<p>India can deal with Chinese expansionism with the Himalayan region only by expeditious infrastructure development at its frontier areas. India has been able to establish political governance at the grassroots level through Hill Development Councils, Panchayats and a host of ‘packages’ in these areas. But, there is a sense of deep neglect on the implementation front, especially in context of physical infrastructure needs. A revival of the esteemed Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) – an experiment done in the 1950-60’s will bridge the governance gap in these remote far-flung areas.</p>

<p>The best public policy interventions work on pilot and feedback loops. In this case, we have had a pilot in the IFAS and some key learnings from it. A renewed, reoriented and restructured IFAS dedicated to the Himalayan frontier states in India is the need of the hour. The first step of a good foreign policy measure is to start domestically. And this is what this piece elucidates.</p>

<p>The Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS), a separate cadre created in 1954 to administer the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA i.e., present-day Arunachal Pradesh and at that time, a part of Assam) was the military-governance mechanism mooted by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. It emphasised more on the socio-economic development of the various tribes in the protected region but did not focus on strategic border development. Some historical accounts attribute this deficiency in the said policy to Verrier Elwin, an anthropologist who was appointed as the advisor to the government of Assam. But this may not be entirely true.</p>

<p>&nbsp;A cursory review of the list of IFAS cadre suggests that most members were either distinguished army officers or belonged to the Indian Foreign Service, the Indian Administrative Service, and the Indian Police Service, rotating between these postings.</p>

<p>NEFA was placed in a special category administered by the Ministry of External Affairs (and post 1965, by Ministry of Home Affairs) through an ‘IFAS’ Secretariat at Shillong, consisting of advisors for finance, tribal and legal affairs. The IFAS cadre mainly functioned as Political Officers (and thereafter as Deputy Commissioners) in charge of a frontier district vested with the powers of a District Magistrate and were the ultimate authority in their district to examine and implement development schemes. All top bureaucratic posts in other North Eastern States like Manipur were also filled by IFAS officers. An interesting Parliamentary answer between Manipur’s stalwart politician, Rishang Keishing and the then Deputy External Affairs Minister alludes to local tribals being preferred in filling the IFAS posts.</p>

<p>One of the most illustrious officers of IFAS was Major Ralengnao (Bob) Khathing. Under whose leadership, two platoons of Assam Rifles took possession of Tawang in February 1951, establishing Indian administrative control in the Bum La area along McMahon Line. This heroic act was enacted without shedding blood, even as China forced Tibet to sign a Seventeen Point Agreement in May 1951 and officially annexe it.</p>

<p>In 1968, the special cadre of IFAS was merged within the Indian Administrative Service. In the present context, the Indian Government can draw many lessons from the IFAS experiment, especially when China has officially transgressed the LAC as many as 2264 times since 2015 and India-China faced a 73-day standoff on Doklam in 2017.</p>

<p>First, for the NEFA tribals, IFAS had a simple policy laid down by Nehru. He avoided the two extremes - “one was to treat them as anthropological specimens for study and the other was to allow them to be engulfed by the masses of Indian humanity”. The could act as a Magna Carta for the newly restructured IFAS too. Since 2019, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are now both Union Territories. They are crucial frontier border areas with Pakistan and China, it is imperative that IFAS should be resurrected and expanded for their administration and infrastructural development.</p>

<p>Second, Chief Ministers of Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram have made calls for a revival of the IFAS, but their plea is more to provide a state-specific cadre than a larger administrative force implementing developmental programmes in the Himalayan region. A set of highly specialised officers, superior in merit and in strategic thinking, would entail that the development of Himalayan frontier regions remain at par with the rest of the country.</p>

<p>Third, presently the Border Roads Organisation (BRO), albeit mainly an infrastructure special purpose vehicle, backed by the army, is used for building strategic roads in the frontier areas. It is not a secret that towns, hamlets and villages in border areas are neglected and often complain of virtually no administration. The political mechanism of Hill Development Councils which was fructified in Leh &amp; Ladakh (and later replicated in North-Eastern states) have become bastions of local political empowerment, but lack robust administrative capacity. They are often marred with leakages and want of strategic planning. Massive packages have been announced, in the name of development by all governments, but they hardly reach the last border village.</p>

<p>Fourth, given that the present government is widening the scope of lateral entries in civil services provides enough ground for ‘specialized’ inclusion in the civil services.</p>

<p>Many would argue that replacing the existing IAS driven cadre stationed in these districts with a rehashed version of the same – The IFAS, would hardly solve any purpose. They are wrong. Looking at the merit, superiority and the military background which the erstwhile IFAS cadre possessed, and their accounts of solid administrative delivery in the difficult terrains, punctures that argument.<br />
<br />
National security is closely linked with strategic development, and it is a hope that policymakers realise that.<br />
<br />
<em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em><br />
&nbsp;</p>


India can deal with Chinese expansionism with the Himalayan region only by expeditious infrastructure development at its frontier areas. India has been able to establish political governance at the grassroots level through Hill Development Councils, Panchayats and a host of ‘packages’ in these areas.

India can deal with Chinese expansionism with the Himalayan region only by expeditious infrastructure development at its frontier areas. India has been able to establish political governance at the grassroots level through Hill Development Councils, Panchayats and a host of ‘packages’ in these areas. But, there is a sense of deep neglect on the implementation front, especially in context of physical infrastructure needs. A revival of the esteemed Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) – an experiment done in the 1950-60’s will bridge the governance gap in these remote far-flung areas. The best public policy interventions work on pilot and feedback loops. In this case, we have had a pilot in the IFAS and some key learnings from it. A renewed, reoriented and restructured IFAS dedicated to the Himalayan frontier states in India is the need of the hour. The first step of a good foreign policy measure is to start domestically. And this is what this piece elucidates. The Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS), a separate cadre created in 1954 to administer the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA i.e., present-day Arunachal Pradesh and at that time, a part of Assam) was the military-governance mechanism mooted by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. It emphasised more on the socio-economic development of the various tribes in the protected region but did not focus on strategic border development. Some historical accounts attribute this deficiency in the said policy to Verrier Elwin, an anthropologist who was appointed as the advisor to the government of Assam. But this may not be entirely true. A cursory review of the list of IFAS cadre suggests that most members were either distinguished army officers or belonged to the Indian Foreign Service, the Indian Administrative Service, and the Indian Police Service, rotating between these postings. NEFA was placed in a special category administered by the Ministry of External Affairs (and post 1965, by Ministry of Home Affairs) through an ‘IFAS’ Secretariat at Shillong, consisting of advisors for finance, tribal and legal affairs. The IFAS cadre mainly functioned as Political Officers (and thereafter as Deputy Commissioners) in charge of a frontier district vested with the powers of a District Magistrate and were the ultimate authority in their district to examine and implement development schemes. All top bureaucratic posts in other North Eastern States like Manipur were also filled by IFAS officers. An interesting Parliamentary answer between Manipur’s stalwart politician, Rishang Keishing and the then Deputy External Affairs Minister alludes to local tribals being preferred in filling the IFAS posts. One of the most illustrious officers of IFAS was Major Ralengnao (Bob) Khathing. Under whose leadership, two platoons of Assam Rifles took possession of Tawang in February 1951, establishing Indian administrative control in the Bum La area along McMahon Line. This heroic act was enacted without shedding blood, even as China forced Tibet to sign a Seventeen Point Agreement in May 1951 and officially annexe it. In 1968, the special cadre of IFAS was merged within the Indian Administrative Service. In the present context, the Indian Government can draw many lessons from the IFAS experiment, especially when China has officially transgressed the LAC as many as 2264 times since 2015 and India-China faced a 73-day standoff on Doklam in 2017. First, for the NEFA tribals, IFAS had a simple policy laid down by Nehru. He avoided the two extremes - “one was to treat them as anthropological specimens for study and the other was to allow them to be engulfed by the masses of Indian humanity”. The could act as a Magna Carta for the newly restructured IFAS too. Since 2019, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are now both Union Territories. They are crucial frontier border areas with Pakistan and China, it is imperative that IFAS should be resurrected and expanded for their administration and infrastructural development. Second, Chief Ministers of Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram have made calls for a revival of the IFAS, but their plea is more to provide a state-specific cadre than a larger administrative force implementing developmental programmes in the Himalayan region. A set of highly specialised officers, superior in merit and in strategic thinking, would entail that the development of Himalayan frontier regions remain at par with the rest of the country. Third, presently the Border Roads Organisation (BRO), albeit mainly an infrastructure special purpose vehicle, backed by the army, is used for building strategic roads in the frontier areas. It is not a secret that towns, hamlets and villages in border areas are neglected and often complain of virtually no administration. The political mechanism of Hill Development Councils which was fructified in Leh & Ladakh (and later replicated in North-Eastern states) have become bastions of local political empowerment, but lack robust administrative capacity. They are often marred with leakages and want of strategic planning. Massive packages have been announced, in the name of development by all governments, but they hardly reach the last border village. Fourth, given that the present government is widening the scope of lateral entries in civil services provides enough ground for ‘specialized’ inclusion in the civil services. Many would argue that replacing the existing IAS driven cadre stationed in these districts with a rehashed version of the same – The IFAS, would hardly solve any purpose. They are wrong. Looking at the merit, superiority and the military background which the erstwhile IFAS cadre possessed, and their accounts of solid administrative delivery in the difficult terrains, punctures that argument. National security is closely linked with strategic development, and it is a hope that policymakers realise that. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why the Indian Frontier Administrative Service could be a potent force against China

