Sweden's government said Tuesday it had clinched a last-minute deal to ensure its justice minister would survive a no-confidence vote in parliament, averting a political crisis.

The deal stems from winning the support of an independent lawmaker who is determined that Stockholm does not cave into Turkish conditions for supporting Sweden's bid to join NATO.

The potential crisis comes just three months ahead of general elections and less than a year after the Social Democratic government was toppled and then returned to power within weeks.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/talks-will-clarify-misunderstandings-sweden-and-finland-attempt-to-overcome-turkeys-objection-482364">'Talks will clarify misunderstandings,' Sweden and Finland attempt to overcome Turkey's objection</a>

The no-confidence vote, which is scheduled to be held in parliament at 12:00 pm (1000 GMT), was launched by the far-right Sweden Democrats who accuse Justice Minister Morgan Johansson of failing to stem rising gang violence.

Sweden has struggled to reduce the shootings and bombings that have plagued the country in recent years, usually due to gangland rivalries or organised criminals battling over the drug market.

"We have reached a point where the single most important crime policy measure is to give Morgan Johansson an early retirement," Sweden Democrat MP Henrik Vinge told parliament last week.

The conservative Moderate Party along with the Liberal Party and the Christian Democrats had announced that they would support the motion.

Those four parties control 174 seats in parliament but they needed one more vote for the motion to pass.

If parliament were to vote against Johansson, he would have lost his job.

Andersson made it clear last week that she would resign if a no-confidence vote passed against Johansson, saying all government decisions are made collectively.

Assurances on Turkey

With one vote missing, the situation hinged on parliamentarian Amineh Kakabaveh, a former Left Party member sitting in parliament as an independent since 2019.

Kakabaveh, who is of Iranian-Kurdish origin, has become a focal point in Swedish politics over Turkey's opposition to Stockholm's bid to join NATO.

Ankara accuses Stockholm of providing a haven for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), listed as a "terrorist" group by Turkey and its Western allies, and has demanded the extradition of people it considers extremists and the lifting of a weapons embargo.&nbsp;

Kakabaveh, who has no direct political link to the PKK, had sought assurances that the ruling Social Democrats would not cave into Turkish demands, saying otherwise she would vote against Johansson.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/what-is-behind-turkeys-syria-incursion-threats-485142">What is behind Turkey’s Syria incursion threats?</a>

Early Tuesday, Kakabaveh told Swedish media she had received the assurances she wanted.

Last November, she and the government reached an agreement in which she would provide the casting vote to bring the cabinet into power in exchange for deeper cooperation with the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the political arm of the main Syrian Kurdish militia, the YPG.

Turkey also deems the YPG militia as "terrorists".

The Social Democratic government confirmed Tuesday the deal was still in force, implying it was prepared to stand up to Erdogan's demands.

"I'm satisfied," Kakabaveh said.

Analysts had pointed out that even if Andersson did resign, she would likely have remained prime minister of an interim government with general elections scheduled in September.

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Sweden's government said Tuesday it had clinched a last-minute deal to ensure its justice minister would survive a no-confidence vote in parliament, averting a political crisis.

Sweden's government said Tuesday it had clinched a last-minute deal to ensure its justice minister would survive a no-confidence vote in parliament, averting a political crisis. The deal stems from winning the support of an independent lawmaker who is determined that Stockholm does not cave into Turkish conditions for supporting Sweden's bid to join NATO. The potential crisis comes just three months ahead of general elections and less than a year after the Social Democratic government was toppled and then returned to power within weeks. Also read | 'Talks will clarify misunderstandings,' Sweden and Finland attempt to overcome Turkey's objection The no-confidence vote, which is scheduled to be held in parliament at 12:00 pm (1000 GMT), was launched by the far-right Sweden Democrats who accuse Justice Minister Morgan Johansson of failing to stem rising gang violence. Sweden has struggled to reduce the shootings and bombings that have plagued the country in recent years, usually due to gangland rivalries or organised criminals battling over the drug market. "We have reached a point where the single most important crime policy measure is to give Morgan Johansson an early retirement," Sweden Democrat MP Henrik Vinge told parliament last week. The conservative Moderate Party along with the Liberal Party and the Christian Democrats had announced that they would support the motion. Those four parties control 174 seats in parliament but they needed one more vote for the motion to pass. If parliament were to vote against Johansson, he would have lost his job. Andersson made it clear last week that she would resign if a no-confidence vote passed against Johansson, saying all government decisions are made collectively. Assurances on Turkey With one vote missing, the situation hinged on parliamentarian Amineh Kakabaveh, a former Left Party member sitting in parliament as an independent since 2019. Kakabaveh, who is of Iranian-Kurdish origin, has become a focal point in Swedish politics over Turkey's opposition to Stockholm's bid to join NATO. Ankara accuses Stockholm of providing a haven for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), listed as a "terrorist" group by Turkey and its Western allies, and has demanded the extradition of people it considers extremists and the lifting of a weapons embargo. Kakabaveh, who has no direct political link to the PKK, had sought assurances that the ruling Social Democrats would not cave into Turkish demands, saying otherwise she would vote against Johansson. Also read | What is behind Turkey’s Syria incursion threats? Early Tuesday, Kakabaveh told Swedish media she had received the assurances she wanted. Last November, she and the government reached an agreement in which she would provide the casting vote to bring the cabinet into power in exchange for deeper cooperation with the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the political arm of the main Syrian Kurdish militia, the YPG. Turkey also deems the YPG militia as "terrorists". The Social Democratic government confirmed Tuesday the deal was still in force, implying it was prepared to stand up to Erdogan's demands. "I'm satisfied," Kakabaveh said. Analysts had pointed out that even if Andersson did resign, she would likely have remained prime minister of an interim government with general elections scheduled in September. WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

