The Trump administration announced on Friday that it would revise tariffs on Canadian products, removing duties on certain goods while imposing new tariffs on others. The move appeared to be a last-minute effort to ease pressure on American farmers ahead of the midterm elections. The decision followed lobbying by Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine, who is facing a close re-election contest in her state.&nbsp;&nbsp;The exemptions cover Canadian products such as corrugated paper, refrigeration equipment, plywood and packing machinery, which are widely used by farmers and growers in Maine. These items currently face 50 per cent tariffs imposed by President Trump on a range of Canadian goods in July. Under the revised measures, new tariffs will apply to Canadian exports including cocoa powder, vinyl flooring, shampoo, canoes and several other products. “Many of our farmers and growers rely on specialized equipment, packaging materials, and other products from Canada that are either unavailable from American suppliers or cannot be replaced without incurring significant expense,” Collins said in a post on social media. “I will continue working directly with Administration officials to seek additional relief and encourage a broader trade agreement with Canada, our neighbor, ally, and largest trading partner.”&nbsp;Collins said the exemptions would benefit Maine's blueberry, potato, apple and seaweed producers. In a proclamation issued on Friday, Trump said he had agreed to modify the tariffs. He said the changes would offset the burden or disadvantage on US commerce in a manner consistent with the interests of the United States. The revised tariffs will also cover Canadian products such as wooden coffins, yacht parts, carpets and archery equipment. According to the White House, the new measures will take effect at 12:01 am on October 30.&nbsp;The White House said the changes were a response to Canada's continued discrimination against American farmers, manufacturers and workers. “This administration will continue to use every available tool to restore reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships and safeguard the economic prosperity and national security of the American people,” said Matthew Middleton, a White House spokesman.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-midterms-2026-trump-administration-sues-to-block-alaska-senate-election-certification-if-republican-dan-sullivan-loses-1792786643024">US midterms 2026: Trump administration sues to block Alaska Senate election certification if Republican Dan Sullivan loses. What's happening?</a><h2>US-Canada trade dispute continues</h2>The trade dispute between Trump and Canada began shortly after he returned to office, when he imposed tariffs on Canadian exports over what he claimed was Canada's role in channeling fentanyl into the United States. Trump has also angered Canadians by repeatedly referring to their country as the 51st state and threatening to withdraw defensive provisions for Canada.&nbsp;The tensions have escalated into a series of retaliatory trade measures that have proved unpopular with many Americans, particularly in states where Canada is the largest export market. After Canada refused to yield to some of Trump's trade demands, the administration imposed tariffs in August on more than $20 billion worth of Canadian exports. Canada responded by placing tariffs on hundreds of American products.&nbsp;In September, Trump went further by banning certain Canadian products outright, including alcoholic beverages, dairy byproducts and molasses. Earlier this week, a food importer sued the Trump administration over the tariffs, arguing that they could increase its annual tax burden by $40 million. Courts have struck down other tariffs imposed by Trump, but the outcome of this case remains uncertain.<h2>Susan Collins faces tight re-election contest</h2>Collins and her Democratic opponent, Troy Jackson, have been deadlocked in recent polls. Losing Collins's seat could shift control of the Senate to Democrats, potentially disrupting Trump's legislative agenda for the remainder of his term.Voters in Maine have expressed frustration with Trump's policies on tariffs, immigration and the war in Iran.&nbsp;During a debate with Jackson this month, Collins defended her record and described herself as the most outspoken opponent of the tariffs with Canada. She also pointed to her success in securing exemptions for road salt and cement.Jackson argued that those efforts had come too late and had not gone far enough. “Mainers can’t afford to pay their bills with a press release or a strongly worded letter,” he said. “What about everything else? We can’t eat road salt.”

Trump revises tariffs on Canadian goods, exempting farm supplies used in Maine while imposing new duties as Susan Collins faces a tight re-election race

