting trees, jackfruit, mango and tamarind &ndash; which provided shade, fruits, firewood for cooking, grazing material for cattle, and occasionally timber as well.</p>

<p>When one tree was chopped down, another was planted to ensure continuity. New areas of the city were assiduously greened by administrators, who planted trees, and residents, who watered and cared for them, benefiting from the services they provided. This practice of greening continued during the British colonial period of governance, and later into the 20th century, after Indian independence. Because of the cool climate of Bangalore &ndash; in part due to its location on a plateau, but also because of its lakes and trees, created, planted and nurtured by local residents and rulers over centuries &ndash; the city became a chosen location for the British army, and later as a science and industrial hub in south India.</p>

<p>It is no accident that Bangalore, once called India&rsquo;s lake city and garden city, became the country&rsquo;s IT capital.</p>

<p><strong>Soaring temperatures and rising air pollution</strong></p>

<p>By the late 20th century, this relationship had begun to fray. With rapid growth, roads and other built infrastructure gained importance in the minds of planners. As a consequence, trees were disregarded and felled in their thousands for development projects in Bangalore.</p>

<p>Inevitably, with more private vehicles on the road, and fewer trees, the city became hotter, and the air severely polluted. Citizens soon realised this connection. So did academics. Our research, for instance, demonstrated that trees cool the air by 3 to 5&ordm;C, and reduce the temperature of the road surface by as much as 23&ordm;C, as well as significantly reducing air pollution.</p>

<p><strong>Social media to the rescue</strong></p>

<p>Yet citizen movements did not fade. In the early 21st century, the nonagerian Honnamma Govindayya has become an epitome of struggles to protect Bangalore&rsquo;s environment.</p>

<p>She fought against real estate developers who wanted to convert a local park that her children played in, taking a case all the way to the Supreme Court of India. She won and saved a tiny but very important patch of green from destruction.</p>

<p>Mass citizen protests in recent years have continued and gained significant victories for the city&rsquo;s green cover, including the reversal of a controversial decision to build a steel flyover, which would have destroyed thousands of trees.</p>

<p>Today these movements are strongly supported by social media. In the flyover case, the twitter tag #steelflyoverbeda (&ldquo;beda&rdquo; meaning &ldquo;no&rdquo; in the local language, Kannada) went viral, attracting hundreds of followers.</p>

<p>Social media has provided an easier way for once-isolated groups of people to connect and coordinate, and often to ratchet up public pressure on nature-blind administrators. Who knows how many would have supported Honamma Govindayya if she had a Twitter account then?</p>

<p>Understanding the history of nature reveals a very different picture from the preconceived idea that, at least in countries like India, where the pressures of development and growth are so large, nature and cities cannot coexist.</p>

<p>Today, this perspective on the ecological history of Bangalore can help city-dwellers worldwide understand why nature in the city is not just important for the metropolis&rsquo;s past, but also essential for its resilient future.</p>

<figure>
<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/when-cities-were-natures-haven-a-tale-from-bangalore-85411" rel="nofollow" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);" target="blank">original article</a>.</p>

<p>Photo Credit: Wikimedia</p>
</figure>


With the pressures of rapid growth and development cities in India are losing its ecological balance

