<p>President Donald Trump&rsquo;s &nbsp;first official trip to Asia covering Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines concluded on a note that sent mixed messages to his allies and partners. During the trip, he participated in several meetings including the APEC, ASEAN &ndash; US summit and the East Asia Summit.</p>

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<h5>In his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was a great expectation that he would make a categorical commitment to his allies and partners against China&rsquo;s constructing and militarising artificial islands in the disputed region.</h5>
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<p>Carefully avoiding to touch on controversial issues, like Senkaku Islands and the&nbsp;South China Sea, Trump reiterated American preference for bilateralism and made a public declaration on his &lsquo;America first&rsquo; policies as against globalisation. His first so-called vision statement on Asia did not adequately reassure the Asian allies and partners on Washington&rsquo;s commitment to the security of the region. It fell far short of their expectations.</p>

<p>For instance, in his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was a great expectation that he would make a categorical commitment to his allies and partners against China&rsquo;s constructing and militarising artificial islands in the disputed region. As widely reported in the media, in his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was no specific reference either to the UN arbitral court&rsquo;s verdict or to China&rsquo;s illegal construction of artificial islands. During his visit to Vietnam, Trump&rsquo;s offer to &ldquo;mediate&rdquo; in the South China Sea dispute deeply disappointed the Vietnamese hosts.</p>

<p>The ASEAN-China summit held in Manila also witnessed a similar scene. China is reported to have dominated the discussions which were centered on the drawing up of a code of conduct in the disputed waters. Though there was a provisional agreement to start the negotiations sometime during early 2018, participants could not come to an agreement on whether to make the code of conduct binding legally as claimed by countries like Vietnam.</p>

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<h5>China&rsquo;s increasing economic clout due to its bulging trade and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has sharply divided the ASEAN and brought about a basic change in the attitudes of countries like the Philippines.</h5>
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<p>On the other hand, the Philippines and Malaysia were inclined to pursue a more pro-China stance. China&rsquo;s increasing economic clout due to its bulging trade and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has sharply divided the ASEAN and brought about a basic change in the attitudes of countries like the Philippines. The Philippines, the present ASEAN chair, took a soft position on the South China Sea issue and thereby weakened the ASEAN cause. President Rodrigo Duterte showed great inclination to build &ldquo;friendship&rdquo; with China and &ldquo;toned down&rdquo; the South China Sea issue.</p>

<p>It is against this backdrop, one has to examine the meeting that took place between Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the top two Chinese leaders in quick succession. The meeting between Abe and Chinese President Xi Jing pin on the sidelines of the APEC conference surprisingly generated a great deal of hope for better relations between the two.</p>

<p>Similar such meetings on the sidelines of international gatherings in the past were marked by a lack of warmth on the part of President Xi. But this time, the bilateral dynamics had somewhat changed. Both Abe and Xi had emerged stronger politically in their respective countries - the former having won the lower house election with a massive majority and the latter having emerged more powerful following the 19th Party Congress. When Xi expressed a desire to make &ldquo; a new start&rdquo; in the bilateral relations, it came as a pleasant surprise to Abe.</p>

<p>Abe&rsquo;s next meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Manila on 13 November, within a couple of days after the Abe-Xi meeting, reinforced the optimism for improved relations. Li told Abe that both countries &ldquo;must work together to make the momentum of improvement of bilateral relations into something solid.&rdquo; Both Li and Abe agreed to make arrangements for holding a trilateral summit with South Korean President in Tokyo soon. Since the advent of Abe as prime minister, neither Li nor Xi has made an official visit to Japan. In 2018 both countries are set to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the bilateral peace treaty, and Abe would look forward to Xi &lsquo;s visit to Japan on the occasion.</p>

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<h5>Trump&#39;s insistence that Tokyo purchases &ldquo;massive amounts of military equipment&rdquo; from the US to reduce its trade surplus dismayed the Japanese leaders.</h5>
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<p>As many analysts point out, the unpredictable style of President Trump has also created some new space for possible cooperation between Japan and China. The need to keep North Korea under control is a strong binding factor between the US, China and Japan. In his talks with Abe, Trump did not seriously discuss Japan&rsquo;s post-election constitutional and defence policies. His insistence that Tokyo purchases &ldquo;massive amounts of military equipment&rdquo; from the US to reduce its trade surplus dismayed the Japanese leaders.</p>