The Trump administration announced on Friday that it would revise tariffs on Canadian products, removing duties on certain goods while imposing new tariffs on others. The move appeared to be a last-minute effort to ease pressure on American farmers ahead of the midterm elections. The decision followed lobbying by Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine, who is facing a close re-election contest in her state. The exemptions cover Canadian products such as corrugated paper, refrigeration equipment, plywood and packing machinery, which are widely used by farmers and growers in Maine. These items currently face 50 per cent tariffs imposed by President Trump on a range of Canadian goods in July. Under the revised measures, new tariffs will apply to Canadian exports including cocoa powder, vinyl flooring, shampoo, canoes and several other products. “Many of our farmers and growers rely on specialized equipment, packaging materials, and other products from Canada that are either unavailable from American suppliers or cannot be replaced without incurring significant expense,” Collins said in a post on social media. “I will continue working directly with Administration officials to seek additional relief and encourage a broader trade agreement with Canada, our neighbor, ally, and largest trading partner.” Collins said the exemptions would benefit Maine's blueberry, potato, apple and seaweed producers. In a proclamation issued on Friday, Trump said he had agreed to modify the tariffs. He said the changes would offset the burden or disadvantage on US commerce in a manner consistent with the interests of the United States. The revised tariffs will also cover Canadian products such as wooden coffins, yacht parts, carpets and archery equipment. According to the White House, the new measures will take effect at 12:01 am on October 30. The White House said the changes were a response to Canada's continued discrimination against American farmers, manufacturers and workers. “This administration will continue to use every available tool to restore reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships and safeguard the economic prosperity and national security of the American people,” said Matthew Middleton, a White House spokesman. Also Read: US midterms 2026: Trump administration sues to block Alaska Senate election certification if Republican Dan Sullivan loses. What's happening? US-Canada trade dispute continues The trade dispute between Trump and Canada began shortly after he returned to office, when he imposed tariffs on Canadian exports over what he claimed was Canada's role in channeling fentanyl into the United States. Trump has also angered Canadians by repeatedly referring to their country as the 51st state and threatening to withdraw defensive provisions for Canada. The tensions have escalated into a series of retaliatory trade measures that have proved unpopular with many Americans, particularly in states where Canada is the largest export market. After Canada refused to yield to some of Trump's trade demands, the administration imposed tariffs in August on more than $20 billion worth of Canadian exports. Canada responded by placing tariffs on hundreds of American products. In September, Trump went further by banning certain Canadian products outright, including alcoholic beverages, dairy byproducts and molasses. Earlier this week, a food importer sued the Trump administration over the tariffs, arguing that they could increase its annual tax burden by $40 million. Courts have struck down other tariffs imposed by Trump, but the outcome of this case remains uncertain. Susan Collins faces tight re-election contest Collins and her Democratic opponent, Troy Jackson, have been deadlocked in recent polls. Losing Collins's seat could shift control of the Senate to Democrats, potentially disrupting Trump's legislative agenda for the remainder of his term. Voters in Maine have expressed frustration with Trump's policies on tariffs, immigration and the war in Iran. During a debate with Jackson this month, Collins defended her record and described herself as the most outspoken opponent of the tariffs with Canada. She also pointed to her success in securing exemptions for road salt and cement. Jackson argued that those efforts had come too late and had not gone far enough. “Mainers can’t afford to pay their bills with a press release or a strongly worded letter,” he said. “What about everything else? We can’t eat road salt.”

Trump revises Canadian tariffs, exempting key farm supplies after Susan Collins' lobbying while imposing new duties on other Canadian exports

US midterms 2026: Trump revises Canada tariffs as Susan Collins faces tight re-election race in Maine

One of the most closely watched Senate races has taken shape in Maine as US mid-term elections in 2026 approach, pitting five-term Republican Senator Susan Collins against sitting Democratic Governor Janet Mills. In this contest, both parties see it as central to the battle for control of the chamber. Earlier, Janet Mills suspended her US Senate campaign on April 30, 2026, ending her primary challenge against Susan Collins due to a lack of financial resources and trailing poll numbers. Collins, in the Senate since 1997, officially launched her bid for a sixth term in February, framing her campaign around experience and independence. She chairs the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee and has long positioned herself as one of the chamber's more moderate Republicans, though Democrats argue she has increasingly aligned with President Trump's agenda.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-has-lost-complete-control-of-hormuz-us-able-to-provide-security-in-middle-east-says-rubio-1791370061661">Iran has lost ‘complete control’ of Hormuz, US able to ‘provide security’ in Middle East, says Rubio</a><h3>Mills enters race in October 2025</h3>Mills, Maine's two-term governor and the first woman elected to that office, entered the race in October 2025 after months of public deliberation. Barred from seeking a third term as governor, she framed her Senate run as a stand against Trump, and stated that she won't sit idly by while Maine people suffer and politicians like Susan Collins bend the knee as if this were normal. The race carries outsized national stakes. Of the 20 Senate seats Republicans are defending in 2026, Maine is the only one in a state Democrats carried in the 2024 presidential election, making it a top Democratic pickup target in their push to retake the Senate majority. Collins has never lost a Senate race in Maine; her only electoral defeat came in a 1994 gubernatorial bid. She defeated Democrat Sara Gideon by more than 8 points in 2020. But Maine has trended bluer since then, with registered Democrats now outnumbering unenrolled independent voters, a shift that could work against her. Mills, however, must first navigate a contested Democratic primary. Progressive oysterman Graham Platner has emerged as a serious rival, winning an endorsement from Senator Bernie Sanders and outraising both Mills and Collins in recent fundraising filings. Jordan Wood and Dan Kleban are also running. Sanders has publicly criticised national Democrats for pushing Mills into the race, calling Platner the stronger candidate to beat Collins.

Of the 20 Senate seats Republicans are defending in 2026, Maine is the only one in a state Democrats carried in the 2024 presidential election, making it a top Democratic pickup target in their push to retake the Senate majority.

One of the most closely watched Senate races has taken shape in Maine as US mid-term elections in 2026 approach, pitting five-term Republican Senator Susan Collins against sitting Democratic Governor Janet Mills. In this contest, both parties see it as central to the battle for control of the chamber. Earlier, Janet Mills suspended her US Senate campaign on April 30, 2026, ending her primary challenge against Susan Collins due to a lack of financial resources and trailing poll numbers. Collins, in the Senate since 1997, officially launched her bid for a sixth term in February, framing her campaign around experience and independence. She chairs the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee and has long positioned herself as one of the chamber's more moderate Republicans, though Democrats argue she has increasingly aligned with President Trump's agenda. Also read: Iran has lost ‘complete control’ of Hormuz, US able to ‘provide security’ in Middle East, says Rubio Mills enters race in October 2025 Mills, Maine's two-term governor and the first woman elected to that office, entered the race in October 2025 after months of public deliberation. Barred from seeking a third term as governor, she framed her Senate run as a stand against Trump, and stated that she won't sit idly by while Maine people suffer and politicians like Susan Collins bend the knee as if this were normal. The race carries outsized national stakes. Of the 20 Senate seats Republicans are defending in 2026, Maine is the only one in a state Democrats carried in the 2024 presidential election, making it a top Democratic pickup target in their push to retake the Senate majority. Collins has never lost a Senate race in Maine; her only electoral defeat came in a 1994 gubernatorial bid. She defeated Democrat Sara Gideon by more than 8 points in 2020. But Maine has trended bluer since then, with registered Democrats now outnumbering unenrolled independent voters, a shift that could work against her. Mills, however, must first navigate a contested Democratic primary. Progressive oysterman Graham Platner has emerged as a serious rival, winning an endorsement from Senator Bernie Sanders and outraising both Mills and Collins in recent fundraising filings. Jordan Wood and Dan Kleban are also running. Sanders has publicly criticised national Democrats for pushing Mills into the race, calling Platner the stronger candidate to beat Collins.