<p>Imagine. Every day you have to carry 30-40 litres of water on your head and walk on rugged paths for 6-9 hours daily. Your back buckling under the heavyweight of the water.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Your feet hurting, walking 5-7 kilometres daily in the scorching heat. Fetching water doesn’t get you any money. It only gets you survival. Life. This is how 82 per cent of rural households in India get their water. According to the Jal Shakti Ministry, 18 crore people living in rural areas don’t have access to piped water. The source of water being kilometres away. Often dirty and in summer months dry.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Women in these households perform this task of fetching water daily, which you wouldn’t even dare to do. Access to clean drinking water in rural India is a massive challenge. Niti Aayog report states that 70 per cent of India’s surface water — rivers, lakes, ponds and wetlands etc are polluted.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This makes the proximity to the source of clean water a serious problem. Our governments, public policy practitioners, non-government organisations and society at large — all stakeholders have come out with various solutions to the problem. Water is&nbsp;a subject which state governments deal with, but the union government has announced a massive integrated plan called Jal Jeevan Mission. Rs 3.6 lakh crore are to be spent on this project which aims to provide piped water connection to every rural household by 2024.</p>

<p>It is essential to understand the water system, its vastness and complexities. First, in any developing country, building and managing water infrastructure is a huge societal enterprise. A large amount of capital expenditure is necessary to build piped water&nbsp;networks. We are witnessing that in the proposed Jal Jeevan Mission.</p>

<p>Second, the storage of water is easy and convenient but the transportation of water is difficult and very expensive. Compare that with the transportation of similar natural resource, let’s say electricity. Electricity is easy to transport, but difficult to store. This is&nbsp;in diametrically opposite to water. No wonder, in India, electricity transportation to remote areas is still an easy task than distributing water. Long-distance transportation of electricity is feasible, but water transportation is required for localised areas.</p>

<p>Third, contaminated water always returns as food on our table. Most of our rivers are lying on deathbeds due to heavy pollution and human exploitation. Agricultural runoff is harmful to rivers because of the use of chemicals for cultivation, which has become the&nbsp;norm today. Any food growing on their banks is laced with heavy toxins and chemicals.</p>

<p>Policy interventions should be simple. Governments should have minimum interference upon the lives of individuals. The problem of access to water to rural India can have multiple solutions. So, what is the one simplest solution to this problem?</p>

<p>We need to clean up our surface water. The 70 per cent polluted surface water sources which Niti Aayog has identified consist of 13,000 lakes, ponds and wetlands, apart from 35 tributaries of major rivers. Even if we clean-up 13000 water bodies. It will solve only part of the problem. We need to begin somewhere. A ‘Swachh Jal Mission’ should be undertaken within the framework of the Jal Jeevan Mission, which if implemented correctly can clean these 13000 surface water bodies. Installing de-silting machinery and<br />
ecological cleaning are the easy ways which we can do it.</p>

<p>Critics may argue that we already have similar mechanisms under the Namami Gange scheme launched by the union government and it is not showing many results. This is because the little emphasis is there on the monitoring of this mechanism in the Ganga&nbsp;cleaning mission. Every district should have a Swachh Jal Centre which can use technology to monitor the pollutant levels in the water bodies. Independent audits need to be done to oversee the entire process.</p>

<p>An awareness campaign which highlights the importance of clean water bodies in rural areas must be launched. An estimated 15 lakh hectares of water bodies will be cleaned up, and an additional 2.33 crore households will have access to clean water, if this mechanism is adopted. This will benefit 13 per cent households, thus lowering the 82 per cent household without access to around 68 per cent. Some progress, indeed.</p>

<p>According to the author’s rough calculations, an amount of Rs 7,000 crore is projected to be spent for 3 years, if this simple mechanism is adopted for 13000 water bodies. This is a small figure compared to what the government intends to spend.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Water is the lifeline of our existence. It is not just an economic good, but it has cultural, social and environmental significance. Civilizations are born and destroyed by water.</p>

<p>India has a rich culture of preserving water through our step wells and bawlis. Cleaning up water and using it as an economic asset is the need of the hour. As the Sanskrit shloka goes – Prakritih Rakshati Rakshita — Nature protects, if it is protected.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Imagine. Every day you have to carry 30-40 litres of water on your head and walk on rugged paths for 6-9 hours daily. Your back buckling under the heavyweight of the water.

Imagine. Every day you have to carry 30-40 litres of water on your head and walk on rugged paths for 6-9 hours daily. Your back buckling under the heavyweight of the water. Your feet hurting, walking 5-7 kilometres daily in the scorching heat. Fetching water doesn’t get you any money. It only gets you survival. Life. This is how 82 per cent of rural households in India get their water. According to the Jal Shakti Ministry, 18 crore people living in rural areas don’t have access to piped water. The source of water being kilometres away. Often dirty and in summer months dry. Women in these households perform this task of fetching water daily, which you wouldn’t even dare to do. Access to clean drinking water in rural India is a massive challenge. Niti Aayog report states that 70 per cent of India’s surface water — rivers, lakes, ponds and wetlands etc are polluted. This makes the proximity to the source of clean water a serious problem. Our governments, public policy practitioners, non-government organisations and society at large — all stakeholders have come out with various solutions to the problem. Water is a subject which state governments deal with, but the union government has announced a massive integrated plan called Jal Jeevan Mission. Rs 3.6 lakh crore are to be spent on this project which aims to provide piped water connection to every rural household by 2024. It is essential to understand the water system, its vastness and complexities. First, in any developing country, building and managing water infrastructure is a huge societal enterprise. A large amount of capital expenditure is necessary to build piped water networks. We are witnessing that in the proposed Jal Jeevan Mission. Second, the storage of water is easy and convenient but the transportation of water is difficult and very expensive. Compare that with the transportation of similar natural resource, let’s say electricity. Electricity is easy to transport, but difficult to store. This is in diametrically opposite to water. No wonder, in India, electricity transportation to remote areas is still an easy task than distributing water. Long-distance transportation of electricity is feasible, but water transportation is required for localised areas. Third, contaminated water always returns as food on our table. Most of our rivers are lying on deathbeds due to heavy pollution and human exploitation. Agricultural runoff is harmful to rivers because of the use of chemicals for cultivation, which has become the norm today. Any food growing on their banks is laced with heavy toxins and chemicals. Policy interventions should be simple. Governments should have minimum interference upon the lives of individuals. The problem of access to water to rural India can have multiple solutions. So, what is the one simplest solution to this problem? We need to clean up our surface water. The 70 per cent polluted surface water sources which Niti Aayog has identified consist of 13,000 lakes, ponds and wetlands, apart from 35 tributaries of major rivers. Even if we clean-up 13000 water bodies. It will solve only part of the problem. We need to begin somewhere. A ‘Swachh Jal Mission’ should be undertaken within the framework of the Jal Jeevan Mission, which if implemented correctly can clean these 13000 surface water bodies. Installing de-silting machinery and ecological cleaning are the easy ways which we can do it. Critics may argue that we already have similar mechanisms under the Namami Gange scheme launched by the union government and it is not showing many results. This is because the little emphasis is there on the monitoring of this mechanism in the Ganga cleaning mission. Every district should have a Swachh Jal Centre which can use technology to monitor the pollutant levels in the water bodies. Independent audits need to be done to oversee the entire process. An awareness campaign which highlights the importance of clean water bodies in rural areas must be launched. An estimated 15 lakh hectares of water bodies will be cleaned up, and an additional 2.33 crore households will have access to clean water, if this mechanism is adopted. This will benefit 13 per cent households, thus lowering the 82 per cent household without access to around 68 per cent. Some progress, indeed. According to the author’s rough calculations, an amount of Rs 7,000 crore is projected to be spent for 3 years, if this simple mechanism is adopted for 13000 water bodies. This is a small figure compared to what the government intends to spend. Water is the lifeline of our existence. It is not just an economic good, but it has cultural, social and environmental significance. Civilizations are born and destroyed by water. India has a rich culture of preserving water through our step wells and bawlis. Cleaning up water and using it as an economic asset is the need of the hour. As the Sanskrit shloka goes – Prakritih Rakshati Rakshita — Nature protects, if it is protected. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Resolving clean water woes of rural India