<p>From the Japanese side, it was pointed out that Japan was already spending a great deal on purchasing US weapons and equipment. But what disappointed Tokyo most was that at a time when Abe is trying to create a favourable climate for constitutional amendments, it was hardly the time for Trump even to appear to be forcing huge military expenditures on Japan.</p>

<p>Trump&rsquo;s &ldquo;toned down&rdquo; stance on the South China Sea issue, his emphasis on &ldquo;America first&rdquo; policy and his soft attitude towards China have made many Japanese leaders suspect that the US is retreating from Asia. They are also worried that given the warmth that Trump showed to Xi during his visit, both the US and China could develop a stronger rapport to the exclusion of Japan. From the Chinese viewpoint, if the US retreats, it would be an advantage for Beijing to exert its influence with Japan as less of the hostile power.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


Japanese leaders are worried because of the warmth that Trump showed to Xi during his visit. It is suspected that US and China could develop a stronger bond that may harm Japan

President Donald Trump’s first official trip to Asia covering Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines concluded on a note that sent mixed messages to his allies and partners. During the trip, he participated in several meetings including the APEC, ASEAN – US summit and the East Asia Summit. In his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was a great expectation that he would make a categorical commitment to his allies and partners against China’s constructing and militarising artificial islands in the disputed region. × Carefully avoiding to touch on controversial issues, like Senkaku Islands and the South China Sea, Trump reiterated American preference for bilateralism and made a public declaration on his ‘America first’ policies as against globalisation. His first so-called vision statement on Asia did not adequately reassure the Asian allies and partners on Washington’s commitment to the security of the region. It fell far short of their expectations. For instance, in his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was a great expectation that he would make a categorical commitment to his allies and partners against China’s constructing and militarising artificial islands in the disputed region. As widely reported in the media, in his summit meeting with the ASEAN countries, there was no specific reference either to the UN arbitral court’s verdict or to China’s illegal construction of artificial islands. During his visit to Vietnam, Trump’s offer to “mediate” in the South China Sea dispute deeply disappointed the Vietnamese hosts. The ASEAN-China summit held in Manila also witnessed a similar scene. China is reported to have dominated the discussions which were centered on the drawing up of a code of conduct in the disputed waters. Though there was a provisional agreement to start the negotiations sometime during early 2018, participants could not come to an agreement on whether to make the code of conduct binding legally as claimed by countries like Vietnam. China’s increasing economic clout due to its bulging trade and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has sharply divided the ASEAN and brought about a basic change in the attitudes of countries like the Philippines. × On the other hand, the Philippines and Malaysia were inclined to pursue a more pro-China stance. China’s increasing economic clout due to its bulging trade and its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has sharply divided the ASEAN and brought about a basic change in the attitudes of countries like the Philippines. The Philippines, the present ASEAN chair, took a soft position on the South China Sea issue and thereby weakened the ASEAN cause. President Rodrigo Duterte showed great inclination to build “friendship” with China and “toned down” the South China Sea issue. It is against this backdrop, one has to examine the meeting that took place between Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the top two Chinese leaders in quick succession. The meeting between Abe and Chinese President Xi Jing pin on the sidelines of the APEC conference surprisingly generated a great deal of hope for better relations between the two. Similar such meetings on the sidelines of international gatherings in the past were marked by a lack of warmth on the part of President Xi. But this time, the bilateral dynamics had somewhat changed. Both Abe and Xi had emerged stronger politically in their respective countries - the former having won the lower house election with a massive majority and the latter having emerged more powerful following the 19th Party Congress. When Xi expressed a desire to make “ a new start” in the bilateral relations, it came as a pleasant surprise to Abe. Abe’s next meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Manila on 13 November, within a couple of days after the Abe-Xi meeting, reinforced the optimism for improved relations. Li told Abe that both countries “must work together to make the momentum of improvement of bilateral relations into something solid.” Both Li and Abe agreed to make arrangements for holding a trilateral summit with South Korean President in Tokyo soon. Since the advent of Abe as prime minister, neither Li nor Xi has made an official visit to Japan. In 2018 both countries are set to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the bilateral peace treaty, and Abe would look forward to Xi ‘s visit to Japan on the occasion. Trump's insistence that Tokyo purchases “massive amounts of military equipment” from the US to reduce its trade surplus dismayed the Japanese leaders. × As many analysts point out, the unpredictable style of President Trump has also created some new space for possible cooperation between Japan and China. The need to keep North Korea under control is a strong binding factor between the US, China and Japan. In his talks with Abe, Trump did not seriously discuss Japan’s post-election constitutional and defence policies. His insistence that Tokyo purchases “massive amounts of military equipment” from the US to reduce its trade surplus dismayed the Japanese leaders. From the Japanese side, it was pointed out that Japan was already spending a great deal on purchasing US weapons and equipment. But what disappointed Tokyo most was that at a time when Abe is trying to create a favourable climate for constitutional amendments, it was hardly the time for Trump even to appear to be forcing huge military expenditures on Japan. Trump’s “toned down” stance on the South China Sea issue, his emphasis on “America first” policy and his soft attitude towards China have made many Japanese leaders suspect that the US is retreating from Asia. They are also worried that given the warmth that Trump showed to Xi during his visit, both the US and China could develop a stronger rapport to the exclusion of Japan. From the Chinese viewpoint, if the US retreats, it would be an advantage for Beijing to exert its influence with Japan as less of the hostile power. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Is the US retreating from Asia, giving way to China?

