The US Senate on Thursday passed a $750-billion defence policy bill with provisions that target China on issues from technology transfers to the sale of synthetic opioids, pushing to counter growing Chinese influence around the world.

The 973-page National Defense Authorization Act, or NDAA, passed by an 86-8 vote.

However, in an unusual procedural move, the Senate will have a separate vote on Friday on an amendment that would ban Republican President Donald Trump from attacking Iran without first obtaining congressional approval.

Despite growing tensions with Iran, the amendment is not expected to get the 60 votes needed to pass the Republican-controlled Senate.

Among other provisions, the Senate NDAA requires detailed reporting from the Department of Defense to prevent transfers of sensitive technology to China or Russia, as well as reports on access to the Arctic. It also requires tighter screening of scholars seeking visas to the United States.

The Senate`s passage of the NDAA comes as Trump prepares for a high-stakes meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Osaka, Japan, on Saturday on the sidelines of the Group of 20 summit. Many hope the meeting will help end a months-long trade war between the world`s top two economies.

In Beijing on Friday, foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang expressed anger at the bill, saying the government had already made a protest to the United States about it.

"Once the bill becomes law, it will harm Sino-US relations, and interfere with, and damage, cooperation in some important areas," Geng said.

China urges the United States to objectively view its development and not allow any of the "negative China-related" content to become law, he added.

The NDAA is still several steps from becoming law. The Senate version must be reconciled with a version expected to come up for a vote next month in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives. That compromise version, expected later this year, must pass both the Senate and House, and be signed into law by Trump.

The Senate NDAA also includes an amendment to bar federal funds from going to Chinese state-owned companies such as CRRC, the world`s largest maker of passenger trains.

CRRC said in a statement that US lawmakers should "pause and review the facts regarding cybersecurity and competitive pricing in the passenger railcar market before making any decisions that will invariably and significantly impact US transit agencies` ability to modernize their fleets."

One of the few pieces of major legislation passed every year, the NDAA becomes a vehicle for a broad range of policy measures, as well as determining everything from military pay levels to which ships or aircraft will be modernized, purchased or discontinued.

The Senate NDAA also contains an amendment to strengthen sanctions against North Korea, imposing secondary sanctions on financial institutions that do business with Pyongyang in violation of existing sanctions.

The US Senate on Thursday passed a $750-billion defence policy bill with provisions that target China on issues from technology transfers to the sale of synthetic opioids, pushing to counter growing Chinese influence around the world.

The US Senate on Thursday passed a $750-billion defence policy bill with provisions that target China on issues from technology transfers to the sale of synthetic opioids, pushing to counter growing Chinese influence around the world. The 973-page National Defense Authorization Act, or NDAA, passed by an 86-8 vote. However, in an unusual procedural move, the Senate will have a separate vote on Friday on an amendment that would ban Republican President Donald Trump from attacking Iran without first obtaining congressional approval. Despite growing tensions with Iran, the amendment is not expected to get the 60 votes needed to pass the Republican-controlled Senate. Among other provisions, the Senate NDAA requires detailed reporting from the Department of Defense to prevent transfers of sensitive technology to China or Russia, as well as reports on access to the Arctic. It also requires tighter screening of scholars seeking visas to the United States. The Senate`s passage of the NDAA comes as Trump prepares for a high-stakes meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Osaka, Japan, on Saturday on the sidelines of the Group of 20 summit. Many hope the meeting will help end a months-long trade war between the world`s top two economies. In Beijing on Friday, foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang expressed anger at the bill, saying the government had already made a protest to the United States about it. "Once the bill becomes law, it will harm Sino-US relations, and interfere with, and damage, cooperation in some important areas," Geng said. China urges the United States to objectively view its development and not allow any of the "negative China-related" content to become law, he added. The NDAA is still several steps from becoming law. The Senate version must be reconciled with a version expected to come up for a vote next month in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives. That compromise version, expected later this year, must pass both the Senate and House, and be signed into law by Trump. The Senate NDAA also includes an amendment to bar federal funds from going to Chinese state-owned companies such as CRRC, the world`s largest maker of passenger trains. CRRC said in a statement that US lawmakers should "pause and review the facts regarding cybersecurity and competitive pricing in the passenger railcar market before making any decisions that will invariably and significantly impact US transit agencies` ability to modernize their fleets." One of the few pieces of major legislation passed every year, the NDAA becomes a vehicle for a broad range of policy measures, as well as determining everything from military pay levels to which ships or aircraft will be modernized, purchased or discontinued. The Senate NDAA also contains an amendment to strengthen sanctions against North Korea, imposing secondary sanctions on financial institutions that do business with Pyongyang in violation of existing sanctions.