<p>India needs labour reforms, not a suspension of labour laws during a pandemic. Some states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat have suspended key labour laws, which they claim is to facilitate employment and investment. The cruelty of the policy measure is visible in the timing of the decision. When the migrant worker crisis is one of the most visible failures in the fight against COVID-19, this insensitive decision robs our hardworking migrant labourers of the last shred of their dignity. It does not mean that we do not need labour reforms in India. &nbsp;</p>

<p>There are 44 Central laws and more than 200 State Laws which overlap with each other and are primarily skewed against the industry. India is a labour surplus country with 47 million unemployed below the age of 24 years and 12-13 million youths joining the labour market every year. Almost 93 per cent of India’s labour force works in the unorganised sector, the majority are unskilled and poorly educated. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Even before the COVID-19 pandemic raised its ugly head and made our immediate future uncertain, the Indian economy was already slowing down. Before the pandemic, India’s GDP growth in the October-December quarter of 2019 (Q3 of FY20) stood at 4.7 per cent, and in the previous quarter, it was a six-year low at 4.5 per cent. Economic growth was already on a downhill. The pandemic made it worse. Several rating agencies have predicted zero per cent growth in FY 20-21, amidst the lockdown. India’s Investment Rate i.e Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) as a percentage of GDP has declined by a whopping 9 percentage points between 2011-12 and 2019-20. This means that private investment has plummeted. It is predominantly because India has not been able to scale up manufacturing. Structural reforms in labour laws can boost private investment, but a crisis like the pandemic is hardly a time to do so. Post COVID-19 response to restart economy needs a whole package of big-bang reforms — labour reforms are only a part of it. &nbsp;</p>

<p>In pre-COVID economy, to circumvent the rigorous labour policies, companies either shifted their manufacturing bases to foreign countries or turned capital intensive, reducing their manpower needs. Besides swelling unemployment, these measures also pushed people to the informal sector. Private investment had already slumped. India’s women participation in the labour force remains abysmal. &nbsp;</p>

<p>In the times of lockdown, there is a huge migrant exodus from states as jobless workers are pushed to the corners of depravity by several governments. Critics would argue that doing away with labour laws is a sound policy decision. This may be the silver bullet idea which policymakers and industry lobbies think would attract the labourers back, but this would simply not work. Every policy intervention has a context. Right now, the context is the safety and wellbeing of our people. The recent incident of 26 workers in a pharmaceutical major in Gujarat turning positive is a stark example of how factory workers are not safe. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Least intervention by government is often the best policy measure. The immediate solution to migrant workers leaving their place of work is to give them a return ticket. Yes. That is the solution. If the government or the industry provides them with a return ticket to join work after the pandemic lockdown is over, it is natural that they will get their livelihood back. It is a simple solution rather than some big bang announcement to grab thirty seconds of eyeballs by any PR hungry government. It does not remove the social security net around the workers. Neither, does it take away their human rights. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The long term solution is amending the statutory framework of labour laws. Simplify them. First, we need a meta-structure to deal with ‘labour laws’ being in the concurrent list. A ‘Labour Laws Review Council’ with states, similar to that of GST Council, which meets periodically is needed. &nbsp;Second, consolidation of labour laws in four broad categories as envisaged by successive governments in the past. Third, have uniform definitions of key terms like ‘industry’, ‘worker’, ‘employee’ et al. Most laws have different definitions which result in long drawn disputes and confusion. Fourth, establish a ‘Central Labour Authority’ with representation from states, for self-certification and single consolidated return to ease compliances and multiple inspections of industrial units. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Fifth, amend the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 to ensure that post-facto approval from the government to close down industry is not required when any industry employees less than 300 workers or where lay off exceeds one month. A rigorous version of this was first implemented by Rajasthan and the Economic Survey, 2019 cited this as a case study to prove that employment increases if we do this. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Sixth, pass a new labour regulation law for small scale industries employing less than 50 workers with liberal exemptions. Seventh, a separate law to ensure the welfare, facilities and safety of women in the labour force.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Incremental long term reforms are needed to restart the economy. Snatching the rights of workers in a healthcare crisis will only result in high unemployment and no growth. &nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


India needs labour reforms, not a suspension of labour laws during a pandemic. Some states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat have suspended key labour laws, which they claim is to facilitate employment and investment.

India needs labour reforms, not a suspension of labour laws during a pandemic. Some states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat have suspended key labour laws, which they claim is to facilitate employment and investment. The cruelty of the policy measure is visible in the timing of the decision. When the migrant worker crisis is one of the most visible failures in the fight against COVID-19, this insensitive decision robs our hardworking migrant labourers of the last shred of their dignity. It does not mean that we do not need labour reforms in India. There are 44 Central laws and more than 200 State Laws which overlap with each other and are primarily skewed against the industry. India is a labour surplus country with 47 million unemployed below the age of 24 years and 12-13 million youths joining the labour market every year. Almost 93 per cent of India’s labour force works in the unorganised sector, the majority are unskilled and poorly educated. Even before the COVID-19 pandemic raised its ugly head and made our immediate future uncertain, the Indian economy was already slowing down. Before the pandemic, India’s GDP growth in the October-December quarter of 2019 (Q3 of FY20) stood at 4.7 per cent, and in the previous quarter, it was a six-year low at 4.5 per cent. Economic growth was already on a downhill. The pandemic made it worse. Several rating agencies have predicted zero per cent growth in FY 20-21, amidst the lockdown. India’s Investment Rate i.e Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) as a percentage of GDP has declined by a whopping 9 percentage points between 2011-12 and 2019-20. This means that private investment has plummeted. It is predominantly because India has not been able to scale up manufacturing. Structural reforms in labour laws can boost private investment, but a crisis like the pandemic is hardly a time to do so. Post COVID-19 response to restart economy needs a whole package of big-bang reforms — labour reforms are only a part of it. In pre-COVID economy, to circumvent the rigorous labour policies, companies either shifted their manufacturing bases to foreign countries or turned capital intensive, reducing their manpower needs. Besides swelling unemployment, these measures also pushed people to the informal sector. Private investment had already slumped. India’s women participation in the labour force remains abysmal. In the times of lockdown, there is a huge migrant exodus from states as jobless workers are pushed to the corners of depravity by several governments. Critics would argue that doing away with labour laws is a sound policy decision. This may be the silver bullet idea which policymakers and industry lobbies think would attract the labourers back, but this would simply not work. Every policy intervention has a context. Right now, the context is the safety and wellbeing of our people. The recent incident of 26 workers in a pharmaceutical major in Gujarat turning positive is a stark example of how factory workers are not safe. Least intervention by government is often the best policy measure. The immediate solution to migrant workers leaving their place of work is to give them a return ticket. Yes. That is the solution. If the government or the industry provides them with a return ticket to join work after the pandemic lockdown is over, it is natural that they will get their livelihood back. It is a simple solution rather than some big bang announcement to grab thirty seconds of eyeballs by any PR hungry government. It does not remove the social security net around the workers. Neither, does it take away their human rights. The long term solution is amending the statutory framework of labour laws. Simplify them. First, we need a meta-structure to deal with ‘labour laws’ being in the concurrent list. A ‘Labour Laws Review Council’ with states, similar to that of GST Council, which meets periodically is needed. Second, consolidation of labour laws in four broad categories as envisaged by successive governments in the past. Third, have uniform definitions of key terms like ‘industry’, ‘worker’, ‘employee’ et al. Most laws have different definitions which result in long drawn disputes and confusion. Fourth, establish a ‘Central Labour Authority’ with representation from states, for self-certification and single consolidated return to ease compliances and multiple inspections of industrial units. Fifth, amend the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 to ensure that post-facto approval from the government to close down industry is not required when any industry employees less than 300 workers or where lay off exceeds one month. A rigorous version of this was first implemented by Rajasthan and the Economic Survey, 2019 cited this as a case study to prove that employment increases if we do this. Sixth, pass a new labour regulation law for small scale industries employing less than 50 workers with liberal exemptions. Seventh, a separate law to ensure the welfare, facilities and safety of women in the labour force. Incremental long term reforms are needed to restart the economy. Snatching the rights of workers in a healthcare crisis will only result in high unemployment and no growth. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India needs labour law reforms and not its suspension amid coronavirus mayhem