Swedish government averts political crisis with last-minute deal

As he battles to cling to power as the leader of Turkey&#39;s nationalist opposition, Devlet Bahceli is arguably more important to the future of Turkish politics than ever before. 
 
The 68-year-old, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) in 1997, has done little to move it from the political margins ever since. The party&#39;s popularity has hence been declining over the years despite growing nationalist sentiment. 
 
But as he fights an increasingly bitter leadership challenge in the twilight of his career, Bahceli has been thrust centre stage in the main political saga of the day: President Tayyip Erdogan&#39;s effort to accumulate greater powers. 
 
Should he stay, support for the MHP could drop to the point that it is forced from parliament, all but guaranteeing Erdogan the backing he needs for a referendum on changing the constitution and forging a stronger presidency. 
 
Should he be ousted, his main rival, Meral Aksener, could take over a 59-year-old woman who is seen by pollsters as having the mettle needed to revitalise the MHP and increase its support. That could make Erdogan&#39;s ambitions harder to push through the parliament. 
 
&quot;Some time ago a Bahceli victory was seen as definite, but now every possibility is there,&quot; said one source close to the ruling Justice and Development Party (also known as the AK party), which was founded by Erdogan and is watching the leadership battle in the MHP with increasing trepidation. 
 
Bahceli appears on the back foot. His supporters have tried to block a special party congress called for June 19 by several hundred MHP members at which he could be ousted, but Turkey&#39;s court of appeals has ruled it can go ahead. 
 
Hakan Bayrakci, head of pollster SONAR, said Aksener, who served as interior minister in 1996-97, would have the support of around 750 of the 1,241 delegates, enough to force him out. 
 
But Bahceli&#39;s allies are fighting a rearguard action, launching an investigation by the MHP&#39;s Central Disciplinary Board - which has the power to ban members from the party - into Aksener and three other challengers. 
 
&quot;Our dissident colleagues deserve a punishment for their activities against the party. The board may prevent their candidacy (in a leadership bid),&quot; a senior MHP official said. 
 
Bahceli himself has said the party can go ahead with a congress in July at which he will stand again for the leadership. By then, the disciplinary board may have ruled, but a second Bahceli ally said he would still be taking a risk. 
 
&quot;He risks losing his seat by taking the decision to go to the congress,&quot; the ally said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of undermining Bahceli&#39;s position. 
 
INEVITABLE DESPOTISM 
 
Pollsters estimate that should Bahceli hang on, support for the MHP could drop to below the 10 per cent threshold needed for representation in the parliament, down from a peak of 18 per cent in 1999, and from 12 per cent at the last polls in November. 
 
That could prompt Erdogan to call a parliamentary election and strengthen the majority of the ruling AK Party by enough to guarantee support for a referendum on constitutional change. 
 
Erdogan served as the prime minister until 2014 when he became Turkey&#39;s first directly elected president, with the hope of quickly transforming what had been a largely ceremonial role into one with executive powers. 
 
Even without constitutional change, he has already overhauled the role, regularly chairing cabinet meetings in his new palace and largely ignoring the constitutional requirement for him to renounce his affiliation with the AKP. 
 
Of all Turkey&#39;s opposition parties, the MHP is the most likely to have some sympathy for Erdogan&#39;s ambitions. The AKP also has a deeply nationalist strain, and the two parties have of late been on the same page when it comes to crushing by force a Kurdish militant insurgency in Turkey&#39;s southeast. 
 
Askener is strongly opposed to an executive presidency. But some AKP officials hope that, if she takes over the leadership of the nationalists, angry Bahceli supporters in parliament might retaliate by helping Erdogan enact his changes. 
 