Of the 20 Senate seats Republicans are defending in 2026, Maine is the only one in a state Democrats carried in the 2024 presidential election, making it a top Democratic pickup target in their push to retake the Senate majority.

Collins vs. Mills: A five-term incumbent against a sitting governor in in Maine — who will set up 2026 midterm race?

Sen. Susan Collins of Maine plans to vote to confirm Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court, ensuring that President Joe Biden’s nominee and the first Black woman to be put forward for the post will receive at least one Republican backer.

But whether Collins’ support is singular or opens the door to Jackson attracting the votes of other Republicans remained to be seen. The universe of potential backers from across the aisle shrunk Wednesday with an announcement by Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., that he would oppose the nominee. Tillis, a member of the Judiciary Committee, had once been seen as a potential vote for confirmation.

Even as he praised Jackson’s “knowledge, her composure and her character,” Tillis said he could not vote to put her on the court.

Collins made her decision to back the nomination after a second personal meeting with the judge Tuesday afternoon. Collins said Jackson had alleviated some concerns that surfaced after last week’s hearings.

The centrist senator, often a key vote on Supreme Court clashes, said that she had been reassured that Jackson would not be “bending the law to meet a personal preference” and that the nominee met her personal standard for serving on the court.

If Democrats stay united, Collins' vote would avoid the spectacle of Vice President Kamala Harris having to break a tie to seat a nominee on the Supreme Court, an unprecedented outcome that some saw as potentially damaging to the court’s standing.

Among other Republicans on the White House wish list are two retiring senators, Richard Burr of North Carolina and Roy Blunt of Missouri, but it appeared unlikely that either of them would back her.

That leaves two other Republicans, Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah, as the most promising prospects for crossover support of Jackson. Romney met with the judge Tuesday but said he had not made up his mind and probably would not reveal his decision until the vote, now expected next week.

Murkowski, who is running for reelection this year in a contest projected to be the most expensive and challenging of her career, also may not make her decision known until next week.

Sen. Susan Collins of Maine plans to vote to confirm Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court, ensuring that President Joe Biden’s nominee and the first Black woman to be put forward for the post will receive at least one Republican backer.

Sen. Susan Collins of Maine plans to vote to confirm Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson to the Supreme Court, ensuring that President Joe Biden’s nominee and the first Black woman to be put forward for the post will receive at least one Republican backer. But whether Collins’ support is singular or opens the door to Jackson attracting the votes of other Republicans remained to be seen. The universe of potential backers from across the aisle shrunk Wednesday with an announcement by Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., that he would oppose the nominee. Tillis, a member of the Judiciary Committee, had once been seen as a potential vote for confirmation. Even as he praised Jackson’s “knowledge, her composure and her character,” Tillis said he could not vote to put her on the court. Collins made her decision to back the nomination after a second personal meeting with the judge Tuesday afternoon. Collins said Jackson had alleviated some concerns that surfaced after last week’s hearings. The centrist senator, often a key vote on Supreme Court clashes, said that she had been reassured that Jackson would not be “bending the law to meet a personal preference” and that the nominee met her personal standard for serving on the court. If Democrats stay united, Collins' vote would avoid the spectacle of Vice President Kamala Harris having to break a tie to seat a nominee on the Supreme Court, an unprecedented outcome that some saw as potentially damaging to the court’s standing. Among other Republicans on the White House wish list are two retiring senators, Richard Burr of North Carolina and Roy Blunt of Missouri, but it appeared unlikely that either of them would back her. That leaves two other Republicans, Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah, as the most promising prospects for crossover support of Jackson. Romney met with the judge Tuesday but said he had not made up his mind and probably would not reveal his decision until the vote, now expected next week. Murkowski, who is running for reelection this year in a contest projected to be the most expensive and challenging of her career, also may not make her decision known until next week.

Collins to back Jackson for Supreme Court, giving her a GOP vote

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost.

Republicans who had privately fretted about her demise offered hearty congratulations, professing to have always known she would survive. Sen. Joe Manchin, the centrist Democrat from West Virginia, reached out wanting to know how soon he could get a meeting with his fellow moderate to begin breaking through the impasse on a coronavirus relief package. And President-elect Joe Biden made a brief call to congratulate a former Senate colleague and legislative ally whose vote he will badly need to push through his agenda and staff his administration.

The ring kissing reflected the prime perch of Collins, who, after having survived the steepest reelection challenge of her career with a comfortable margin, has emerged more powerful than ever, poised for a fifth term in which her brand of bipartisan deal-making will be crucial.

The question is how Collins, who has long held sway as one of the few swing votes in a narrowly divided Senate, will use that power. She has drawn brutal criticism in the past from Democrats who say she courts compromise, only to ultimately side with the Republican Party line. Now, with Republicans bent on blocking any policy accomplishments by a Biden administration, Collins will be under immense pressure from both sides for her pivotal vote.