<p>The world and the world around us has become uncertain. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic will be felt by India both internally and externally. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Internally, a full lockdown cannot continue because the economy needs to be unlocked. Reignited. India needs to start working, even if a real threat of COVID-19 pandemic persists. We cannot surrender our future to a virus. A month lockdown has brought an already slowing economy to a grinding halt. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Externally, the world economies will become inward-looking. The global recession is underway. Liberal economic order is taking a bow as protectionism will now flourish. In the geopolitical order, India will be the middle power between the United States and China. It will have substantial bargaining power in a deepening US-China confrontation. &nbsp;</p>

<p>In the last two months, the pandemic scenario was so dynamic, that it was difficult to reflect upon the impact. An extended lockdown in India, the opaqueness and the revelations concerning China’s role and the abdication of the United States to lead the world in overcoming this crisis has made the picture clearer. &nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Internal Challenges and Opportunities&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>There is a prediction of zero percentage GDP Growth for India. India will bear ‘catastrophic consequences’ and 40 crore jobs are at peril, as per an ILO report. A large number of people are already losing their jobs and many small businesses have started bearing the brunt. Unorganised sector — which is already enduring the burden of an unplanned lockdown is hurt the most. Millions are becoming poor. Migrants have still not reached home. Women and children isolated in the houses have become vulnerable owing to a spike in the cases of abuse. Societal fissures have deepened, owing to the complacency of governments in allowing religious congregations in the beginning. Communal harmony is in danger. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The Central government has announced two major packages. First, an ‘economic package’ worth Rs 1.7 lakh crore for the poor, which entails bare minimum cash transfers to women, some minuscule help to health workers, no real help for farmers and zero assistance to the small and medium businesses. Second, an ‘Emergency Response and Health System Preparedness Package’ worth Rs 15,000 crores has been announced for states. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Health is a state subject. It is the states which are required to take lead in fighting the pandemic. However, no real funding has been given to states. For instance, Punjab has been handed over a pittance sum of Rs 71 crores to fight the pandemic. A big state like Karnataka has been allocated only Rs 395 crores. Kerala which has the second-highest number of cases has been allocated Rs 157 crores. This is too little. The union government should increase this funding so that states can start building the requisite healthcare infrastructure. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Supply chains are still disrupted. People are hungry and are mortgaging their dignity to stand in long queues, to get cooked food either from private bodies. Only 15 per cent&nbsp;of the poor have received the promised pulses under the union government’s package. Around 11 crore poor are estimated to be out of the entitled PDS net and are on the verge of starvation. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Even the most ardent supporters of the market economy feel that this is no time for fiscal prudence and a loosening of purse strings is the need of the hour. Cash transfers to the poor, tax breaks to industry, and deferment of loans, employee retaining packages for the small industries, wrapped in a large stimulus package is the need of the hour. How India deals with its economy would have a direct impact on its external trade and geopolitics at large. A nation’s external policy is shaped by its internal stability. &nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>External Challenges and Opportunities &nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>There is an economic web angle to the current crisis. US Fed’s balance sheet is now at record levels above $6 trillion, after the central bank pumped almost $2 trillion in quantitative easing since late February. The United States, therefore, is running high trade deficits and acting as a consumer market. Closer to home, China is acting as an investor. It wants to put the Yuan on the global currency map. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its numerous infrastructure projects make it an ideal power for smaller countries to gravitate towards itself.<br />
<br />
However, there is a constraint. With businesses shut in most of the developed world, who will China export too? After, all Economy 101 is based on supply and demand. With the demand weakening, can China retain its position as a major exporter? &nbsp;</p>

<p>India is in a unique position to bargain. On one side, the US would want India to spearhead its economic and geostrategic potential to counter China. Given that India also has a large sector for vaccination and pharmaceuticals, it would be heavily wooed by the United States. On the other side of the spectrum, China would want India to continue increasing its trade with it, the latter being a massive consumer market for its goods. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The newfound negotiating power of India places it as the middle power between two confrontationist nation-states. Yes, there will be other powers like Russia, Japan, and EU et al which may join either camp. However, traditional Indian foreign policy prefers installing ‘tents’ in either block to joining any ‘camp’ and that position will only get strengthened. &nbsp;</p>

<p>All this will be contingent on how India strengthens its economy — internally. And that should be our only focus, for the time being.&nbsp;</p>

<p>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</p>

<p><br />
&nbsp;</p>


The world and the world around us has become uncertain. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic will be felt by India both internally and externally. Internally, a full lockdown cannot continue because the economy needs to be unlocked.

The world and the world around us has become uncertain. The impact of COVID-19 pandemic will be felt by India both internally and externally. Internally, a full lockdown cannot continue because the economy needs to be unlocked. Reignited. India needs to start working, even if a real threat of COVID-19 pandemic persists. We cannot surrender our future to a virus. A month lockdown has brought an already slowing economy to a grinding halt. Externally, the world economies will become inward-looking. The global recession is underway. Liberal economic order is taking a bow as protectionism will now flourish. In the geopolitical order, India will be the middle power between the United States and China. It will have substantial bargaining power in a deepening US-China confrontation. In the last two months, the pandemic scenario was so dynamic, that it was difficult to reflect upon the impact. An extended lockdown in India, the opaqueness and the revelations concerning China’s role and the abdication of the United States to lead the world in overcoming this crisis has made the picture clearer. Internal Challenges and Opportunities There is a prediction of zero percentage GDP Growth for India. India will bear ‘catastrophic consequences’ and 40 crore jobs are at peril, as per an ILO report. A large number of people are already losing their jobs and many small businesses have started bearing the brunt. Unorganised sector — which is already enduring the burden of an unplanned lockdown is hurt the most. Millions are becoming poor. Migrants have still not reached home. Women and children isolated in the houses have become vulnerable owing to a spike in the cases of abuse. Societal fissures have deepened, owing to the complacency of governments in allowing religious congregations in the beginning. Communal harmony is in danger. The Central government has announced two major packages. First, an ‘economic package’ worth Rs 1.7 lakh crore for the poor, which entails bare minimum cash transfers to women, some minuscule help to health workers, no real help for farmers and zero assistance to the small and medium businesses. Second, an ‘Emergency Response and Health System Preparedness Package’ worth Rs 15,000 crores has been announced for states. Health is a state subject. It is the states which are required to take lead in fighting the pandemic. However, no real funding has been given to states. For instance, Punjab has been handed over a pittance sum of Rs 71 crores to fight the pandemic. A big state like Karnataka has been allocated only Rs 395 crores. Kerala which has the second-highest number of cases has been allocated Rs 157 crores. This is too little. The union government should increase this funding so that states can start building the requisite healthcare infrastructure. Supply chains are still disrupted. People are hungry and are mortgaging their dignity to stand in long queues, to get cooked food either from private bodies. Only 15 per cent of the poor have received the promised pulses under the union government’s package. Around 11 crore poor are estimated to be out of the entitled PDS net and are on the verge of starvation. Even the most ardent supporters of the market economy feel that this is no time for fiscal prudence and a loosening of purse strings is the need of the hour. Cash transfers to the poor, tax breaks to industry, and deferment of loans, employee retaining packages for the small industries, wrapped in a large stimulus package is the need of the hour. How India deals with its economy would have a direct impact on its external trade and geopolitics at large. A nation’s external policy is shaped by its internal stability. External Challenges and Opportunities There is an economic web angle to the current crisis. US Fed’s balance sheet is now at record levels above $6 trillion, after the central bank pumped almost $2 trillion in quantitative easing since late February. The United States, therefore, is running high trade deficits and acting as a consumer market. Closer to home, China is acting as an investor. It wants to put the Yuan on the global currency map. China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its numerous infrastructure projects make it an ideal power for smaller countries to gravitate towards itself. However, there is a constraint. With businesses shut in most of the developed world, who will China export too? After, all Economy 101 is based on supply and demand. With the demand weakening, can China retain its position as a major exporter? India is in a unique position to bargain. On one side, the US would want India to spearhead its economic and geostrategic potential to counter China. Given that India also has a large sector for vaccination and pharmaceuticals, it would be heavily wooed by the United States. On the other side of the spectrum, China would want India to continue increasing its trade with it, the latter being a massive consumer market for its goods. The newfound negotiating power of India places it as the middle power between two confrontationist nation-states. Yes, there will be other powers like Russia, Japan, and EU et al which may join either camp. However, traditional Indian foreign policy prefers installing ‘tents’ in either block to joining any ‘camp’ and that position will only get strengthened. All this will be contingent on how India strengthens its economy — internally. And that should be our only focus, for the time being. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India’s position in global order depends on how it restarts the economy post-COVID 19