&quot;If Bahceli loses and Aksener gets in ... at least 15 MHP deputies who are unhappy with this may support the presidential system. We have this expectation,&quot; a senior AKP official said. 
 
But, such backing from Bahceli supporters is far from guaranteed. Speaking in parliament last month, Bahceli said a presidential system would inevitably lead to despotism and be costly for Turkey in the long run. 
 
A third senior MHP official said the ruling party was exploiting the leadership battle by suggesting factions within the MHP might support the executive presidency, in a bid to deepen divisions. 
 
&quot;There is no way they can get a brick out of this wall,&quot; he said.&nbsp;

Devlet Bahceli, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party in 1997, has done little to arrest its declining popularity

As he battles to cling to power as the leader of Turkey's nationalist opposition, Devlet Bahceli is arguably more important to the future of Turkish politics than ever before. The 68-year-old, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) in 1997, has done little to move it from the political margins ever since. The party's popularity has hence been declining over the years despite growing nationalist sentiment. But as he fights an increasingly bitter leadership challenge in the twilight of his career, Bahceli has been thrust centre stage in the main political saga of the day: President Tayyip Erdogan's effort to accumulate greater powers. Should he stay, support for the MHP could drop to the point that it is forced from parliament, all but guaranteeing Erdogan the backing he needs for a referendum on changing the constitution and forging a stronger presidency. Should he be ousted, his main rival, Meral Aksener, could take over a 59-year-old woman who is seen by pollsters as having the mettle needed to revitalise the MHP and increase its support. That could make Erdogan's ambitions harder to push through the parliament. "Some time ago a Bahceli victory was seen as definite, but now every possibility is there," said one source close to the ruling Justice and Development Party (also known as the AK party), which was founded by Erdogan and is watching the leadership battle in the MHP with increasing trepidation. Bahceli appears on the back foot. His supporters have tried to block a special party congress called for June 19 by several hundred MHP members at which he could be ousted, but Turkey's court of appeals has ruled it can go ahead. Hakan Bayrakci, head of pollster SONAR, said Aksener, who served as interior minister in 1996-97, would have the support of around 750 of the 1,241 delegates, enough to force him out. But Bahceli's allies are fighting a rearguard action, launching an investigation by the MHP's Central Disciplinary Board - which has the power to ban members from the party - into Aksener and three other challengers. "Our dissident colleagues deserve a punishment for their activities against the party. The board may prevent their candidacy (in a leadership bid)," a senior MHP official said. Bahceli himself has said the party can go ahead with a congress in July at which he will stand again for the leadership. By then, the disciplinary board may have ruled, but a second Bahceli ally said he would still be taking a risk. "He risks losing his seat by taking the decision to go to the congress," the ally said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of undermining Bahceli's position. INEVITABLE DESPOTISM Pollsters estimate that should Bahceli hang on, support for the MHP could drop to below the 10 per cent threshold needed for representation in the parliament, down from a peak of 18 per cent in 1999, and from 12 per cent at the last polls in November. That could prompt Erdogan to call a parliamentary election and strengthen the majority of the ruling AK Party by enough to guarantee support for a referendum on constitutional change. Erdogan served as the prime minister until 2014 when he became Turkey's first directly elected president, with the hope of quickly transforming what had been a largely ceremonial role into one with executive powers. Even without constitutional change, he has already overhauled the role, regularly chairing cabinet meetings in his new palace and largely ignoring the constitutional requirement for him to renounce his affiliation with the AKP. Of all Turkey's opposition parties, the MHP is the most likely to have some sympathy for Erdogan's ambitions. The AKP also has a deeply nationalist strain, and the two parties have of late been on the same page when it comes to crushing by force a Kurdish militant insurgency in Turkey's southeast. Askener is strongly opposed to an executive presidency. But some AKP officials hope that, if she takes over the leadership of the nationalists, angry Bahceli supporters in parliament might retaliate by helping Erdogan enact his changes. "If Bahceli loses and Aksener gets in ... at least 15 MHP deputies who are unhappy with this may support the presidential system. We have this expectation," a senior AKP official said. But, such backing from Bahceli supporters is far from guaranteed. Speaking in parliament last month, Bahceli said a presidential system would inevitably lead to despotism and be costly for Turkey in the long run. A third senior MHP official said the ruling party was exploiting the leadership battle by suggesting factions within the MHP might support the executive presidency, in a bid to deepen divisions. "There is no way they can get a brick out of this wall," he said.

Turkish nationalist leader's weakening grip poses challenge for Erdogan

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Swedish government averts political crisis with last-minute deal

Turkish nationalist leader's weakening grip poses challenge for Erdogan