We tend to think that nature and cities are polar opposites. Yet this is not true. As my research on Bangalore or Bengaluru – India’s IT hub – shows, for centuries, the population of this region grew because of nature, not despite it. In my book Nature in the City: Bengaluru in the Past, Present and Future, I take a deep dive into the ecological history of an Indian city, going way back in the past to the 6th century CE. Inscriptions on stone and copper plates show that the starting point for a new village was often the creation of a tank, or lake, to collect rainwater – essential and life-giving in this unfavourable low-rainfall environment. These inscriptions provide fascinating insights into the close relationship that these early residents had with nature. They describe the landscape as consisting of the lakes, the surrounding irrigated and dry land, the “wells above”, and the “trees below”. This three-dimensional view of the landscape, consisting of two major resources, water (lake) and food (agriculture), nourished by nature below (in the form of wells) and above (in the form of trees) is a remarkably holistic conception of nature. Unfortunately, in today’s urbanised India, we have lost all trace of this three-dimensional vision. Declining sources of water The central areas of Bangalore had 1960 open wells in 1885; today, there are fewer than 50. Bangalore also lost many of its lakes, which were considered to be filthy breeding grounds for malaria, and converted to bus stands, malls, housing, and other built spaces. Sree Kanteerava stadium was built in 1997, where Sampangi lake used to be located before. (Others) × The city’s central Sampangi lake, which supplied water to many parts of Bangalore in the 19th century, was transformed into a sports stadium by the 20th century, leaving behind only a tiny pond for ceremonial religious purposes. As long as lakes and wells supplied water, essential for the activities of daily life, they were worshipped as sacred and protected as life-giving. Rituals celebrating the overflowing of lakes during the monsoon by paying homage to the lake goddess kept the importance of lakes in the forefront of people’s imaginations. But once the piped water began to be provided in the 1890s, these water bodies began to decay. By the end of the 19th century, wells and lakes began to be polluted with garbage, sewage, and even corpses during times of epidemics and disease. Citizens nurturing nature What transformed this centuries-long, strong relationship between people and nature? When Bangalore shattered its local loop of dependence by importing water from outside, people forgot the importance of their local sources of water. Yet, as our research has shown, Bangalore still needs water just as badly for its resilience. The city has grown so large that piped water from distant rivers can no longer supply all its needs. Thus resurgent citizen movements across Bangalore have begun to focus on protecting and restoring lakes in their neighbourhoods, which will also recharge the water below ground. In some low-income settlements, where adequate water supply is a constant challenge, community wells, once ignored, are now being assiduously protected and maintained as well. The same pattern – of an early, close relationship with nature, followed by a break, and later a resurgent interest in the connection – is also playing out when it comes to trees. Early residents did not only focus on water but also “greened” this dusty, hot landscape of the dry Deccan plateau. Successive rulers from the 16th century onwards and common citizens planted millions of trees over centuries. Each settlement was greened with a gundathope – a woodlot commonly planted with fruiting trees, jackfruit, mango and tamarind – which provided shade, fruits, firewood for cooking, grazing material for cattle, and occasionally timber as well. When one tree was chopped down, another was planted to ensure continuity. New areas of the city were assiduously greened by administrators, who planted trees, and residents, who watered and cared for them, benefiting from the services they provided. This practice of greening continued during the British colonial period of governance, and later into the 20th century, after Indian independence. Because of the cool climate of Bangalore – in part due to its location on a plateau, but also because of its lakes and trees, created, planted and nurtured by local residents and rulers over centuries – the city became a chosen location for the British army, and later as a science and industrial hub in south India. It is no accident that Bangalore, once called India’s lake city and garden city, became the country’s IT capital. Soaring temperatures and rising air pollution By the late 20th century, this relationship had begun to fray. With rapid growth, roads and other built infrastructure gained importance in the minds of planners. As a consequence, trees were disregarded and felled in their thousands for development projects in Bangalore. Inevitably, with more private vehicles on the road, and fewer trees, the city became hotter, and the air severely polluted. Citizens soon realised this connection. So did academics. Our research, for instance, demonstrated that trees cool the air by 3 to 5ºC, and reduce the temperature of the road surface by as much as 23ºC, as well as significantly reducing air pollution. Social media to the rescue Yet citizen movements did not fade. In the early 21st century, the nonagerian Honnamma Govindayya has become an epitome of struggles to protect Bangalore’s environment. She fought against real estate developers who wanted to convert a local park that her children played in, taking a case all the way to the Supreme Court of India. She won and saved a tiny but very important patch of green from destruction. Mass citizen protests in recent years have continued and gained significant victories for the city’s green cover, including the reversal of a controversial decision to build a steel flyover, which would have destroyed thousands of trees. Today these movements are strongly supported by social media. In the flyover case, the twitter tag #steelflyoverbeda (“beda” meaning “no” in the local language, Kannada) went viral, attracting hundreds of followers. Social media has provided an easier way for once-isolated groups of people to connect and coordinate, and often to ratchet up public pressure on nature-blind administrators. Who knows how many would have supported Honamma Govindayya if she had a Twitter account then? Understanding the history of nature reveals a very different picture from the preconceived idea that, at least in countries like India, where the pressures of development and growth are so large, nature and cities cannot coexist. Today, this perspective on the ecological history of Bangalore can help city-dwellers worldwide understand why nature in the city is not just important for the metropolis’s past, but also essential for its resilient future. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. Photo Credit: Wikimedia

When cities were nature's haven: A tale from Bangalore

<p>First, consider the numbers. Between 2003 and 2009, the high growth years of the economy, when GDP grew by 8 per cent per year on average, the number of good jobs, that is, jobs in the formal sector of the economy, grew at not even one-tenth that number. Look at it another way. Every year millions of new aspirants enter the job market to compete for a few hundred thousand new jobs.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Now let us descend to the ground. We witness enormous agitations for reservations in government jobs rising from traditionally dominant castes, such as Jats, Patels, and Marathas. Even the lowest paid government jobs regularly attract such large numbers of extremely over-qualified applicants that violence ensues in the wake of examinations. Around two weeks ago, in West Bengal, 2.5 million young men and women appeared for an exam for 6000 Group-D positions in the state government. Graduates and post-graduates had applied for these positions which require an elementary school certificate and pay Rs. 16,200 per month.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>What is the economy for, anyway? It is always a good question to ask whenever we risk getting lost in GDP numbers, policy reforms, and stock market movements</h5>
</blockquote>
</div>