US Senate backs massive defence bill, targets China, sets Iran vote

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In this video have a look at BRICS Leaders Meet On Sidelines Of G20 Summit. Watch this video to know more in detail.

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In this video have look at 'Welcome Ceremony' of the G20 Osaka Summit in Japan.

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A Detailed Discussion On Various Crucial Issues On G-20 Summit So what should we expect from the G-20 summit? Palki speaks to Jason Thompson of Republican National Committee, Einar Tangen, political & economic commentator from Beijing and Meera Shankar, Former Indian Ambassador to the U.S.

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PM Modi and US President Donald Trump had a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. In this segment WION is in conversation with Brahma Chellaney , strategic analyst.

In conversation with Brahma Chellaney over Modi-Trump's bilateral meet

Media Briefing by Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale on India-US bilateral meeting on the sidelines of G20 Summit in Osaka.

G20 Summit: Briefing On Modi-Trump Bilateral Meet

In BRICS meet on sidelines of G20 summit, PM Modi highlights the issue of terror. Watch this video to know in detail.

In BRICS meet on sidelines of G20 summit, PM Modi highlights the issue of terror

Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a trilateral meeting with US President Donald Trump and Japanese premier Shinzo Abe here Friday ahead of the formal opening of the G-20 Summit.

JAI Trilateral: PM Modi's Meet With Trump, Abe Focused On Connectivity, Infra In Indo-Pacific

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday held bilateral talks with US President Donald Trump in Japan's Osaka on the sidelines of G20 Summit. The two leaders met shortly after the Japan-America-India trilateral meeting during which PM Modi highlighted "the importance of India attaches" the grouping.

G20 Summit: PM Modi, US President Trump discuss bilateral and global issues

PM Modi and US President Donald Trump had a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the G20 Summit. Watch this video to know more.

Modi-Trump bilateral on sidelines of G20 Summit

India-U.S. seek to make breakthrough on trade dispute

G20 leaders are at Osaka meet for the gala dinner. Watch this video to know more.

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By Bill Durodie

On June 28 and 29, the G20 summit will convene for the 14th time in Osaka, Japan. This gathering of leaders from the world’s leading economies, including the EU, plus invited guests and international organisations, ought to offer an important moment for mature reflection and collective coordination regarding the future needs of the world economy at a difficult time.

Instead, it is likely to descend either into directly confrontational rhetoric or, alternatively, empty promises and vague platitudes that avoid its mission to be the “premier forum for international economic cooperation”. The focus could end up being on more peripheral matters such as climate change, counter-terrorism, health and migration that are perceived of as being less contentious but should not be fundamental concerns of the G20.

The G20 is no stranger to crisis. It emerged from the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis that led G7 finance ministers (representing almost half of world GDP) to establish a wider group in order to engage with the major emerging economies. Then, in the wake of the 2007-08 global financial crisis, the group was further elevated to become a forum for heads of state.

In 2019, it is the continuing dispute between the US and China over trade that appears to loom largest. But this ought not be the main focus of the G20 either. As is well understood, trade wars are symptoms of underlying economic problems rather than their cause. The main focus ought to be on addressing those.

Trade and tariffs are not the fundamental drivers of growth and prosperity. Rather, these derive from domestic productivity levels in the making of goods and services that are, in their turn, driven by investment. To trade effectively, the key is to have something worth selling in the first place.