“We will be able to encourage the president not to be drawn to the far-left,” Collins said in an interview in Washington, calling her election and Biden’s an endorsement of divided government that vindicated her moderate approach.

“I think that’s a message the American people were sending — that they want more centrist politics pursued, and they don’t want to go to the far-left — so that too provides me with an opportunity,” Collins said.

Collins, 67, has a strong relationship with Biden, who has called her “a woman of incredible character, integrity and grace.” And now she has the battle scars and enhanced credibility that come with having accomplished a feat many Republicans readily concede they never could have: win a resounding victory in a state that President Donald Trump lost. She has also surpassed a more enduring milestone, having now outlasted Margaret Chase Smith, the first woman to represent Maine in the Senate, to become the longest-serving Republican woman in the chamber’s history.

“She’s the greatest that’s ever been,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., one of the most conservative members of the Senate, declared in the aftermath, noticing Collins in conversation with a reporter in the Capitol. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, effectively declared her the queen of the Senate, posting on Instagram a depiction of Collins seated on a throne of skulls.

Her success in Maine, where she prevailed over the Democrat, Sara Gideon, despite polls showing her on track to lose, has vindicated Collins’ signature brand of New England moderation, cultivated over the last two decades. Come January, whether Biden oversees a divided government or a narrow Democratic hold on both chambers, she is positioned to play a crucial role in confirming administration nominations, approving spending agreements and negotiating legislative priorities like coronavirus relief or prescription drug legislation.

“My winning shows that a moderate can prevail in this highly polarized environment,” Collins said. “My victory in Maine shows that you can be an independent voice and take some breaths, do what you think is right, and the voters — in some states, at least — will reward you.”

Collins said she was open to working with former political foes in order to achieve legislative accomplishments. But having survived a brutal campaign in which Democrats savaged her, Collins has reason to hold some grudges. She pointedly noted that Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the minority leader, presented “a challenge” given “the millions of dollars in blatantly false ads he ran against me.”

Although the precise balance of the power in the Senate will remain unknown until two Georgia runoff races are decided in early January, Republicans are favored to win both seats, likely leaving Biden as the first Democratic president since Grover Cleveland in 1885 to take office without Democrats in control of both congressional chambers. A fraction of Republican support — likely, that of Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who faces reelection in 2022 — will be needed to advance both his legislative and political ambitions.

“It puts her in a very strong position to get things done in the Senate,” said Steve Abbott, her campaign manager and a longtime adviser. He described “a special self-confidence that comes” from “beating the odds” — one that, he added, “strengthens her to the core to do what she thinks is right.”

(STORY CAN END HERE. OPTIONAL MATERIAL FOLLOWS.)

In a signal of where the power could rest in the 117th Congress, Biden has yet to speak to Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader. But he made a point of calling Collins before his own victory was cemented. (Biden formally endorsed Gideon during the campaign but did not appear in person with her.)

“I know we come, technically, from political backgrounds that are different, but they’re not that different,” Biden said in a 2017 video filmed in honor of Collins receiving an Irish Heritage Center award. “We’ve become fast and good friends, and I look forward to you continuing to lead in the United States Senate, Susan.

“We Irish are the only ones who are nostalgic about the future,” Biden mused in the video, which the Collins campaign provided before the November election. “Well, I’m nostalgic about your future. A long way to go, and you’ve got a lot more to give.”

By no means will the Senate of 2021 resemble the courtly chamber where both Biden and Collins forged their respective careers. The civility that dominated back then has been left in tatters by partisan warfare over judicial confirmations and legislative obstruction. But the pair both steered their respective campaigns to victory based in part on their legislative prowess and the long-standing relationships they had built over decades in Washington.

Collins, who is in line to lead the powerful Appropriations Committee, ran a classic retail campaign, popping into business after business — sometimes purchasing a pair of earrings, or cans of food for a local food drive — and emphasizing the importance to Maine of her clout in the Senate.

The argument resonated for many of the voters who flocked to her flurry of campaign stops across the state, including a woman who brought a Tupperware full of the senator’s favorite cookies to a Fourth of July parade in rural Jackman; the business owners and town leaders grateful for the federal dollars she had steered their way; and the Postal Service worker who thanked her for pushing for funding for the embattled mail delivery agency.

“There needs to be a balance,” said Liz Wisecup, a retired registered nurse who said she voted for both Biden and Collins. Without Collins, she added, she feared that “Maine will be lost forever” in the partisan shuffle.

Collins and her allies are quick to note that her gentility and penchant for deal-making has not wavered in more than two decades, even as liberal critics have grown scornful of what they say is a seemingly perpetual pattern of condemning the extreme elements of her own party but then siding with them on crucial votes. Her record also has plenty of notable moments of having defied the will of the Republican Party, including in declining to vote to confirm Justice Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court the week before the election.

Having taken careful note of at least eight Democrats who have reached out and expressed interest in negotiating on big issues — Schumer was not among them, she noted — Collins has already begun to push for compromise.

In recent days, she has held court in the Senate basement, chastising the administration for denying Biden critical intelligence briefings and urging her colleagues to reconcile their differences on the pandemic aid measure and a funding package for the entire government.

“We work so well together,” Manchin said of Collins. “We look at the issues, and we look at the problems, and how we might fix them. I just can’t see losing good people like that just because they have a ‘D’ or an ‘R’ by their name.”

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost.