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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>One increasingly popular term captures all this: &ldquo;jobless growth.&rdquo; While this phenomenon has been known at least since the mid-1990s, and is observed across the world, it is becoming a hot political issue. And not a day too soon.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>What is the economy for, anyway? It is always a good question to ask whenever we risk getting lost in GDP numbers, policy reforms, and stock market movements. These are all means to an end, viz. enabling all of us to enjoy fulfilling, creative, happy lives. In a market economy, adequate regular money income is a precondition for such a life. Yet our economy continues to deny this precondition to the vast majority of its workers. So, while GDP grows at some of the fastest rates seen across the world, the number of people who are able to enjoy a good life increase at a much much slower rate. And even this increase is very uneven across regions, occupations, castes, genders, and religions with some, like displaced farmers and artisans seeing declines in their living standards.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Riding a wave of resentment against the previous regime, the Prime Minister himself made jobs a central issue during his campaign. But three years later, not much has changed and the BJP government is being seen as a failure on the job creation front. After several weeks of bad press on this issue, a few days ago, BJP President Amit Shah issued a statement that it was not possible to provide formal sector jobs to everyone in a country of 125&nbsp; crore people. This is a telling as well as an astonishing statement. Telling because it admits to a truth that few would admit to. That under the present set of policies (whether BJP or UPA) universal employment is impossible. Astonishing because for decades the transition to a completely formal economy has been the very definition of development. That we, and many other countries, have failed at acheiving this is surely an indictment of our policies. But are we then giving up on development? Or are we redefining it? And if so how? There is no answer.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Regular salaried workers account for only 20 per cent of all workers in India</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The intense hunger for even the lowest paid government jobs comes as no surprise once we take a look at the Ministry of Labour numbers on earnings in the Indian labour market. According to the most recent Employment-Unemployment Survey of the Labour Bureau (2014-2015), regular salaried workers account for only 20 per cent of all workers in India. Earnings from either self-employment or casual wage work (both of which together account for the remaining 80 per cent of the workforce) fall far short of a secure, decent, livelihood.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Nationally, 67 per cent of households reports monthly earnings of Rs. 10,000 or less. 98 per cent are under Rs. 50,000 per month. Earning over Rs 1 lakh per month puts a household in the top 0.2 per cent of income earners in the country.&nbsp; More than half of the regular wage/salaried workers i.e. 57 per cent have monthly average earnings of up to Rs 10,000, well under the government minimum salary under the 7th pay commission. 59 per cent of the casual workers has monthly earnings of up to Rs 5000.</p>

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<h5>Successive governments at the Centre and in the states have embraced liberalisation and privatisation policies that have failed to generate jobs</h5>
</blockquote>
</div>

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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Of course, the current government in Delhi must take its share of the blame for the jobs crisis. But there is plenty of blame to go around. Successive governments at the Centre and in the states have embraced liberalisation and privatisation policies that have failed to generate jobs.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>But the problem goes beyond India too. In the 1950s-80s, in Japan, Korea and the other &ldquo;East Asian Miracle countries&rdquo;, rapid GDP growth generated a vast number of jobs. This shifted a predominantly agricultural workforce to manufacturing and services. Not only that, jobs were created in the formal sector.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In contrast, in India and China, particularly since the 1990s, despite high levels of growth, formal employment generation has been slow. This is a general phenomenon across Asia. Manufacturing, in particular, is a big concern. In the 2005-2011 period, according to National Sample Survey data, manufacturing employment in India increased by 6 million while that in construction increased by 25 million. Construction accounted for half of all new non-agricultural jobs added in this period. The &ldquo;Make in India&rdquo; campaign aims to generate 100 million jobs by 2022 in the manufacturing sector. While the goal is laudable, given trends reported above, this seems unlikely to materialise. And Amit Shah&rsquo;s statement, referred to earlier, seems to indicate that backpedaling on this issue has started already.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


While GDP grows at some of the fastest rates seen across the world, the number of people who are able to enjoy a good life increase at a much much slower rate.

First, consider the numbers. Between 2003 and 2009, the high growth years of the economy, when GDP grew by 8 per cent per year on average, the number of good jobs, that is, jobs in the formal sector of the economy, grew at not even one-tenth that number. Look at it another way. Every year millions of new aspirants enter the job market to compete for a few hundred thousand new jobs. Now let us descend to the ground. We witness enormous agitations for reservations in government jobs rising from traditionally dominant castes, such as Jats, Patels, and Marathas. Even the lowest paid government jobs regularly attract such large numbers of extremely over-qualified applicants that violence ensues in the wake of examinations. Around two weeks ago, in West Bengal, 2.5 million young men and women appeared for an exam for 6000 Group-D positions in the state government. Graduates and post-graduates had applied for these positions which require an elementary school certificate and pay Rs. 16,200 per month. What is the economy for, anyway? It is always a good question to ask whenever we risk getting lost in GDP numbers, policy reforms, and stock market movements × One increasingly popular term captures all this: “jobless growth.” While this phenomenon has been known at least since the mid-1990s, and is observed across the world, it is becoming a hot political issue. And not a day too soon. What is the economy for, anyway? It is always a good question to ask whenever we risk getting lost in GDP numbers, policy reforms, and stock market movements. These are all means to an end, viz. enabling all of us to enjoy fulfilling, creative, happy lives. In a market economy, adequate regular money income is a precondition for such a life. Yet our economy continues to deny this precondition to the vast majority of its workers. So, while GDP grows at some of the fastest rates seen across the world, the number of people who are able to enjoy a good life increase at a much much slower rate. And even this increase is very uneven across regions, occupations, castes, genders, and religions with some, like displaced farmers and artisans seeing declines in their living standards. Riding a wave of resentment against the previous regime, the Prime Minister himself made jobs a central issue during his campaign. But three years later, not much has changed and the BJP government is being seen as a failure on the job creation front. After several weeks of bad press on this issue, a few days ago, BJP President Amit Shah issued a statement that it was not possible to provide formal sector jobs to everyone in a country of 125 crore people. This is a telling as well as an astonishing statement. Telling because it admits to a truth that few would admit to. That under the present set of policies (whether BJP or UPA) universal employment is impossible. Astonishing because for decades the transition to a completely formal economy has been the very definition of development. That we, and many other countries, have failed at acheiving this is surely an indictment of our policies. But are we then giving up on development? Or are we redefining it? And if so how? There is no answer. Regular salaried workers account for only 20 per cent of all workers in India × The intense hunger for even the lowest paid government jobs comes as no surprise once we take a look at the Ministry of Labour numbers on earnings in the Indian labour market. According to the most recent Employment-Unemployment Survey of the Labour Bureau (2014-2015), regular salaried workers account for only 20 per cent of all workers in India. Earnings from either self-employment or casual wage work (both of which together account for the remaining 80 per cent of the workforce) fall far short of a secure, decent, livelihood. Nationally, 67 per cent of households reports monthly earnings of Rs. 10,000 or less. 98 per cent are under Rs. 50,000 per month. Earning over Rs 1 lakh per month puts a household in the top 0.2 per cent of income earners in the country. More than half of the regular wage/salaried workers i.e. 57 per cent have monthly average earnings of up to Rs 10,000, well under the government minimum salary under the 7th pay commission. 59 per cent of the casual workers has monthly earnings of up to Rs 5000. Successive governments at the Centre and in the states have embraced liberalisation and privatisation policies that have failed to generate jobs × Of course, the current government in Delhi must take its share of the blame for the jobs crisis. But there is plenty of blame to go around. Successive governments at the Centre and in the states have embraced liberalisation and privatisation policies that have failed to generate jobs. But the problem goes beyond India too. In the 1950s-80s, in Japan, Korea and the other “East Asian Miracle countries”, rapid GDP growth generated a vast number of jobs. This shifted a predominantly agricultural workforce to manufacturing and services. Not only that, jobs were created in the formal sector. In contrast, in India and China, particularly since the 1990s, despite high levels of growth, formal employment generation has been slow. This is a general phenomenon across Asia. Manufacturing, in particular, is a big concern. In the 2005-2011 period, according to National Sample Survey data, manufacturing employment in India increased by 6 million while that in construction increased by 25 million. Construction accounted for half of all new non-agricultural jobs added in this period. The “Make in India” campaign aims to generate 100 million jobs by 2022 in the manufacturing sector. While the goal is laudable, given trends reported above, this seems unlikely to materialise. And Amit Shah’s statement, referred to earlier, seems to indicate that backpedaling on this issue has started already.