<p>Delhi burnt and almost all our policymakers failed us. <em>Rajdharma</em>&nbsp;is the construct often abused in modern Indian polity. The notion of <em>Rajdharma</em> in the ancient Indian political traditions, as a normative yardstick to evaluate governance, has always been all-pervasive and cherished. Mahabharata speaks of <em>Rajdharma</em>. Kautilya’s Arthashastra – India’s best known secular treatise on how a state and a ruler should be, separates law and religion by explicating <em>Rajdharma</em>.</p>

<p>We, the people of India, should not be surprised when our elected representatives, in most cases, desert us and work against our interests by relinquishing their responsibilities. The hard truth is that they are driven by their interests. Some would be surprised by this theory, but whoever has the slightest IOTA of how government’s interests work, knows that its only interest lies – in holding on to power.</p>

<p>This soulless version of a coercive state disturbs us all in society. The state is supposed to protect us and uphold the social contract, which we as a society have forged with it.</p>

<p>When the state tends to break that social contract, the relationship between the state and the society is strained. Society becomes vulnerable, but the state persists. Many would accuse that this is unnecessarily complicating and theorising. Therefore, this&nbsp;needs to be clearly explained.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson in their book about ‘States, Society and the Fate of Liberty’ (The Narrow Corridor), have brilliantly argued that “…for liberty to emerge and flourish, both state and society must be strong.<br />
<br />
A strong state is needed to control&nbsp;violence, enforce laws, and provide public services that are critical for a life in which people are empowered to make and pursue their choices. A strong mobilised society is needed to control and unshackle the strong state… without society’s vigilance; constitutions and its guarantees are not worth much more than the parchment they are written on”.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The state and the society are embattled into a day to day struggle to compete and to cooperate. Repression and despotism by states result in this ‘narrow corridor’ to liberty, where society struggles. Riots are not new to India. Political parties and vested&nbsp;organisations have time and again unleashed riots, as a tool, to attain political interests.</p>

<p>Societies, especially the poor and the vulnerable, have suffered indescribable pain and trauma at the hands of the state. But the lamp of ‘liberty’ in India’s ‘narrow corridor’–the persistent struggle between society and the state has always managed to burn. It&nbsp;can be flickered, but it has not been extinguished.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The cost of violence unleashed over society is enormous and immeasurable. The trauma of dividing society is impossible to overcome. State dithers and Institutions collapse. State is undeterred and policymakers across the spectrum fail to control it&nbsp;with checks and balances. In this strained scenario, society needs to take control of the social contract. In the information age, where nothing remains hidden and even deep fakes can easily be exposed. Society needs to show the ‘mirror of truth’ –<em>Rajdharma</em> to the state. This can be done if society is aware and can enquire.</p>

<p>Kautilya considers <em>anvikshiki</em> (the science of enquiry) as the central tool ("lamp") for generating valid knowledge and judging ethical behaviour. For Kautilya, <em>anvikshiki </em>is the benchmark for ethical behaviour and it leads to Rajadharma. Arthashastra usually refers to <em>Rajdharma</em> as the ‘dharma of the king’ and not to dharma as a religion.</p>

<p><em>Rajdharma </em>is essentially 'prescriptions of righteousness applicable to a ruler'. This implies that the ruler ought to bear the responsibility of upholding dharma (law) in society. The duty of the king is&nbsp;not only to observe dharma in person but also ensuring its observation by others.</p>

<p><em>Rajdharma</em>, therefore, is an all-encompassing construct for the ethical evaluation of the performance of the state and the government.</p>

<p>In modern times, for a strong society, awareness is the prerequisite to make governments accountable for <em>Rajdharma</em>. In an increasingly inner looking society where superficial information becomes the basis of discord, the need to adopt&nbsp;Kautilya’s ‘science of enquiry’ is felt more than ever. Unless, the society becomes vigilant enough to make the state accountable and follow its <em>Rajdharma</em>, the state and its vested interests would prevail, while the society would continue to be&nbsp;strangulated in the ‘narrow corridor’, vying for every inch of liberty and freedom.</p>

<p>Thus, what is happening in Delhi is not only a stark failure of <em>Rajdharma</em>, but also, to a large extent, the failure of society as well, the people of India have somewhere forgotten to practice the ‘science of enquiry’ – the raison d'état of our traditions and&nbsp;strategic culture.<br />
<br />
<em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;</em><br />
<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Delhi burnt and almost all our policymakers failed us. Rajdharma is the construct often abused in modern Indian polity. The notion of Rajdharma in the ancient Indian political traditions, as a normative yardstick to evaluate governance, has always been all-pervasive and cherished.

Delhi burnt and almost all our policymakers failed us. Rajdharma is the construct often abused in modern Indian polity. The notion of Rajdharma in the ancient Indian political traditions, as a normative yardstick to evaluate governance, has always been all-pervasive and cherished. Mahabharata speaks of Rajdharma. Kautilya’s Arthashastra – India’s best known secular treatise on how a state and a ruler should be, separates law and religion by explicating Rajdharma. We, the people of India, should not be surprised when our elected representatives, in most cases, desert us and work against our interests by relinquishing their responsibilities. The hard truth is that they are driven by their interests. Some would be surprised by this theory, but whoever has the slightest IOTA of how government’s interests work, knows that its only interest lies – in holding on to power. This soulless version of a coercive state disturbs us all in society. The state is supposed to protect us and uphold the social contract, which we as a society have forged with it. When the state tends to break that social contract, the relationship between the state and the society is strained. Society becomes vulnerable, but the state persists. Many would accuse that this is unnecessarily complicating and theorising. Therefore, this needs to be clearly explained. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson in their book about ‘States, Society and the Fate of Liberty’ (The Narrow Corridor), have brilliantly argued that “…for liberty to emerge and flourish, both state and society must be strong. A strong state is needed to control violence, enforce laws, and provide public services that are critical for a life in which people are empowered to make and pursue their choices. A strong mobilised society is needed to control and unshackle the strong state… without society’s vigilance; constitutions and its guarantees are not worth much more than the parchment they are written on”. The state and the society are embattled into a day to day struggle to compete and to cooperate. Repression and despotism by states result in this ‘narrow corridor’ to liberty, where society struggles. Riots are not new to India. Political parties and vested organisations have time and again unleashed riots, as a tool, to attain political interests. Societies, especially the poor and the vulnerable, have suffered indescribable pain and trauma at the hands of the state. But the lamp of ‘liberty’ in India’s ‘narrow corridor’–the persistent struggle between society and the state has always managed to burn. It can be flickered, but it has not been extinguished. The cost of violence unleashed over society is enormous and immeasurable. The trauma of dividing society is impossible to overcome. State dithers and Institutions collapse. State is undeterred and policymakers across the spectrum fail to control it with checks and balances. In this strained scenario, society needs to take control of the social contract. In the information age, where nothing remains hidden and even deep fakes can easily be exposed. Society needs to show the ‘mirror of truth’ –Rajdharma to the state. This can be done if society is aware and can enquire. Kautilya considers anvikshiki (the science of enquiry) as the central tool ("lamp") for generating valid knowledge and judging ethical behaviour. For Kautilya, anvikshiki is the benchmark for ethical behaviour and it leads to Rajadharma. Arthashastra usually refers to Rajdharma as the ‘dharma of the king’ and not to dharma as a religion. Rajdharma is essentially 'prescriptions of righteousness applicable to a ruler'. This implies that the ruler ought to bear the responsibility of upholding dharma (law) in society. The duty of the king is not only to observe dharma in person but also ensuring its observation by others. Rajdharma, therefore, is an all-encompassing construct for the ethical evaluation of the performance of the state and the government. In modern times, for a strong society, awareness is the prerequisite to make governments accountable for Rajdharma. In an increasingly inner looking society where superficial information becomes the basis of discord, the need to adopt Kautilya’s ‘science of enquiry’ is felt more than ever. Unless, the society becomes vigilant enough to make the state accountable and follow its Rajdharma, the state and its vested interests would prevail, while the society would continue to be strangulated in the ‘narrow corridor’, vying for every inch of liberty and freedom. Thus, what is happening in Delhi is not only a stark failure of Rajdharma, but also, to a large extent, the failure of society as well, the people of India have somewhere forgotten to practice the ‘science of enquiry’ – the raison d'état of our traditions and strategic culture. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Delhi violence: The price society pays for violence is immeasurable and enormous