Tariffs, regulation, barriers

Unfortunately, the protectionist measures that had hastened the advent of World War II, and that were dismantled subsequently through the establishment of the GATT/WTO, led instead to a growing proliferation of non-tariff or technical barriers to trade. Rather than invest in new industries, older ones were sustained artificially behind a chaff of regulatory standards, intellectual property laws, state subsidies and public procurement policies.

Accordingly, assertions that we have been living through a time marked by a so-called “rules-based international trading system” fall very wide of the mark. All the evidence points to systematic attempts by the key players – and the United States in particular – to subvert any supposed “liberal world order”, both economically and militarily.

Now it may be, of course, that President Trump – who is certainly not the first US, or other, world leader to engage in such embargoes against China – understands full well that to compete internationally as a successful exporter it is the ability to produce efficiently at home that matters more than trade deals. Some of his pronouncements have reflected as much, looking to put pressure on manufacturers, such as Harley-Davidson and Nike, to bring their production back to its origins.

But, irrespective, the adverse effects of this approach are evident for all to see. Many American firms have warned the US Department of Commerce that such measures hurt both businesses and consumers alike. The latter invariably bear the brunt of any related price increases.

The IMF has cut its world economic growth forecast in accordance. And anyway, many enterprises will simply relocate elsewhere, such as to Vietnam, which is not currently on the receiving end of such additional duties.

A risky game

The deeper consequences, though, will take more time to become manifest. These include growing differences among the Western powers over how to handle the economic rise of the East.

This was seen recently, through the US stance towards its partners not using the Chinese firm Huawei to develop critical 5G infrastructure, despite its being the leading global player in the field. Such actions could come to damage relations with key allies, such as the UK and Germany.

In this regard, the US is playing a very risky game. With its relations veering towards a potential conflict with Iran, as well as its ongoing disputes with Russia and China, the US may yet come to rue antagonising its friends as well.

Or, at the very least, it may regret making them have to choose between their relations with the US and China. Only this week, the UK chancellor, Phillip Hammond launched the new Shanghai-London Stock Connect that looks set to deepen financial relations by facilitating investment between them.

This, and China’s recent decision not to pursue WTO market economy status, may also point to a growing maturity on its part in relation to such matters. Certainly, its most successful strategy in the past was always to keep a low profile on the international stage and avoid confrontation in foreign affairs, while focusing more on its domestic concerns.

Historically, it has often been extraneous circumstances that have accelerated change in world affairs more than any conscious push. The two powers that dominated each of the last two preceding centuries – the US and UK – did so as much through the decline and imperial overreach of their predecessors as through their own efforts. That, and its underlying crisis of innovation and investment, are what the US leadership would do well to reflect upon most in Osaka.

(Bill Durodie is Professor and Chair of International Relations, University of Bath)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/g20-us-china-trade-war-points-to-the-real-crisis-that-global-leaders-must-confront-119359">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

By Bill Durodie On June 28 and 29, the G20 summit will convene for the 14th time in Osaka, Japan. This gathering of leaders from the world’s leading economies, including the EU, plus invited guests and international organisations, ought to offer an important moment for mature reflection and collective coordination regarding the future needs of the world economy at a difficult time.