Jobless growth plagues India

<p>Prime Minister Narendra Modi out-campaigned all-comers in the 2014 general election but, as he faces his biggest mid-term test, he is up against a rival determined to beat him at his own game.</p>

<p>In Uttar Pradesh his opponent, chief minister Akhilesh Yadav, has been repackaged as a youthful and media-savvy go-getter who seeks to steal a unique selling point of Modi&#39;s - development.</p>

<p>&quot;I am taking it a bit beyond Modi: I work,&quot; Yadav told Reuters in an interview in Lucknow, capital of the state of 220 million that is holding the biggest democratic election anywhere in the world this year.</p>

<p>&quot;My work speaks for itself. Modi&#39;s empty promises do not,&quot; said the 43-year-old leader of the Samajwadi, or Socialist, Party.</p>

<p>Yadav entered the vast election, being held over the course of a month, as a narrow favourite: He had just emerged from a power struggle with his domineering father and struck a pre-poll alliance with the Indian National Congress.</p>

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<h5>While Modi excels as a stump speaker who can deliver an hour-long address without notes, Akhilesh has sought to connect with the youth vote via new media, taking personal control over his social media accounts and doing a Facebook Live with a TV journalist</h5>
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<p>While Modi excels as a stump speaker who can deliver an hour-long address without notes, Akhilesh has sought to connect with the youth vote via new media, taking personal control over his social media accounts and doing a Facebook Live with one of India&#39;s best-known TV journalists.</p>

<p>He has even climbed on a bicycle - his party&#39;s symbol - for another prime-time interview that gave him a chance to showcase the newly landscaped riverfront in the state capital.</p>

<p>Yadav&#39;s campaign has been backed by his wife Dimple, a member of parliament, who has courted women voters and helped create an image as a political &#39;power couple&#39;.</p>

<p>Throughout, Yadav has stayed firmly on message. Asked about endemic crime, he says he has set up a new police hotline that is ensuring quicker response times.</p>

<p>On developing his poor state where incomes average less than $750 a year, he highlights his achievements in building an expressway to Agra, site of the Taj Mahal, and a new city metro in Lucknow.</p>

<p><strong>Winning and losing</strong></p>

<p>Yadav became the youngest-ever chief minister of Uttar Pradesh with a slim mandate, winning just 29 percent in the 2012 state poll.</p>

<p>But in the general election two years later he was swept away by a Modi &#39;wave&#39; as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 42 percent of the vote in the battleground state.</p>

<p>Yadav, who received a university education in Australia yet became typecast as the ineffectual scion of a political patriarch, decided he needed a makeover.</p>

<p>&quot;It was at this point Yadav took a cue from Modi&#39;s image as a technology-loving modern man,&quot; said R.K. Mishra, an independent political analyst in Lucknow.</p>

<p>Yadav commissioned the construction of a mansion behind his old party headquarters to operate as his campaign &quot;war room&quot;.</p>

<p>He met two dozen Indian and international political scientists, and roped in Harvard graduates and marketing gurus from Mumbai. They set up a big data operation - cloning the backroom setup used by Modi in his own rise to national power.</p>

<p>&quot;The recruitment brief was clear: Everyone working in the war room should be in their thirties and have family in Uttar Pradesh,&quot; said Aashish Yadav, a campaign manager who previously worked at BBC Media Action, a development charity.</p>