<p>Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has once again proved that he is a shrewd political strategist who understands Japanese politics better than his rivals. His latest controversial decision to hold snap elections to the House of Representatives one full year earlier than required raised many eyebrows in Japan and many analysts called it a risky gamble.</p>

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<h5>Mr Abe&rsquo;s ruling Liberal Democratic Party- Komeito coalition scored a dramatic victory capturing more than two-thirds majority seats in the Lower House.</h5>
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<p>Already enjoying more than two-thirds majority in the House, it was doubted whether he could even retain the existing strength leave alone the question of bettering it. When Abe took the decision to call the snap elections, he thought that it would be the usual &ldquo;rubber stamp elections&rdquo; which he could easily win as he had done in 2014. Though subsequently many developments like the rise of Ms Yuriko Koike as a challenger seemingly created some hiccups. Finally,&nbsp;Mr Abe&rsquo;s ruling Liberal Democratic Party- Komeito coalition scored a dramatic victory capturing more than two-thirds majority seats in the Lower House.</p>

<p>This victory, fifth successive win in national elections since 2012, will strengthen Mr Abe&rsquo;s position within his own party and even ensure his re-election as party president for the third term in September 2018 and his continuance as the Prime Minister until 2021. Some of his detractors within the party who could have challenged him now look very much weakened by&nbsp;Mr Abe&rsquo;s victory.</p>

<p>He is likely to be the longest-serving post-war prime minister of Japan. It is to be noted that the next major national election he will face will be in the summer of 2019 which will elect&nbsp;half the members of the House Councilors. It means that he will have ample time to initiate and implement some of his long-cherished goals like amending the Constitution, denuclearisation of North Korea, and enhancing the consumption tax from 8 per cent to 10 per cent by 2019.</p>

<p>In particular, Mr Abe will show utmost circumspection while dealing with the constitutional amendment which has posed the greatest challenge to successive governments in the past. He knows that since the issue can fuel a great deal of heat within the country, he has to move carefully to work out a national consensus before taking any hasty step. Winning 310 odd seats in the elections is not the same as winning the hearts of the people. In fact, many public opinion surveys taken after the election results conveyed the message that about 45-50 per cent of the people surveyed expressed their disagreement with Mr Abe&rsquo;s policies.</p>

<p>The Japanese Constitution lays down that any amendment to the Constitution needs to be approved by the two-thirds majority of both Houses and that it has to be endorsed by the people in a national referendum. Mr Abe knows that post-war Japanese pacifism has been centered on this Article and large segments of Japanese people strongly believe that this provision has given considerable stability to the reemergence of Japan as a strong peace-loving democratic state since 1952.</p>