By Bill Durodie On June 28 and 29, the G20 summit will convene for the 14th time in Osaka, Japan. This gathering of leaders from the world’s leading economies, including the EU, plus invited guests and international organisations, ought to offer an important moment for mature reflection and collective coordination regarding the future needs of the world economy at a difficult time. Instead, it is likely to descend either into directly confrontational rhetoric or, alternatively, empty promises and vague platitudes that avoid its mission to be the “premier forum for international economic cooperation”. The focus could end up being on more peripheral matters such as climate change, counter-terrorism, health and migration that are perceived of as being less contentious but should not be fundamental concerns of the G20. The G20 is no stranger to crisis. It emerged from the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis that led G7 finance ministers (representing almost half of world GDP) to establish a wider group in order to engage with the major emerging economies. Then, in the wake of the 2007-08 global financial crisis, the group was further elevated to become a forum for heads of state. In 2019, it is the continuing dispute between the US and China over trade that appears to loom largest. But this ought not be the main focus of the G20 either. As is well understood, trade wars are symptoms of underlying economic problems rather than their cause. The main focus ought to be on addressing those. Trade and tariffs are not the fundamental drivers of growth and prosperity. Rather, these derive from domestic productivity levels in the making of goods and services that are, in their turn, driven by investment. To trade effectively, the key is to have something worth selling in the first place. Tariffs, regulation, barriers Unfortunately, the protectionist measures that had hastened the advent of World War II, and that were dismantled subsequently through the establishment of the GATT/WTO, led instead to a growing proliferation of non-tariff or technical barriers to trade. Rather than invest in new industries, older ones were sustained artificially behind a chaff of regulatory standards, intellectual property laws, state subsidies and public procurement policies. Accordingly, assertions that we have been living through a time marked by a so-called “rules-based international trading system” fall very wide of the mark. All the evidence points to systematic attempts by the key players – and the United States in particular – to subvert any supposed “liberal world order”, both economically and militarily. Now it may be, of course, that President Trump – who is certainly not the first US, or other, world leader to engage in such embargoes against China – understands full well that to compete internationally as a successful exporter it is the ability to produce efficiently at home that matters more than trade deals. Some of his pronouncements have reflected as much, looking to put pressure on manufacturers, such as Harley-Davidson and Nike, to bring their production back to its origins. But, irrespective, the adverse effects of this approach are evident for all to see. Many American firms have warned the US Department of Commerce that such measures hurt both businesses and consumers alike. The latter invariably bear the brunt of any related price increases. The IMF has cut its world economic growth forecast in accordance. And anyway, many enterprises will simply relocate elsewhere, such as to Vietnam, which is not currently on the receiving end of such additional duties. A risky game The deeper consequences, though, will take more time to become manifest. These include growing differences among the Western powers over how to handle the economic rise of the East. This was seen recently, through the US stance towards its partners not using the Chinese firm Huawei to develop critical 5G infrastructure, despite its being the leading global player in the field. Such actions could come to damage relations with key allies, such as the UK and Germany. In this regard, the US is playing a very risky game. With its relations veering towards a potential conflict with Iran, as well as its ongoing disputes with Russia and China, the US may yet come to rue antagonising its friends as well. Or, at the very least, it may regret making them have to choose between their relations with the US and China. Only this week, the UK chancellor, Phillip Hammond launched the new Shanghai-London Stock Connect that looks set to deepen financial relations by facilitating investment between them. This, and China’s recent decision not to pursue WTO market economy status, may also point to a growing maturity on its part in relation to such matters. Certainly, its most successful strategy in the past was always to keep a low profile on the international stage and avoid confrontation in foreign affairs, while focusing more on its domestic concerns. Historically, it has often been extraneous circumstances that have accelerated change in world affairs more than any conscious push. The two powers that dominated each of the last two preceding centuries – the US and UK – did so as much through the decline and imperial overreach of their predecessors as through their own efforts. That, and its underlying crisis of innovation and investment, are what the US leadership would do well to reflect upon most in Osaka. (Bill Durodie is Professor and Chair of International Relations, University of Bath) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

US-China trade war points to the real crisis that global leaders must confront at G20 Summit

WION EXCLUSIVE: In conversation with | Pramit Pal Chaudhuri | Senior journalist. Watch video to know more.

WION EXCLUSIVE: In conversation with | Pramit Pal Chaudhuri | Senior journalist

Indian Ambassador to Japan Sanjay Kumar speaks to WION on India's role in G20 Summit and other important things likely to come up at this G20 Summit. Watch full video to know more.

WION Exclusive: Indian Ambassador to Japan Sanjay Kumar speaks to WION

Indian Prime Minister has arrived for the G20 Summit in Osaka. US sanctions on Iran, Indo-Russia S-400 deal are likely to be on PM Modi's agenda on world stage. Watch full video to know more.

PM Modi lands in Osaka for G20 Summit; US sanctions on Iran, Indo-Russia S-400 deal on agenda

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