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost. Republicans who had privately fretted about her demise offered hearty congratulations, professing to have always known she would survive. Sen. Joe Manchin, the centrist Democrat from West Virginia, reached out wanting to know how soon he could get a meeting with his fellow moderate to begin breaking through the impasse on a coronavirus relief package. And President-elect Joe Biden made a brief call to congratulate a former Senate colleague and legislative ally whose vote he will badly need to push through his agenda and staff his administration. The ring kissing reflected the prime perch of Collins, who, after having survived the steepest reelection challenge of her career with a comfortable margin, has emerged more powerful than ever, poised for a fifth term in which her brand of bipartisan deal-making will be crucial. The question is how Collins, who has long held sway as one of the few swing votes in a narrowly divided Senate, will use that power. She has drawn brutal criticism in the past from Democrats who say she courts compromise, only to ultimately side with the Republican Party line. Now, with Republicans bent on blocking any policy accomplishments by a Biden administration, Collins will be under immense pressure from both sides for her pivotal vote. “We will be able to encourage the president not to be drawn to the far-left,” Collins said in an interview in Washington, calling her election and Biden’s an endorsement of divided government that vindicated her moderate approach. “I think that’s a message the American people were sending — that they want more centrist politics pursued, and they don’t want to go to the far-left — so that too provides me with an opportunity,” Collins said. Collins, 67, has a strong relationship with Biden, who has called her “a woman of incredible character, integrity and grace.” And now she has the battle scars and enhanced credibility that come with having accomplished a feat many Republicans readily concede they never could have: win a resounding victory in a state that President Donald Trump lost. She has also surpassed a more enduring milestone, having now outlasted Margaret Chase Smith, the first woman to represent Maine in the Senate, to become the longest-serving Republican woman in the chamber’s history. “She’s the greatest that’s ever been,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., one of the most conservative members of the Senate, declared in the aftermath, noticing Collins in conversation with a reporter in the Capitol. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, effectively declared her the queen of the Senate, posting on Instagram a depiction of Collins seated on a throne of skulls. Her success in Maine, where she prevailed over the Democrat, Sara Gideon, despite polls showing her on track to lose, has vindicated Collins’ signature brand of New England moderation, cultivated over the last two decades. Come January, whether Biden oversees a divided government or a narrow Democratic hold on both chambers, she is positioned to play a crucial role in confirming administration nominations, approving spending agreements and negotiating legislative priorities like coronavirus relief or prescription drug legislation. “My winning shows that a moderate can prevail in this highly polarized environment,” Collins said. “My victory in Maine shows that you can be an independent voice and take some breaths, do what you think is right, and the voters — in some states, at least — will reward you.” Collins said she was open to working with former political foes in order to achieve legislative accomplishments. But having survived a brutal campaign in which Democrats savaged her, Collins has reason to hold some grudges. She pointedly noted that Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the minority leader, presented “a challenge” given “the millions of dollars in blatantly false ads he ran against me.” Although the precise balance of the power in the Senate will remain unknown until two Georgia runoff races are decided in early January, Republicans are favored to win both seats, likely leaving Biden as the first Democratic president since Grover Cleveland in 1885 to take office without Democrats in control of both congressional chambers. A fraction of Republican support — likely, that of Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who faces reelection in 2022 — will be needed to advance both his legislative and political ambitions. “It puts her in a very strong position to get things done in the Senate,” said Steve Abbott, her campaign manager and a longtime adviser. He described “a special self-confidence that comes” from “beating the odds” — one that, he added, “strengthens her to the core to do what she thinks is right.” (STORY CAN END HERE. OPTIONAL MATERIAL FOLLOWS.) In a signal of where the power could rest in the 117th Congress, Biden has yet to speak to Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader. But he made a point of calling Collins before his own victory was cemented. (Biden formally endorsed Gideon during the campaign but did not appear in person with her.) “I know we come, technically, from political backgrounds that are different, but they’re not that different,” Biden said in a 2017 video filmed in honor of Collins receiving an Irish Heritage Center award. “We’ve become fast and good friends, and I look forward to you continuing to lead in the United States Senate, Susan. “We Irish are the only ones who are nostalgic about the future,” Biden mused in the video, which the Collins campaign provided before the November election. “Well, I’m nostalgic about your future. A long way to go, and you’ve got a lot more to give.” By no means will the Senate of 2021 resemble the courtly chamber where both Biden and Collins forged their respective careers. The civility that dominated back then has been left in tatters by partisan warfare over judicial confirmations and legislative obstruction. But the pair both steered their respective campaigns to victory based in part on their legislative prowess and the long-standing relationships they had built over decades in Washington. Collins, who is in line to lead the powerful Appropriations Committee, ran a classic retail campaign, popping into business after business — sometimes purchasing a pair of earrings, or cans of food for a local food drive — and emphasizing the importance to Maine of her clout in the Senate. The argument resonated for many of the voters who flocked to her flurry of campaign stops across the state, including a woman who brought a Tupperware full of the senator’s favorite cookies to a Fourth of July parade in rural Jackman; the business owners and town leaders grateful for the federal dollars she had steered their way; and the Postal Service worker who thanked her for pushing for funding for the embattled mail delivery agency. “There needs to be a balance,” said Liz Wisecup, a retired registered nurse who said she voted for both Biden and Collins. Without Collins, she added, she feared that “Maine will be lost forever” in the partisan shuffle. Collins and her allies are quick to note that her gentility and penchant for deal-making has not wavered in more than two decades, even as liberal critics have grown scornful of what they say is a seemingly perpetual pattern of condemning the extreme elements of her own party but then siding with them on crucial votes. Her record also has plenty of notable moments of having defied the will of the Republican Party, including in declining to vote to confirm Justice Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court the week before the election. Having taken careful note of at least eight Democrats who have reached out and expressed interest in negotiating on big issues — Schumer was not among them, she noted — Collins has already begun to push for compromise. In recent days, she has held court in the Senate basement, chastising the administration for denying Biden critical intelligence briefings and urging her colleagues to reconcile their differences on the pandemic aid measure and a funding package for the entire government. “We work so well together,” Manchin said of Collins. “We look at the issues, and we look at the problems, and how we might fix them. I just can’t see losing good people like that just because they have a ‘D’ or an ‘R’ by their name.”