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<h5>Mr Abe is likely to remain in power for four more years augurs well for the rapidly advancing India-Japan partnership.</h5>
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<p>Mr Abe will respect the strength of the people&rsquo;s sentiments and explore all possibilities to mould a national consensus on the issue. It will take time, but it would need careful handling.&nbsp;For instance, there are many elements in his own party who are not fully convinced about changing the Constitution. Further, his own political ally the Komeito Party has long expressed its reservations to the constitutional amendment. To what extent it is going to cooperate with Mr Abe will remain to be seen. In addition, while seeking to amend the Constitution, he has to give careful considerations to how other Asian neighbouring countries would respond to it.</p>

<p>Finally, the fact that Mr Abe is likely to remain in power for four more years augurs well for the rapidly advancing India-Japan partnership. He has been one of the strongest pillars of the bilateral ties since 2006. In particular, his close relations with Mr Narendra Modi have contributed to the deepening of the bilateral partnership since 2014. Mr Abe&rsquo;s recent summit meeting with Mr Modi at Ahmedabad in September 2017 marked a major milestone in their relations.</p>


With Shinzo Abe in power, India-Japan relations will prosper and that will benefit India

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has once again proved that he is a shrewd political strategist who understands Japanese politics better than his rivals. His latest controversial decision to hold snap elections to the House of Representatives one full year earlier than required raised many eyebrows in Japan and many analysts called it a risky gamble. Mr Abe’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party- Komeito coalition scored a dramatic victory capturing more than two-thirds majority seats in the Lower House. × Already enjoying more than two-thirds majority in the House, it was doubted whether he could even retain the existing strength leave alone the question of bettering it. When Abe took the decision to call the snap elections, he thought that it would be the usual “rubber stamp elections” which he could easily win as he had done in 2014. Though subsequently many developments like the rise of Ms Yuriko Koike as a challenger seemingly created some hiccups. Finally, Mr Abe’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party- Komeito coalition scored a dramatic victory capturing more than two-thirds majority seats in the Lower House. This victory, fifth successive win in national elections since 2012, will strengthen Mr Abe’s position within his own party and even ensure his re-election as party president for the third term in September 2018 and his continuance as the Prime Minister until 2021. Some of his detractors within the party who could have challenged him now look very much weakened by Mr Abe’s victory. He is likely to be the longest-serving post-war prime minister of Japan. It is to be noted that the next major national election he will face will be in the summer of 2019 which will elect half the members of the House Councilors. It means that he will have ample time to initiate and implement some of his long-cherished goals like amending the Constitution, denuclearisation of North Korea, and enhancing the consumption tax from 8 per cent to 10 per cent by 2019. In particular, Mr Abe will show utmost circumspection while dealing with the constitutional amendment which has posed the greatest challenge to successive governments in the past. He knows that since the issue can fuel a great deal of heat within the country, he has to move carefully to work out a national consensus before taking any hasty step. Winning 310 odd seats in the elections is not the same as winning the hearts of the people. In fact, many public opinion surveys taken after the election results conveyed the message that about 45-50 per cent of the people surveyed expressed their disagreement with Mr Abe’s policies. The Japanese Constitution lays down that any amendment to the Constitution needs to be approved by the two-thirds majority of both Houses and that it has to be endorsed by the people in a national referendum. Mr Abe knows that post-war Japanese pacifism has been centered on this Article and large segments of Japanese people strongly believe that this provision has given considerable stability to the reemergence of Japan as a strong peace-loving democratic state since 1952. Mr Abe is likely to remain in power for four more years augurs well for the rapidly advancing India-Japan partnership. × Mr Abe will respect the strength of the people’s sentiments and explore all possibilities to mould a national consensus on the issue. It will take time, but it would need careful handling. For instance, there are many elements in his own party who are not fully convinced about changing the Constitution. Further, his own political ally the Komeito Party has long expressed its reservations to the constitutional amendment. To what extent it is going to cooperate with Mr Abe will remain to be seen. In addition, while seeking to amend the Constitution, he has to give careful considerations to how other Asian neighbouring countries would respond to it. Finally, the fact that Mr Abe is likely to remain in power for four more years augurs well for the rapidly advancing India-Japan partnership. He has been one of the strongest pillars of the bilateral ties since 2006. In particular, his close relations with Mr Narendra Modi have contributed to the deepening of the bilateral partnership since 2014. Mr Abe’s recent summit meeting with Mr Modi at Ahmedabad in September 2017 marked a major milestone in their relations.