<p>This year, India has earned the dubious distinction of shutting down the internet and communication services for the largest chunk of the global population and for the longest period of time.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Recent media reports have indicated that India was home to 67 per cent of the Internet Shutdowns globally in 2019.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Internet Shutdowns are known to have terrible consequences on civil liberties, fundamental rights and have led to massive economic losses. These shutdowns have been used to curb protests and civil society movements, which thrive on attention and symbolism. When the state tries to strangulate the voices of dissent by shutting down the internet, it only amplifies the resistance against it.</p>

<p>A 2018 report by Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER) analysing the economic impact of Internet shutdowns during 2012-17, found that 16315 hours of shutdowns caused the Indian Economy approximately $3.04 billion.</p>

<p>Furthermore, the Cellular Operators Association of India (COAI) has estimated the cost at close to 24.5 million rupees for an hour of internet shutdown. In 2019, Kashmir had continued to be under a blackout for more than 150 days. States of Assam, Meghalaya, and several parts of West Bengal also suffered a connectivity cut. Several areas in Delhi also suffered a blackout during the Anti-Citizenship Amendment, Act 2019 (Anti-CAA) protests.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Moreover, 80 districts in Uttar Pradesh have been subject to intermittent internet shutdowns since the last week of December. Indiscriminate censorship of internet has occurred in India since 2012 implemented by governments of all hues and shades.&nbsp;</p>

<p>An internet shutdown may be partial or complete. While a partial shutdown pertains to blocking of specific content or platforms, a complete shutdown is when all internet services are blocked without specific targeting.&nbsp;</p>

<p>As per information accessed from the portal - internetshutdown.in - which is maintained by Software Freedom Law Centre, India (SFLC), there were a total of 93 internet shutdowns imposed in India in 2019. Of these, 72 were taken as preventive measures. Internet shutdowns in India are ordered under the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Safety) Rules, 2017.</p>

<p>Under these rules, an officer – of no less than joint secretary rank in the state or Union government – may order the suspension of telecom services “due to public emergency or public safety”. The United Nations declared internet access a basic human right in 2016.</p>

<p>In India, though only the state of Kerala recognises this, following an order by the Kerala High Court in 2017. The legality of indiscriminate internet censorship has been subject to questioning by the legal fraternity, particularly with regard to the process that may have been followed in imposing these shutdowns.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This also leads one to speculate as to why the government may take such a measure. However, the underlying reasons for internet censorship during a protest are to discourage people’s participation in protests and denying the protestors control over the narrative.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Herein, we also need to look at how the role of the internet has evolved in protests. The term ‘networked protest’ has been used by scholars, for protests that use social media to organise them. These may include a call to mobilise, or arranging supplies. One of the first instances of these ‘networked protests’ are the protests that took place in the Middle East during the Arab Spring and the ‘India Against Corruption Movement’ in 2011. A networked protest strongly relies on the Internet to both disperse information and also avail that information. This is what happened recently in India too, in the backdrop of Anti-CAA and Anti-NRC protests.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Protests are essentially symbolic public relations exercises to drive a narrative. Attention by the state fuels them and non-attention weakens them. The state is the most coercive actor. As Mahatma Gandhi puts it incomparably — “The individual has a soul, but a state is a soulless machine, it can never be weaned from violence to which it owes its very existence.”&nbsp;</p>

<p>The state has this irresistible temptation to exercise coercion. Purely from the state’s perspective shutting down the internet exposes lack of statecraft and a weak understanding of the phenomena of collective protests and how they are actually carried out. &nbsp;Not only are internet shutdowns an assault on the personal and collective liberties of the people, they are also a tacit admission that the state’s coercive power is depleting. In mature democracies, shutting down the internet only provides the requisite adhesive to coalesce a collective action of a protest and intensify its purpose.</p>

<p>There is enough empirical evidence that shutting down the internet backfires, not just because it’s a draconian move to suppress dissent, but also because it provides the much-needed attention to the protests. In fact, in the digital age, attempts at censorship of the internet bring much more attention to the suppressed piece of information. This has been popularly termed as, the ‘Streisand Effect’.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In 2003, American singer Barbra Streisand sued photographer Kenneth Adelman for displaying a photograph of her Malibu home, along with 12,000 other photos of the California coastline taken to illustrate coastal erosion. The picture had at that point been downloaded a total of six times, two of which were by Streisand's lawyers.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The suit had the unintended consequence of drawing attention to the photograph, which suddenly became wildly popular and was rapidly copied to multiple mirror sites outside the immediate reach of US law. On December 19, 2019, when telecom operators announced through Twitter that they were following the government’s order of internet shutdown in parts of Delhi at about 12:15 PM, the social media platform erupted with multiple hashtags such as #IndiaAgainstCAA, #JamiaMilia, #CAAProtests #JantarMantar and such. An unplanned protest took place at Jantar Mantar prompting the government to close as many as 19 metro stations in the heart of Delhi. Subsequent to this, peaceful protests broke out in almost all major cities of India. Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh has been witnessing protests for 17 days where thousands of women are on a marathon sit.</p>

<p>Even during a complete internet shutdown, they need one single conduit to spread the information for a call to action. The violence which happened in Uttar Pradesh recently has come out in the public domain through the internet, even though there were complete internet shutdowns. The information has managed to find its way out. Social media is dotted with stories that people in Delhi have started using pollution masks and caps to dodge the facial recognition tools of the police. In Hong Kong, protests in 2014 were termed as ‘Umbrella Protests’ by the media as the protestors used a colourful umbrella to protect themselves from the tear gas and pepper spray. More recently, in 2019 Hong Kong protestors did not use their ‘Octopus Card’- a rechargeable smart card to use public transport and buy groceries because they were afraid that the government would track their database. Thus, acts of state repression, sometimes lead to innovative methods to circumvent it. This is clearly true for internet shutdowns, as well.</p>

<p>There is a dire need for accountability, transparency and a thorough test of inevitability, as also cost-benefit analysis to implement internet shutdowns. To take away a basic human right requires extraordinary circumstances like a foreseeable national security threat or a complete breakdown of law and order. Milder options which are less disruptive and cost-effective must be exercised first. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The economic, social and ethical cost of any censorship on communication must be comprehensively weighed in before subjecting the people with such drastic action. Like the Supreme Court has made forced bandhs or hartals by protestors unconstitutional, it has now become necessary for it to examine the legality, social and economic costs of internet ‘bandh’ before enforcing them arbitrarily.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(The article is co-authored by Prakriti Anand who is a former LAMP Fellow)</em></p>

<p><em>(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


This year, India has earned the dubious distinction of shutting down the internet and communication services for the largest chunk of the global population and for the longest period of time.