<p>Aashish Yadav manages a team of 100 young men and women who compose jingles as well as messages that are circulated via WhatsApp and community radio services. &quot;Modi&#39;s campaign looks jaded compared to our blitzkrieg,&quot; said Aashish.</p>

<p><strong>Gangster rule</strong></p>

<p>It&#39;s been a tough sell for a party that under founder Mulayam Singh Yadav, Akhilesh&#39;s father, was criticised for breakdown of law and order. Many resented corruption that favoured the Yadav community - a &quot;backward&quot; caste that makes up 9 percent of the population of Uttar Pradesh.</p>

<p>&quot;Akhilesh had to dismantle the existing perception about himself and his party,&quot; said one close aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity.</p>

<p>By teaming up with Rahul Gandhi of Congress - another forty-something politician - Yadav hopes to prevail in the three-cornered contest with the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati, a former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.</p>

<p>&quot;There is a great deal of ease between the two leaders and this is making Modi nervous,&quot; said an aide to Gandhi, who is the son, grandson and great grandson of Indian prime ministers.</p>

<p>Pre-election polls put the Yadav-Gandhi alliance and the BJP in a close race, but no surveys are allowed during voting held over seven stages. Results are due on March 11.</p>

<p>Gandhi and Yadav have both turned for advice to Prashant Kishor, the strategist who stage-managed Modi&#39;s triumphant 2014 march on New Delhi.</p>

<p>Kishor later switched sides to help a similar opposition alliance defeat the BJP in Bihar, another big northern state, in late 2015. He now divides his time between advising Congress and Samajwadi.</p>

<p>The BJP&#39;s state leader in Uttar Pradesh, Keshav Prasad Maurya, dismisses the alliance as a fiasco and called the war room a poor imitation.</p>

<p>&quot;Yadav and Gandhi both lack imagination,&quot; he told Reuters. &quot;Being Modi is different from being like Modi.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>(Reuters)</p>


The Uttar Pradesh chief minister is seeking to steal a unique selling point of Modi's -- development

Prime Minister Narendra Modi out-campaigned all-comers in the 2014 general election but, as he faces his biggest mid-term test, he is up against a rival determined to beat him at his own game. In Uttar Pradesh his opponent, chief minister Akhilesh Yadav, has been repackaged as a youthful and media-savvy go-getter who seeks to steal a unique selling point of Modi's - development. "I am taking it a bit beyond Modi: I work," Yadav told Reuters in an interview in Lucknow, capital of the state of 220 million that is holding the biggest democratic election anywhere in the world this year. "My work speaks for itself. Modi's empty promises do not," said the 43-year-old leader of the Samajwadi, or Socialist, Party. Yadav entered the vast election, being held over the course of a month, as a narrow favourite: He had just emerged from a power struggle with his domineering father and struck a pre-poll alliance with the Indian National Congress. While Modi excels as a stump speaker who can deliver an hour-long address without notes, Akhilesh has sought to connect with the youth vote via new media, taking personal control over his social media accounts and doing a Facebook Live with a TV journalist × While Modi excels as a stump speaker who can deliver an hour-long address without notes, Akhilesh has sought to connect with the youth vote via new media, taking personal control over his social media accounts and doing a Facebook Live with one of India's best-known TV journalists. He has even climbed on a bicycle - his party's symbol - for another prime-time interview that gave him a chance to showcase the newly landscaped riverfront in the state capital. Yadav's campaign has been backed by his wife Dimple, a member of parliament, who has courted women voters and helped create an image as a political 'power couple'. Throughout, Yadav has stayed firmly on message. Asked about endemic crime, he says he has set up a new police hotline that is ensuring quicker response times. On developing his poor state where incomes average less than $750 a year, he highlights his achievements in building an expressway to Agra, site of the Taj Mahal, and a new city metro in Lucknow. Winning and losing Yadav became the youngest-ever chief minister of Uttar Pradesh with a slim mandate, winning just 29 percent in the 2012 state poll. But in the general election two years later he was swept away by a Modi 'wave' as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 42 percent of the vote in the battleground state. Yadav, who received a university education in Australia yet became typecast as the ineffectual scion of a political patriarch, decided he needed a makeover. "It was at this point Yadav took a cue from Modi's image as a technology-loving modern man," said R.K. Mishra, an independent political analyst in Lucknow. Yadav commissioned the construction of a mansion behind his old party headquarters to operate as his campaign "war room". He met two dozen Indian and international political scientists, and roped in Harvard graduates and marketing gurus from Mumbai. They set up a big data operation - cloning the backroom setup used by Modi in his own rise to national power. "The recruitment brief was clear: Everyone working in the war room should be in their thirties and have family in Uttar Pradesh," said Aashish Yadav, a campaign manager who previously worked at BBC Media Action, a development charity. Aashish Yadav manages a team of 100 young men and women who compose jingles as well as messages that are circulated via WhatsApp and community radio services. "Modi's campaign looks jaded compared to our blitzkrieg," said Aashish. Gangster rule It's been a tough sell for a party that under founder Mulayam Singh Yadav, Akhilesh's father, was criticised for breakdown of law and order. Many resented corruption that favoured the Yadav community - a "backward" caste that makes up 9 percent of the population of Uttar Pradesh. "Akhilesh had to dismantle the existing perception about himself and his party," said one close aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity. By teaming up with Rahul Gandhi of Congress - another forty-something politician - Yadav hopes to prevail in the three-cornered contest with the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati, a former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. "There is a great deal of ease between the two leaders and this is making Modi nervous," said an aide to Gandhi, who is the son, grandson and great grandson of Indian prime ministers. Pre-election polls put the Yadav-Gandhi alliance and the BJP in a close race, but no surveys are allowed during voting held over seven stages. Results are due on March 11. Gandhi and Yadav have both turned for advice to Prashant Kishor, the strategist who stage-managed Modi's triumphant 2014 march on New Delhi. Kishor later switched sides to help a similar opposition alliance defeat the BJP in Bihar, another big northern state, in late 2015. He now divides his time between advising Congress and Samajwadi. The BJP's state leader in Uttar Pradesh, Keshav Prasad Maurya, dismisses the alliance as a fiasco and called the war room a poor imitation. "Yadav and Gandhi both lack imagination," he told Reuters. "Being Modi is different from being like Modi." (Reuters)