Empowered by an odds-defying win, Susan Collins is ready to deal

BANGOR, Maine — Sen. Susan Collins of Maine seemed to have a challenge on her hands.

A Republican running for reelection in a difficult year for her party, Collins was opposed by a well-funded Democrat with a political base in vote-rich southern Maine who was hoping to capitalize on the unpopularity of the Republican in the White House. But in that 2008 race, even as the GOP presidential nominee lost Maine by 17 percentage points, Collins won reelection by over 20 points, carrying every county in the state.

That was then.

Twelve years after what Collins thought was the most difficult reelection of her career, she is facing eerily similar circumstances — but this time she’s in the fight of her political life. And it is what has changed since 2008 in Maine, the Republican Party and politics broadly that could end her career.

The four-term senator has alienated Democrats here and beyond by voting to confirm Justice Brett Kavanaugh. She has become a national punchline among liberals for what they see as her toothless tut-tutting of President Donald Trump, whom she is invariably “concerned” about. And she’s been out-raised $63 million to $25 million by her Democratic opponent, Sara Gideon, the speaker of the state House.

Collins’ biggest problem this year, however, may not be Gideon or the out-of-state donors eager to send her a message, but rather the shifting ground under her feet.

She is confronting a state, sharply cleaved by region and class, that would have been politically unrecognizable to her predecessors; an increasingly alien party overtaken by a president who demands unflinching loyalty; and, perhaps most daunting of all, a polarized political culture that elevates tribalism and national issues over the bipartisanship and pork-barreling that she has always pursued.

“I don’t know if people respond as well to that anymore,” conceded former Sen. William S. Cohen of Maine, a moderate Republican whom Collins succeeded in the Senate after working for him as a young staff member. “Therein lies the challenge of being somebody in the middle.”

Collins is the only Republican senator on the ballot this year who has not endorsed Trump.

In an interview on her campaign bus, she acknowledged momentarily considering running this year as an independent — “it crossed my mind,” she said — but was quick to note that she couldn’t easily abandon “the New England brand of Republicanism.”

It’s a dying breed. Collins is the only remaining Republican member of Congress from New England.

Equally endangered, though, are any senators who can win reelection when their party’s nominee is soundly defeated in the state. Trump is expected to be competitive only in Maine’s 2nd Congressional District, which he won in 2016, and even there polls suggest that Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, has an edge.

In 1984, when Ronald Reagan won a 49-state landslide, Democrats still netted two Senate seats. And even as recently as 2008, Republicans like Collins were winning reelection in blue states while Democratic senators were cruising in red ones like South Dakota and West Virginia.

By 2016, though, the results of every Senate race mirrored the state’s preference in the presidential race.

Now Collins is no more likely to outrun Trump by 20 points, as she did John McCain in 2008, than Maine is to embrace crab over lobster as its crustacean of choice.

Her argument, though, is that there are exceptions to this era of polarization, and that well-known lawmakers in lightly populated states can overcome the partisan tide. Sens. Jon Tester of Montana and Joe Manchin of West Virginia, for example, both won as Democrats in Republican-leaning states just two years ago.

“There’s a lot of parallels,” Collins said. “I still believe that most voters want problems solved and that they’re put off by this us-against-them tribalism.”

Listening to Collins kick off her statewide bus tour in Bangor was like stepping into a political time machine.

She drew applause after trumpeting her record as the most bipartisan senator, noted that she had never missed a floor vote and bragged about the federal dollars she had delivered for new breakwaters in small communities.

Then she delivered the finale: “With your help, when I’m reelected, a year later I become the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee,” she announced.

The pitch resonated with some supporters, but even they were self-aware about the dated nature of Collins’ appeal.

“I guess I’m a dinosaur in that I appreciate her centrist views and also I appreciate that she’s been doing this a long time and has ranking positions on a lot of important committees,” said Janna Jensen of nearby Brewer. “I don’t know how many people value that.”

A New York Times-Siena College survey last month pointed to the limitations of localism — and that was before the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg elevated the Supreme Court and issues like abortion rights.

Fifty percent of Mainers said national issues, like which party controls the Senate, were most important to their Senate vote, while 41% said local matters, such as who can do more for Maine, were paramount.

A Rhode Island native, as Collins delights in noting, Gideon has made health care the centerpiece of her campaign, even more than Collins’ vote on Kavanaugh.During her time in the Legislature, the Democrat pushed to expand Medicaidin the state, clashing with former Gov. Paul LePage, a Republican, on the issue.As much as any individual policy issue, though, Gideon’s core message is that a vote for Collins is a vote to keep Republicans in control of the Senate.

“As long as Susan Collins is elected again to the United States Senate, Mitch McConnell will again likely be the Senate majority leader,” Gideon told attendees at a supper near Lewiston last month.

She repeated a version of that line in a brief interview afterward, and grew slightly defensive when that was pointed out.