This year, India has earned the dubious distinction of shutting down the internet and communication services for the largest chunk of the global population and for the longest period of time. Recent media reports have indicated that India was home to 67 per cent of the Internet Shutdowns globally in 2019. Internet Shutdowns are known to have terrible consequences on civil liberties, fundamental rights and have led to massive economic losses. These shutdowns have been used to curb protests and civil society movements, which thrive on attention and symbolism. When the state tries to strangulate the voices of dissent by shutting down the internet, it only amplifies the resistance against it. A 2018 report by Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER) analysing the economic impact of Internet shutdowns during 2012-17, found that 16315 hours of shutdowns caused the Indian Economy approximately $3.04 billion. Furthermore, the Cellular Operators Association of India (COAI) has estimated the cost at close to 24.5 million rupees for an hour of internet shutdown. In 2019, Kashmir had continued to be under a blackout for more than 150 days. States of Assam, Meghalaya, and several parts of West Bengal also suffered a connectivity cut. Several areas in Delhi also suffered a blackout during the Anti-Citizenship Amendment, Act 2019 (Anti-CAA) protests. Moreover, 80 districts in Uttar Pradesh have been subject to intermittent internet shutdowns since the last week of December. Indiscriminate censorship of internet has occurred in India since 2012 implemented by governments of all hues and shades. An internet shutdown may be partial or complete. While a partial shutdown pertains to blocking of specific content or platforms, a complete shutdown is when all internet services are blocked without specific targeting. As per information accessed from the portal - internetshutdown.in - which is maintained by Software Freedom Law Centre, India (SFLC), there were a total of 93 internet shutdowns imposed in India in 2019. Of these, 72 were taken as preventive measures. Internet shutdowns in India are ordered under the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Safety) Rules, 2017. Under these rules, an officer – of no less than joint secretary rank in the state or Union government – may order the suspension of telecom services “due to public emergency or public safety”. The United Nations declared internet access a basic human right in 2016. In India, though only the state of Kerala recognises this, following an order by the Kerala High Court in 2017. The legality of indiscriminate internet censorship has been subject to questioning by the legal fraternity, particularly with regard to the process that may have been followed in imposing these shutdowns. This also leads one to speculate as to why the government may take such a measure. However, the underlying reasons for internet censorship during a protest are to discourage people’s participation in protests and denying the protestors control over the narrative. Herein, we also need to look at how the role of the internet has evolved in protests. The term ‘networked protest’ has been used by scholars, for protests that use social media to organise them. These may include a call to mobilise, or arranging supplies. One of the first instances of these ‘networked protests’ are the protests that took place in the Middle East during the Arab Spring and the ‘India Against Corruption Movement’ in 2011. A networked protest strongly relies on the Internet to both disperse information and also avail that information. This is what happened recently in India too, in the backdrop of Anti-CAA and Anti-NRC protests. Protests are essentially symbolic public relations exercises to drive a narrative. Attention by the state fuels them and non-attention weakens them. The state is the most coercive actor. As Mahatma Gandhi puts it incomparably — “The individual has a soul, but a state is a soulless machine, it can never be weaned from violence to which it owes its very existence.” The state has this irresistible temptation to exercise coercion. Purely from the state’s perspective shutting down the internet exposes lack of statecraft and a weak understanding of the phenomena of collective protests and how they are actually carried out. Not only are internet shutdowns an assault on the personal and collective liberties of the people, they are also a tacit admission that the state’s coercive power is depleting. In mature democracies, shutting down the internet only provides the requisite adhesive to coalesce a collective action of a protest and intensify its purpose. There is enough empirical evidence that shutting down the internet backfires, not just because it’s a draconian move to suppress dissent, but also because it provides the much-needed attention to the protests. In fact, in the digital age, attempts at censorship of the internet bring much more attention to the suppressed piece of information. This has been popularly termed as, the ‘Streisand Effect’. In 2003, American singer Barbra Streisand sued photographer Kenneth Adelman for displaying a photograph of her Malibu home, along with 12,000 other photos of the California coastline taken to illustrate coastal erosion. The picture had at that point been downloaded a total of six times, two of which were by Streisand's lawyers. The suit had the unintended consequence of drawing attention to the photograph, which suddenly became wildly popular and was rapidly copied to multiple mirror sites outside the immediate reach of US law. On December 19, 2019, when telecom operators announced through Twitter that they were following the government’s order of internet shutdown in parts of Delhi at about 12:15 PM, the social media platform erupted with multiple hashtags such as #IndiaAgainstCAA, #JamiaMilia, #CAAProtests #JantarMantar and such. An unplanned protest took place at Jantar Mantar prompting the government to close as many as 19 metro stations in the heart of Delhi. Subsequent to this, peaceful protests broke out in almost all major cities of India. Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh has been witnessing protests for 17 days where thousands of women are on a marathon sit. Even during a complete internet shutdown, they need one single conduit to spread the information for a call to action. The violence which happened in Uttar Pradesh recently has come out in the public domain through the internet, even though there were complete internet shutdowns. The information has managed to find its way out. Social media is dotted with stories that people in Delhi have started using pollution masks and caps to dodge the facial recognition tools of the police. In Hong Kong, protests in 2014 were termed as ‘Umbrella Protests’ by the media as the protestors used a colourful umbrella to protect themselves from the tear gas and pepper spray. More recently, in 2019 Hong Kong protestors did not use their ‘Octopus Card’- a rechargeable smart card to use public transport and buy groceries because they were afraid that the government would track their database. Thus, acts of state repression, sometimes lead to innovative methods to circumvent it. This is clearly true for internet shutdowns, as well. There is a dire need for accountability, transparency and a thorough test of inevitability, as also cost-benefit analysis to implement internet shutdowns. To take away a basic human right requires extraordinary circumstances like a foreseeable national security threat or a complete breakdown of law and order. Milder options which are less disruptive and cost-effective must be exercised first. The economic, social and ethical cost of any censorship on communication must be comprehensively weighed in before subjecting the people with such drastic action. Like the Supreme Court has made forced bandhs or hartals by protestors unconstitutional, it has now become necessary for it to examine the legality, social and economic costs of internet ‘bandh’ before enforcing them arbitrarily. (The article is co-authored by Prakriti Anand who is a former LAMP Fellow) (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Protests in the times of Internet shutdowns

<p>The commentators and the politically influential people in this country have started writing the epitaph of the Congress party.</p>

<p>They have all the right to believe so because, since past three years or so, the electoral fortunes of the party have seriously dithered, particularly after the miserable defeat of 2014.Their intense speculation about the future of the Grand Old Party is something which passionate flag bearers like me cannot discount, but are profoundly anguished with. The Liberals are angry at us. But we need to convert that anger into love. I am a Congressman and will remain a Congress party admirer even if I am the last man standing, although I shall do everything within my means to prevent that &lsquo;last man&rsquo; scenario.</p>

<p>I know I may be painting a pessimistic picture, and some of you who will read this will definitely not agree with my assessment. Some of you may also question my locus-standi for writing this- since I am also part of that very system, albeit a very small part in which the Congress system works, I am responsible too. But, considering that I am an eternal optimist, I shall always yearn that such an eventuality shall never come.</p>

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<h5>Congress will remain strong and&nbsp;will&nbsp;overcome its present problems. We shall again redeem India and will not let it slip into the darkness.</h5>
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<p>Congress will remain strong and&nbsp;will&nbsp;overcome its present problems. We shall again redeem India and will not let it slip into the darkness. <a href="http://countryawake.blogspot.in/2015/01/the-idea-of-congress.html">Our ideals and ideology</a> are rock solid and our commitment to secularism is unflinching. Compassion, brotherhood, love and respect are the pillars on which the Congress party stands.There are lots of inherent flaws with which our inner party system works, but there are innumerable positive aspects too.</p>

<p>In the initial years of the Modi Government, the Congress party believed that as the BJP lacks the ability to solidly govern and administer, it will never be able to live up to the expectations of people. This has actually led to the former&#39;s complacency that has turned it into a reactive force. &ldquo;Jab yeh galitiya karenge, abhi nahi toh 5-10 saal baad humara waqt aayega&rdquo; (When they will make mistakes, not today, but eventually after 5-10 years we will be back in power) was the drawing room chatter of every Congressman.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Both critics and admirers would agree that the single biggest mistake which the Congress party made in the UPA era was not to build its cadre, especially in states where it was organisationally weak.</h5>
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<p>Then came a period during which failures&nbsp;after failures marred BJP&#39;s image but the Congress merely acted as a reactionary force, failing to capitalise the blunders of the ruling party. Both critics and admirers would agree that the single biggest mistake which the Congress party made in the UPA era was not to build its cadre, especially in states where it was organisationally weak. An Opposition needs a rank of robust and committed workers to carry on its political work. The Congress is a mass-based party and not a cadre based one, yet it has certain unique organisational strengths, which could have been tapped into. The party&#39;s frontals are more or less defunct and, at the most, have become extremely sycophantic in nature- with almost no vision or plan of action.</p>