UP elections: Akhilesh takes Modi on at his own game

The World Bank adopted a new set of policies on Thursday that aim to expand protections for people and the environment in projects financed by the bank while making it easier for borrowers to comply with its standards.<br />
<br />
The global lender dedicated to fighting poverty, whose commitments rose to more than $60 billion this year, said the new environmental and social framework had involved the &quot;most extensive consultation ever conducted&quot; by the bank.<br />
<br />
&quot;These new safeguards will build into our projects updated and improved protections for the most vulnerable people in the world and our environment,&quot; World Bank President Jim Yong Kim said in a statement.<br />
<br />
The Bank last year acknowledged that its projects had sometimes resulted in forced population displacements. World Bank projects in regions around the world have been accused of underwriting human rights abuses.<br />
<br />
But the first major update to the World Bank&#39;s safeguard policies in nearly 20 years has drawn fire from some non-profit groups for creating &quot;loopholes&quot; with more vague language and more reliance on borrower country laws and standards.<br />
<br />
&quot;The bank has effectively dismantled thirty years of environmental and social protections for the world&rsquo;s most impoverished and vulnerable peoples,&quot; said Stephanie Fried, executive director of the Ulu Foundation, a non-profit group focussed on forest preservation.<br />
<br />
The new rules are to take effect in 2018 and will require client states to conduct a &quot;broadened social assessment and management of environmental and social risks,&quot; to guarantee labour rights and prohibit any form of forced labour.<br />
<br />
Projects will have to reduce environmental harm and avoid large-scale population displacements, according to the new policy.<br />
<br />
Kim told reporters on a conference call that one key example of the changes will be increased protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities. The bank pulled out of a $90 million loan to Uganda&#39;s health system in 2014 after the government passed a law that imposed life sentences for certain homosexual activities and made it a crime not to report violations.<br />
<br />
Kim said the World Bank had committed increased funding to work with its 189 member countries to lift their own environmental and human rights safeguards to match those of the Washington-based development lender.<br />
<br />
While welcoming some improvements, Nadia Daar, head of the Washington office at Oxfam International, said in a statement that her organization was &quot;frustrated and disappointed&quot; that the new policy had not gone further.<br />
<br />
The bank information centre, an organisation which lobbies to improve World Bank policies, said the new rules lacked &quot;the strength and clarity that people negatively impacted by development so profoundly depend upon&quot;.<br />
<br />
As the latest version of the rules became public last month, Human Rights Watch likewise said it &quot;does not require the bank to respect human rights&quot;.<br />
<br />
Kim, the Bank president, said the framework represented &quot;the best possible compromise&quot;.<br />
<br />
&quot;We had to find a path down the middle where we can both ensure that abuses didn&#39;t happen and at the same time make it possible for borrowers to borrow,&quot; Kim told reporters in a conference call.<br />
<br />
Overly strict criteria risked harming the economic prospects of poor countries, he said.&nbsp;The Bank currently faces a growing number of other actors in global development, including China, seen as placing fewer conditions on financing.<br />
<br />
(Agencies)

New rules have drawn fire from NGOs for creating loopholes and shifting responsibility to the borrowing nations

The World Bank adopted a new set of policies on Thursday that aim to expand protections for people and the environment in projects financed by the bank while making it easier for borrowers to comply with its standards. The global lender dedicated to fighting poverty, whose commitments rose to more than $60 billion this year, said the new environmental and social framework had involved the "most extensive consultation ever conducted" by the bank. "These new safeguards will build into our projects updated and improved protections for the most vulnerable people in the world and our environment," World Bank President Jim Yong Kim said in a statement. The Bank last year acknowledged that its projects had sometimes resulted in forced population displacements. World Bank projects in regions around the world have been accused of underwriting human rights abuses. But the first major update to the World Bank's safeguard policies in nearly 20 years has drawn fire from some non-profit groups for creating "loopholes" with more vague language and more reliance on borrower country laws and standards. "The bank has effectively dismantled thirty years of environmental and social protections for the world’s most impoverished and vulnerable peoples," said Stephanie Fried, executive director of the Ulu Foundation, a non-profit group focussed on forest preservation. The new rules are to take effect in 2018 and will require client states to conduct a "broadened social assessment and management of environmental and social risks," to guarantee labour rights and prohibit any form of forced labour. Projects will have to reduce environmental harm and avoid large-scale population displacements, according to the new policy. Kim told reporters on a conference call that one key example of the changes will be increased protections for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities. The bank pulled out of a $90 million loan to Uganda's health system in 2014 after the government passed a law that imposed life sentences for certain homosexual activities and made it a crime not to report violations. Kim said the World Bank had committed increased funding to work with its 189 member countries to lift their own environmental and human rights safeguards to match those of the Washington-based development lender. While welcoming some improvements, Nadia Daar, head of the Washington office at Oxfam International, said in a statement that her organization was "frustrated and disappointed" that the new policy had not gone further. The bank information centre, an organisation which lobbies to improve World Bank policies, said the new rules lacked "the strength and clarity that people negatively impacted by development so profoundly depend upon". As the latest version of the rules became public last month, Human Rights Watch likewise said it "does not require the bank to respect human rights". Kim, the Bank president, said the framework represented "the best possible compromise". "We had to find a path down the middle where we can both ensure that abuses didn't happen and at the same time make it possible for borrowers to borrow," Kim told reporters in a conference call. Overly strict criteria risked harming the economic prospects of poor countries, he said. The Bank currently faces a growing number of other actors in global development, including China, seen as placing fewer conditions on financing. (Agencies)