“I don’t walk around talking about Mitch McConnell all the time,” she said, before retreating to a talking point about what Mainers focus on “when they sit down at their kitchen table.”

Yet Gideon was more candid at the end of the conversation, when asked if she was happy with the Senate contest becoming nationalized.

“We are where we are in this country,” she said.

And Collins is where she is, in the dwindling middle between a party that loves Trump and one that loathes him.

The most frequently heard criticism of her is that she has changed, and has betrayed her moderate roots. Gideon has encouraged this sentiment and, when asked what she had in mind, cited Collins’ support for the 2017 Republican tax cuts.

Yet Collins also supported George W. Bush’s similarly high-end tax cuts, just as she backed his nominees to the Supreme Court.

What Maine voters often mean when they say Collins has changed, though, is that the Republican Party has changed — and by that they mean Trump.

“The party has moved right,” said Carl Bucciantini, a retired teacher who came to hear Gideon. “It was conservative under Reagan, conservative under the Bushes and now it’s just crazy&lt;em&gt;.”&lt;/em&gt;

Collins continues to dodge the question of how she’ll vote for president, but she said last month that she would probably avoid Trump if he campaigned in Maine.

In the same interview, conducted before the death of Ginsburg, Collins said she would oppose filling a Supreme Court vacancy in October. Since the senator reaffirmed that view after Ginsburg’s death, Trump has repeatedly criticized Collins.

“I think that Susan Collins is going to be hurt very badly — her people aren’t going to take this,” the president predicted in September, before heckling her on Twitter last week for opposing the hasty court nomination&lt;em&gt;. &lt;/em&gt;

Pressed as to why she never fully broke with Trump the same way that her heroine, former Maine Sen. Margaret Chase Smith, had confronted Joseph McCarthy, Collins recalled that she had helped torpedo the effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act and parted ways with the president on issues like his attempt to use military money for a border wall.

“I have had so many Margaret Chase Smith moments,” she said.

The more persuasive answer, though, came from a supporter at the bus tour introduction who loathes Trump but said Collins was caught in a political vise.

“She can’t,” said the supporter, Kathy Anderson, when asked why Collins wouldn’t condemn Trump. “Look at the demographics here.”

Maine has always been split between its more affluent coastline and its blue-collar interior. But the political and social gap has widened even further in recent years.

“A lot of the people down here are more connected to Napa Valley than they are Penobscot Valley,” said John Baldacci, a former Democratic governor of the state, who grew up in Bangor and now works in Portland.

The influx of transplants along the Maine coast and the migration of working-class whites into the Republican Party under Trump and LePage, who called himself “Trump before Trump,” have upended the state’s politics.

Perhaps most significant, and for Collins most threatening, LePage’s consecutive plurality victories prompted Maine to enact ranked-choice voting. In this system, voters rank their preference on the ballot so that those who receive few first-place votes are eliminated and the eventual winner garners a majority.

This means that the votes of those supporting a liberal independent candidate, Lisa Savage, can ultimately go to Gideon if Savage’s backers list Gideon as their second choice.

It’s a significant shift in a state with a long tradition of independence.

Maine has elected two unaffiliated governors in the last half-century and in 1992 handed Ross Perot more than 30% of the vote, his best showing of any state. Now, though, it has the same red-and-blue divide as the rest of the country — and the old outlines of its political map have been redrawn.

Republicans used to run up some of their best margins in wealthy enclaves along the Atlantic, while Democrats consistently fared best in immigrant-heavy and union-organized mill towns farther inland.

Maps from the last two major elections, the 2016 presidential contest and the 2018 governor’s race, reveal a near-unbroken stretch of Democratic blue up the Atlantic Coast from Kittery to Bar Harbor.

There are effectively two states — one working class and more pro-Trump, and the other more upscale and deeply contemptuous of the president — that Collins must bridge.

They can be seen in the Trump lawn signs sprouting up across inland Maine and the ubiquity of Biden signs nearly anywhere saltwater is in the air.

Back on Collins’ bus, she concluded an interview by recalling that in 2008 she “only lost eight communities in the entire state.”

But once she stepped into the office of an oil heating company to address employees, she returned to the present.

“The country is so polarized and Maine is, too, unfortunately,” Collins said.

BANGOR, Maine — Sen. Susan Collins of Maine seemed to have a challenge on her hands. A Republican running for reelection in a difficult year for her party, Collins was opposed by a well-funded Democrat with a political base in vote-rich southern Maine who was hoping to capitalize on the unpopularity of the Republican in the White House.