What Japan & India stand to gain from Shinzo Abe's victory

<p>Prime Minister Shinzo Abe&rsquo;s visit to India on 13-14 September for attending the annual summit has marked one more milestone in the evolving India- Japan partnership. The joint statement issued by them highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests. It is evident not only in the title of the statement itself but also in the positions that they have taken on issues like North Korea&rsquo;s increasing belligerence, Japan&rsquo;s involvement in various infrastructure projects in India, the ongoing India-Japan defence cooperation, maritime security, and Japan&rsquo;s interest in India&rsquo;s North Eastern region.</p>

<p>The present summit took place against the backdrop of two major developments in the region &ndash; North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear and missile tests and the China-India-Bhutan military standoff in Doklam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>North Korea&rsquo;s intransigence on its nuclear weapons and missile programme is not new. But its nuclear and missile tests in the last one year have intensified regional tensions and its refusal to abide by UN Security Council resolutions has heightened the threats to East Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea. Many in the region apprehended that Pyongyang&rsquo;s nuclear and missile programmers could drive other countries to reconsider their positions on non-proliferation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Though both India and Japan have categorically criticised Pyongyang in the past, this time around they made a coordinated condemnation of its policies. In a speech at the summit, Mr. Abe sent out a message to Pyongyang along with Mr. Modi that they would take &ldquo;firm steps against the challenges that have emanated from North Korea &rdquo; and would &ldquo;force North Korea to roll back its recent aggressive moves.&rdquo; Many analysts point out that though India has criticised North Korea in the past, for the first time it is getting directly involved in the deepening crisis.</p>

<p>One should also note that the joint statement, in an indirect reference to Pakistan, has stressed the need for holding accountable all parties that have supported North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear and missile programmes in the past. Similarly, the joint statement has condemned the growing menace of terrorism and exhorted Pakistan to bring to justice the organisers of the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and in Pathankot in 2016.</p>

<p>On the positive side, one major takeaway for both countries from the summit is the inauguration of the much-celebrated bullet train project between Ahmedabad and Mumbai. The 508 Km, 1.1 lakh crore project is a prize catch for Mr. Abe who has been vigorously promoting Japan&rsquo;s high-quality infrastructure assistance to Asian countries. After losing out to China in Indonesia, in the high-speed rail technology competition, it became very important for Japan to get a footing in India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>As for Prime Minister Modi, he has been making all efforts to get Japan involved in some of India&rsquo;s flagship projects. He wants Japan&rsquo;s support for his coveted programmes, such as Make in India, Skills India, and Digital India. The Mumbai-Ahmedabad (MAHSR) project will usher in a new era in the Indian railway system as it is going to introduce Japan&rsquo;s advanced technology, and it could have a great impact on the business and industrial climate of western India. Japan has already demonstrated its credentials as a reliable supplier of superior technology in the construction of metro systems in many parts of India. In addition, Japan is also poised to play a key role in the modernisation of the conventional railway system.</p>

<p>Both countries have shown considerable interest in forging deeper cooperation in the defence sphere. The latest Defence Dialogue held in Tokyo a week earlier than the summit identified many areas for cooperation. India has already liberalised its policy on the entry of foreign technologies just as Mr. Abe has also removed the earlier restrictions on the export of Japanese defence technologies.</p>

<p>This situation provides a win-win position for intensifying bilateral cooperation. Both Mr. Abe and Mr. Modi have agreed to continue the on-going negotiations for the purchase of Japan&rsquo;s indigenously produced US-2 amphibian aircraft. Maritime security offers immense prospects for bilateral cooperation. In addition to the trilateral Malabar exercises, both India and Japan also want to deepen their bilateral naval cooperation which could provide many new opportunities for them collaborate. There are opportunities for Japan to help India build and modernise its naval base in the Andamans.</p>

<p>The joint statement also talks about the commitment of the two leaders to work together to enhance connectivity between Asia and Africa. They have expressed their desire to promote cooperation with Africa by developing industrial corridors and connectivity. They believe that both India and Japan with their long association with the African continent could contribute to the development of the Indo-Pacific region and offer an alternative to China&rsquo;s Belt and Road Initiative.</p>