World Bank's new environmental framework angers human rights critics

<p>China and Poland have agreed on Monday to upgrade their ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership during Chinese President Xi Jinping&#39;s&nbsp;visit to the country.</p>

<p>The move was made as Xi met with Polish President Andrzej Duda, in a bid to further promote cooperation across the board and benefit the two peoples.</p>

<p>Xi said at the meeting that the two peoples have enjoyed lasting friendship since the two countries established diplomatic relations 67 years ago.</p>

<p>The two countries have borne fruitful results in high-level and people-to-people exchanges, and economic and trade cooperation, especially since they established a strategic partnership in 2011, said Xi.</p>

<p>He added that China has cherished the traditional friendship with Poland and stands ready to work with Poland to push forward the bilateral relations in a sound and steady way.</p>

<p>Xi also called for efforts to enhance mutual trust, align development strategies of the two countries and boost interconnectivity and production cooperation under the Belt and Road initiative.</p>

<p>Bilateral cooperation in economy and trade, finance, agriculture, science and technology should be promoted, according to Xi.</p>

<p>Hailing the bilateral ties, Duda said that Poland is willing to strengthen cooperation within the framework of the Sino-Polish comprehensive strategic partnership in various areas including the Belt and Road initiative, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and people-to-people exchanges.</p>

<p>A joint statement on the establishment of a comprehensive strategic partnership was inked after the meeting, as well as a memorandum of understanding on a bilateral cooperation blueprint.</p>

<p>Poland is the second leg of Xi&#39;s Eurasia tour. Before visiting Poland, Xi visited Serbia from June 17 to June 19.</p>

<p>After visiting Poland, Xi will travel to Uzbekistan for a state visit and attend a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.<br />
<br />
(Reuters)</p>


A bunch of cooperation agreements signed covering various aspects, including infrastructure construction, education, culture and aerospace

China and Poland have agreed on Monday to upgrade their ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership during Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to the country. The move was made as Xi met with Polish President Andrzej Duda, in a bid to further promote cooperation across the board and benefit the two peoples. Xi said at the meeting that the two peoples have enjoyed lasting friendship since the two countries established diplomatic relations 67 years ago. The two countries have borne fruitful results in high-level and people-to-people exchanges, and economic and trade cooperation, especially since they established a strategic partnership in 2011, said Xi. He added that China has cherished the traditional friendship with Poland and stands ready to work with Poland to push forward the bilateral relations in a sound and steady way. Xi also called for efforts to enhance mutual trust, align development strategies of the two countries and boost interconnectivity and production cooperation under the Belt and Road initiative. Bilateral cooperation in economy and trade, finance, agriculture, science and technology should be promoted, according to Xi. Hailing the bilateral ties, Duda said that Poland is willing to strengthen cooperation within the framework of the Sino-Polish comprehensive strategic partnership in various areas including the Belt and Road initiative, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and people-to-people exchanges. A joint statement on the establishment of a comprehensive strategic partnership was inked after the meeting, as well as a memorandum of understanding on a bilateral cooperation blueprint. Poland is the second leg of Xi's Eurasia tour. Before visiting Poland, Xi visited Serbia from June 17 to June 19. After visiting Poland, Xi will travel to Uzbekistan for a state visit and attend a summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. (Reuters)