<p>After three years&nbsp;into the Modi Government, where the BJP is using every trick in the political book to expand its bases, the Congress is making last ditch attempts to somehow foster unity among the Opposition, without much success. The Nitish Kumar fiasco may have its opportunistic and political strokes, and broad ones indeed, yet the Congress has to somehow take its share of the blame too. I know, I will again be accused of crossing the Lakshman Rekha (Red Line) while I try to objectively put forth this assessment, but acceptance of failures is the first stepping stone to success.</p>

<p>I have been hinting and posting on social media, <a href="http://countryawake.blogspot.in/2014/05/humbled-by-mandate-thoughts-unlimited.html">since long</a>, that the Congress needs a positive agenda. A solid, implementable narrative and a new vision to take along those committed liberal voters who still believe in those ideals on which the edifice of our Constitution was laid. Time and again, I have come to the conclusion that only a positive narrative can resurrect the Congress.</p>

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<h5>Time and again, I have come to the conclusion that only a positive narrative can resurrect the Congress.</h5>
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<p>For starters, we should look at our own 2014 Manifesto. This 45-page document should be our Magna Carta to attack and question the BJP. It will give us more credibility because we shall not be merely criticising the policies, but also put forth a positive policy solution, for instance, we would go to the people of the country pointing out, &ldquo;Had the Congress been in power, there were the 5 steps it would have taken to solve agrarian distress&rdquo; and &ldquo;These are the steps that the Congress party would have taken to create more jobs&rdquo;.</p>

<p>It is not that the Congress party is not taking steps to revamp its organisational structure. The election process will be completed this year and a new team is slowly and steadily been set up. New General Secretary in-charge of the states are being appointed. The Communications department of the party is seeing new faces and a newer strategy for the same is in place now. Research and Social Media wings have also been refurbished and are working with a new vigour. Yes, we lack in media management, and that needs to be proactively dealt with. The voter connect is only possible when you gather small constituencies of groups together and focus on the liberal supporters. Laziness, complacency and arrogance should be done away with. A strong ideological resolve is needed so as solidify our support base. We all know what ails the Congress party, we should&nbsp;have solutions for the same.&nbsp;</p>

<p>No political party that has a closed system and is secretive in nature can function in a vibrant democracy. We have to open the doors for the converts as well as for the swing ones.</p>

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<h5>A large section of media has become the mouthpiece for the BJP, and the Congress needs to find an alternate for the same.</h5>
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<p>The Congress should aim to unite with other opposition parties, but that does not mean that it can tie up with any political party which is ideologically not on the same page as it is. At the end of the day, such an alliance falls through as we have seen in West Bengal and in Uttar Pradesh. Let us not repeat that. The Congress should try and build consensus, but if that is not possible, just leave these regional parties to fend for themselves. We should stop pandering to them. Let us built our own identity, we were successful because we had one. We should not leave it. Opposition unity is good for short term goals, but in the long term, we should strive for our own national space. In states, where we are dependent on regional satraps, we have only declined. Even if we win one seat, it should be on our own.</p>

<p>If we do not implement a positive agenda and restructure ourselves, then even our forefathers, who so painstakingly built this country, will not forgive us for sending India to the dark ages.</p>

<p>(All the views expressed in the article by the author are strictly personal.)</p>


The Liberals are angry at Congress. But Congress needs to convert that anger into love.

The commentators and the politically influential people in this country have started writing the epitaph of the Congress party. They have all the right to believe so because, since past three years or so, the electoral fortunes of the party have seriously dithered, particularly after the miserable defeat of 2014.Their intense speculation about the future of the Grand Old Party is something which passionate flag bearers like me cannot discount, but are profoundly anguished with. The Liberals are angry at us. But we need to convert that anger into love. I am a Congressman and will remain a Congress party admirer even if I am the last man standing, although I shall do everything within my means to prevent that ‘last man’ scenario. I know I may be painting a pessimistic picture, and some of you who will read this will definitely not agree with my assessment. Some of you may also question my locus-standi for writing this- since I am also part of that very system, albeit a very small part in which the Congress system works, I am responsible too. But, considering that I am an eternal optimist, I shall always yearn that such an eventuality shall never come. Congress will remain strong and will overcome its present problems. We shall again redeem India and will not let it slip into the darkness. × Congress will remain strong and will overcome its present problems. We shall again redeem India and will not let it slip into the darkness. Our ideals and ideology are rock solid and our commitment to secularism is unflinching. Compassion, brotherhood, love and respect are the pillars on which the Congress party stands.There are lots of inherent flaws with which our inner party system works, but there are innumerable positive aspects too. In the initial years of the Modi Government, the Congress party believed that as the BJP lacks the ability to solidly govern and administer, it will never be able to live up to the expectations of people. This has actually led to the former's complacency that has turned it into a reactive force. “Jab yeh galitiya karenge, abhi nahi toh 5-10 saal baad humara waqt aayega” (When they will make mistakes, not today, but eventually after 5-10 years we will be back in power) was the drawing room chatter of every Congressman. Both critics and admirers would agree that the single biggest mistake which the Congress party made in the UPA era was not to build its cadre, especially in states where it was organisationally weak. × Then came a period during which failures after failures marred BJP's image but the Congress merely acted as a reactionary force, failing to capitalise the blunders of the ruling party. Both critics and admirers would agree that the single biggest mistake which the Congress party made in the UPA era was not to build its cadre, especially in states where it was organisationally weak. An Opposition needs a rank of robust and committed workers to carry on its political work. The Congress is a mass-based party and not a cadre based one, yet it has certain unique organisational strengths, which could have been tapped into. The party's frontals are more or less defunct and, at the most, have become extremely sycophantic in nature- with almost no vision or plan of action. After three years into the Modi Government, where the BJP is using every trick in the political book to expand its bases, the Congress is making last ditch attempts to somehow foster unity among the Opposition, without much success. The Nitish Kumar fiasco may have its opportunistic and political strokes, and broad ones indeed, yet the Congress has to somehow take its share of the blame too. I know, I will again be accused of crossing the Lakshman Rekha (Red Line) while I try to objectively put forth this assessment, but acceptance of failures is the first stepping stone to success. I have been hinting and posting on social media, since long, that the Congress needs a positive agenda. A solid, implementable narrative and a new vision to take along those committed liberal voters who still believe in those ideals on which the edifice of our Constitution was laid. Time and again, I have come to the conclusion that only a positive narrative can resurrect the Congress. Time and again, I have come to the conclusion that only a positive narrative can resurrect the Congress. × For starters, we should look at our own 2014 Manifesto. This 45-page document should be our Magna Carta to attack and question the BJP. It will give us more credibility because we shall not be merely criticising the policies, but also put forth a positive policy solution, for instance, we would go to the people of the country pointing out, “Had the Congress been in power, there were the 5 steps it would have taken to solve agrarian distress” and “These are the steps that the Congress party would have taken to create more jobs”. It is not that the Congress party is not taking steps to revamp its organisational structure. The election process will be completed this year and a new team is slowly and steadily been set up. New General Secretary in-charge of the states are being appointed. The Communications department of the party is seeing new faces and a newer strategy for the same is in place now. Research and Social Media wings have also been refurbished and are working with a new vigour. Yes, we lack in media management, and that needs to be proactively dealt with. The voter connect is only possible when you gather small constituencies of groups together and focus on the liberal supporters. Laziness, complacency and arrogance should be done away with. A strong ideological resolve is needed so as solidify our support base. We all know what ails the Congress party, we should have solutions for the same. No political party that has a closed system and is secretive in nature can function in a vibrant democracy. We have to open the doors for the converts as well as for the swing ones. A large section of media has become the mouthpiece for the BJP, and the Congress needs to find an alternate for the same. × The Congress should aim to unite with other opposition parties, but that does not mean that it can tie up with any political party which is ideologically not on the same page as it is. At the end of the day, such an alliance falls through as we have seen in West Bengal and in Uttar Pradesh. Let us not repeat that. The Congress should try and build consensus, but if that is not possible, just leave these regional parties to fend for themselves. We should stop pandering to them. Let us built our own identity, we were successful because we had one. We should not leave it. Opposition unity is good for short term goals, but in the long term, we should strive for our own national space. In states, where we are dependent on regional satraps, we have only declined. Even if we win one seat, it should be on our own. If we do not implement a positive agenda and restructure ourselves, then even our forefathers, who so painstakingly built this country, will not forgive us for sending India to the dark ages. (All the views expressed in the article by the author are strictly personal.)

How the Congress party can be revived in India

Author

Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

Rachit Seth

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