<p>Nearer home. India is encouraging Japan to play a key role in the economic development of the North Eastern region. Japan is already involved in some key projects related to highways, power, management of natural resources and health. Recently, they have formed a coordination forum to intensify cooperation between the two sides.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The joint statement issued by India and Japan highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to India on 13-14 September for attending the annual summit has marked one more milestone in the evolving India- Japan partnership. The joint statement issued by them highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests. It is evident not only in the title of the statement itself but also in the positions that they have taken on issues like North Korea’s increasing belligerence, Japan’s involvement in various infrastructure projects in India, the ongoing India-Japan defence cooperation, maritime security, and Japan’s interest in India’s North Eastern region. The present summit took place against the backdrop of two major developments in the region – North Korea’s nuclear and missile tests and the China-India-Bhutan military standoff in Doklam. North Korea’s intransigence on its nuclear weapons and missile programme is not new. But its nuclear and missile tests in the last one year have intensified regional tensions and its refusal to abide by UN Security Council resolutions has heightened the threats to East Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea. Many in the region apprehended that Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programmers could drive other countries to reconsider their positions on non-proliferation. Though both India and Japan have categorically criticised Pyongyang in the past, this time around they made a coordinated condemnation of its policies. In a speech at the summit, Mr. Abe sent out a message to Pyongyang along with Mr. Modi that they would take “firm steps against the challenges that have emanated from North Korea ” and would “force North Korea to roll back its recent aggressive moves.” Many analysts point out that though India has criticised North Korea in the past, for the first time it is getting directly involved in the deepening crisis. One should also note that the joint statement, in an indirect reference to Pakistan, has stressed the need for holding accountable all parties that have supported North Korea’s nuclear and missile programmes in the past. Similarly, the joint statement has condemned the growing menace of terrorism and exhorted Pakistan to bring to justice the organisers of the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and in Pathankot in 2016. On the positive side, one major takeaway for both countries from the summit is the inauguration of the much-celebrated bullet train project between Ahmedabad and Mumbai. The 508 Km, 1.1 lakh crore project is a prize catch for Mr. Abe who has been vigorously promoting Japan’s high-quality infrastructure assistance to Asian countries. After losing out to China in Indonesia, in the high-speed rail technology competition, it became very important for Japan to get a footing in India. As for Prime Minister Modi, he has been making all efforts to get Japan involved in some of India’s flagship projects. He wants Japan’s support for his coveted programmes, such as Make in India, Skills India, and Digital India. The Mumbai-Ahmedabad (MAHSR) project will usher in a new era in the Indian railway system as it is going to introduce Japan’s advanced technology, and it could have a great impact on the business and industrial climate of western India. Japan has already demonstrated its credentials as a reliable supplier of superior technology in the construction of metro systems in many parts of India. In addition, Japan is also poised to play a key role in the modernisation of the conventional railway system. Both countries have shown considerable interest in forging deeper cooperation in the defence sphere. The latest Defence Dialogue held in Tokyo a week earlier than the summit identified many areas for cooperation. India has already liberalised its policy on the entry of foreign technologies just as Mr. Abe has also removed the earlier restrictions on the export of Japanese defence technologies. This situation provides a win-win position for intensifying bilateral cooperation. Both Mr. Abe and Mr. Modi have agreed to continue the on-going negotiations for the purchase of Japan’s indigenously produced US-2 amphibian aircraft. Maritime security offers immense prospects for bilateral cooperation. In addition to the trilateral Malabar exercises, both India and Japan also want to deepen their bilateral naval cooperation which could provide many new opportunities for them collaborate. There are opportunities for Japan to help India build and modernise its naval base in the Andamans. The joint statement also talks about the commitment of the two leaders to work together to enhance connectivity between Asia and Africa. They have expressed their desire to promote cooperation with Africa by developing industrial corridors and connectivity. They believe that both India and Japan with their long association with the African continent could contribute to the development of the Indo-Pacific region and offer an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Nearer home. India is encouraging Japan to play a key role in the economic development of the North Eastern region. Japan is already involved in some key projects related to highways, power, management of natural resources and health. Recently, they have formed a coordination forum to intensify cooperation between the two sides.

Is countering China and North Korea the basis of India - Japan friendship?

Author

Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

K V Kesavan

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