China, Poland to lift ties to comprehensive strategic partnership

The world is at risk of getting caught in a low-growth trap, dimming the hopes of future generations, unless governments step up spending quickly, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) said Wednesday.<br />
<br />
Moderate recovery since the global economic crisis in 2008 &quot;has precipitated a self-fulfilling low-growth trap&quot;, said Catherine Mann, the chief economist at the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
&quot;Without comprehensive, coherent and collective action, disappointing and sluggish growth will persist, making it increasingly difficult to make good on promises to current and future generations,&quot; she added in an introduction to the OECD`s twice-yearly economic outlook.<br />
<br />
The OECD chopped its forecast for global growth this year to 3.0 percent, down from the 3.6 percent it forecast in October. For 2017 it now sees 3.3 percent growth.<br />
<br />
The dismal economic recovery has created forces that are now working to perpetuate slow growth, the OECD believes.<br />
<br />
In particular, businesses have little incentive to invest given moderate demand, while muted wage gains, unemployment and income inequality have held back consumption. Meanwhile, uncertainty also puts the brakes on spending. After years during which international economic instutions urged governments to practice austerity, Mann said that now &quot;fiscal policy must be deployed more extensively&quot;.<br />
<br />
&quot;almost all countries have room to reallocate spending and taxation towards items that offer more support to growth&quot; like investments in infrastucture as well as education, The OECD said.<br />
<br />
While central banks have been supporting the global recovery with ultra-low interest rates and stimulus measures, the OECD said &quot;it is clear that reliance on monetary policy alone has failed to deliver satisfactory growth and inflation.&quot;<br />
<br />
Moreover today`s low interest rates also provide an opportunity for governments to step up investment.<br />
<br />
Mann said the need for governments to shift up spending is urgent.<br />
<br />
&quot;The longer the global economy remains in the low-growth trap, the more difficult it will be to break the negative feedback loops, revive market forces, and boost economies to the high-growth path,&quot; she said.<br />
<br />
She warned that as things stand negative shocks &quot;could tip the world back into another deep downturn&quot; while geopolitical risks to the global economy are on the rise.The OECD sees the potential exit of Britain from the European Union following a referendum vote later this month as one major risk.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
If voters chose to leave, hits to trade, investment and spending would likely see the British economy grow by 3 percentage points less in the next four years than if voters choose to stay, according to the OECD.<br />
<br />
Already, uncertainty surrounding a possible Brexit &quot;has led to a significant slowdown in economic activity&quot;, although if voters choose to stay the OECD says it expects growth to pick up in the second half of this year.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
If Britain votes to remain in the EU in the referendum, which according to polls is a close call, growth will come in at 1.75 percent this year, the OECD expects.<br />
<br />
World markets went into a panic at the beginning of this year over the prospect of a sharp slowdown in China, which has been the source of most of global growth in recent years, but the OECD now sees growth moderating gradually thanks to recent government fiscal policy measures to support the economy.<br />
<br />
It forecasts China`s growth rate will slip to 6.5 percent this year, and then 6.2 percent in 2017.<br />
<br />
China`s economy grew by 6.9 percent last year.<br />
<br />
The strong dollar is expected to slow growth in the United States to 1.8 percent this year, from 2.4 percent last year.<br />
Meanwhile, the eurozone is seen as marking time at 1.6 percent growth.<br />
<br />
Japan should get a marginal boost, with growth of 0.7 percent this year, but then stumble to a mere 0.4 percent expansion in 2017.

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development pushes governments to spend more.

The world is at risk of getting caught in a low-growth trap, dimming the hopes of future generations, unless governments step up spending quickly, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) said Wednesday. Moderate recovery since the global economic crisis in 2008 "has precipitated a self-fulfilling low-growth trap", said Catherine Mann, the chief economist at the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. "Without comprehensive, coherent and collective action, disappointing and sluggish growth will persist, making it increasingly difficult to make good on promises to current and future generations," she added in an introduction to the OECD`s twice-yearly economic outlook. The OECD chopped its forecast for global growth this year to 3.0 percent, down from the 3.6 percent it forecast in October. For 2017 it now sees 3.3 percent growth. The dismal economic recovery has created forces that are now working to perpetuate slow growth, the OECD believes. In particular, businesses have little incentive to invest given moderate demand, while muted wage gains, unemployment and income inequality have held back consumption. Meanwhile, uncertainty also puts the brakes on spending. After years during which international economic instutions urged governments to practice austerity, Mann said that now "fiscal policy must be deployed more extensively". "almost all countries have room to reallocate spending and taxation towards items that offer more support to growth" like investments in infrastucture as well as education, The OECD said. While central banks have been supporting the global recovery with ultra-low interest rates and stimulus measures, the OECD said "it is clear that reliance on monetary policy alone has failed to deliver satisfactory growth and inflation." Moreover today`s low interest rates also provide an opportunity for governments to step up investment. Mann said the need for governments to shift up spending is urgent. "The longer the global economy remains in the low-growth trap, the more difficult it will be to break the negative feedback loops, revive market forces, and boost economies to the high-growth path," she said. She warned that as things stand negative shocks "could tip the world back into another deep downturn" while geopolitical risks to the global economy are on the rise.The OECD sees the potential exit of Britain from the European Union following a referendum vote later this month as one major risk. If voters chose to leave, hits to trade, investment and spending would likely see the British economy grow by 3 percentage points less in the next four years than if voters choose to stay, according to the OECD. Already, uncertainty surrounding a possible Brexit "has led to a significant slowdown in economic activity", although if voters choose to stay the OECD says it expects growth to pick up in the second half of this year. If Britain votes to remain in the EU in the referendum, which according to polls is a close call, growth will come in at 1.75 percent this year, the OECD expects. World markets went into a panic at the beginning of this year over the prospect of a sharp slowdown in China, which has been the source of most of global growth in recent years, but the OECD now sees growth moderating gradually thanks to recent government fiscal policy measures to support the economy. It forecasts China`s growth rate will slip to 6.5 percent this year, and then 6.2 percent in 2017. China`s economy grew by 6.9 percent last year. The strong dollar is expected to slow growth in the United States to 1.8 percent this year, from 2.4 percent last year. Meanwhile, the eurozone is seen as marking time at 1.6 percent growth. Japan should get a marginal boost, with growth of 0.7 percent this year, but then stumble to a mere 0.4 percent expansion in 2017.

Spend for growth, OECD urges governments

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