BANGOR, Maine — Sen. Susan Collins of Maine seemed to have a challenge on her hands. A Republican running for reelection in a difficult year for her party, Collins was opposed by a well-funded Democrat with a political base in vote-rich southern Maine who was hoping to capitalize on the unpopularity of the Republican in the White House. But in that 2008 race, even as the GOP presidential nominee lost Maine by 17 percentage points, Collins won reelection by over 20 points, carrying every county in the state. That was then. Twelve years after what Collins thought was the most difficult reelection of her career, she is facing eerily similar circumstances — but this time she’s in the fight of her political life. And it is what has changed since 2008 in Maine, the Republican Party and politics broadly that could end her career. The four-term senator has alienated Democrats here and beyond by voting to confirm Justice Brett Kavanaugh. She has become a national punchline among liberals for what they see as her toothless tut-tutting of President Donald Trump, whom she is invariably “concerned” about. And she’s been out-raised $63 million to $25 million by her Democratic opponent, Sara Gideon, the speaker of the state House. Collins’ biggest problem this year, however, may not be Gideon or the out-of-state donors eager to send her a message, but rather the shifting ground under her feet. She is confronting a state, sharply cleaved by region and class, that would have been politically unrecognizable to her predecessors; an increasingly alien party overtaken by a president who demands unflinching loyalty; and, perhaps most daunting of all, a polarized political culture that elevates tribalism and national issues over the bipartisanship and pork-barreling that she has always pursued. “I don’t know if people respond as well to that anymore,” conceded former Sen. William S. Cohen of Maine, a moderate Republican whom Collins succeeded in the Senate after working for him as a young staff member. “Therein lies the challenge of being somebody in the middle.” Collins is the only Republican senator on the ballot this year who has not endorsed Trump. In an interview on her campaign bus, she acknowledged momentarily considering running this year as an independent — “it crossed my mind,” she said — but was quick to note that she couldn’t easily abandon “the New England brand of Republicanism.” It’s a dying breed. Collins is the only remaining Republican member of Congress from New England. Equally endangered, though, are any senators who can win reelection when their party’s nominee is soundly defeated in the state. Trump is expected to be competitive only in Maine’s 2nd Congressional District, which he won in 2016, and even there polls suggest that Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, has an edge. In 1984, when Ronald Reagan won a 49-state landslide, Democrats still netted two Senate seats. And even as recently as 2008, Republicans like Collins were winning reelection in blue states while Democratic senators were cruising in red ones like South Dakota and West Virginia. By 2016, though, the results of every Senate race mirrored the state’s preference in the presidential race. Now Collins is no more likely to outrun Trump by 20 points, as she did John McCain in 2008, than Maine is to embrace crab over lobster as its crustacean of choice. Her argument, though, is that there are exceptions to this era of polarization, and that well-known lawmakers in lightly populated states can overcome the partisan tide. Sens. Jon Tester of Montana and Joe Manchin of West Virginia, for example, both won as Democrats in Republican-leaning states just two years ago. “There’s a lot of parallels,” Collins said. “I still believe that most voters want problems solved and that they’re put off by this us-against-them tribalism.” Listening to Collins kick off her statewide bus tour in Bangor was like stepping into a political time machine. She drew applause after trumpeting her record as the most bipartisan senator, noted that she had never missed a floor vote and bragged about the federal dollars she had delivered for new breakwaters in small communities. Then she delivered the finale: “With your help, when I’m reelected, a year later I become the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee,” she announced. The pitch resonated with some supporters, but even they were self-aware about the dated nature of Collins’ appeal. “I guess I’m a dinosaur in that I appreciate her centrist views and also I appreciate that she’s been doing this a long time and has ranking positions on a lot of important committees,” said Janna Jensen of nearby Brewer. “I don’t know how many people value that.” A New York Times-Siena College survey last month pointed to the limitations of localism — and that was before the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg elevated the Supreme Court and issues like abortion rights. Fifty percent of Mainers said national issues, like which party controls the Senate, were most important to their Senate vote, while 41% said local matters, such as who can do more for Maine, were paramount. A Rhode Island native, as Collins delights in noting, Gideon has made health care the centerpiece of her campaign, even more than Collins’ vote on Kavanaugh.During her time in the Legislature, the Democrat pushed to expand Medicaidin the state, clashing with former Gov. Paul LePage, a Republican, on the issue.As much as any individual policy issue, though, Gideon’s core message is that a vote for Collins is a vote to keep Republicans in control of the Senate. “As long as Susan Collins is elected again to the United States Senate, Mitch McConnell will again likely be the Senate majority leader,” Gideon told attendees at a supper near Lewiston last month. She repeated a version of that line in a brief interview afterward, and grew slightly defensive when that was pointed out. “I don’t walk around talking about Mitch McConnell all the time,” she said, before retreating to a talking point about what Mainers focus on “when they sit down at their kitchen table.” Yet Gideon was more candid at the end of the conversation, when asked if she was happy with the Senate contest becoming nationalized. “We are where we are in this country,” she said. And Collins is where she is, in the dwindling middle between a party that loves Trump and one that loathes him. The most frequently heard criticism of her is that she has changed, and has betrayed her moderate roots. Gideon has encouraged this sentiment and, when asked what she had in mind, cited Collins’ support for the 2017 Republican tax cuts. Yet Collins also supported George W. Bush’s similarly high-end tax cuts, just as she backed his nominees to the Supreme Court. What Maine voters often mean when they say Collins has changed, though, is that the Republican Party has changed — and by that they mean Trump. “The party has moved right,” said Carl Bucciantini, a retired teacher who came to hear Gideon. “It was conservative under Reagan, conservative under the Bushes and now it’s just crazy.” Collins continues to dodge the question of how she’ll vote for president, but she said last month that she would probably avoid Trump if he campaigned in Maine. In the same interview, conducted before the death of Ginsburg, Collins said she would oppose filling a Supreme Court vacancy in October. Since the senator reaffirmed that view after Ginsburg’s death, Trump has repeatedly criticized Collins. “I think that Susan Collins is going to be hurt very badly — her people aren’t going to take this,” the president predicted in September, before heckling her on Twitter last week for opposing the hasty court nomination. Pressed as to why she never fully broke with Trump the same way that her heroine, former Maine Sen. Margaret Chase Smith, had confronted Joseph McCarthy, Collins recalled that she had helped torpedo the effort to repeal the Affordable Care Act and parted ways with the president on issues like his attempt to use military money for a border wall. “I have had so many Margaret Chase Smith moments,” she said. The more persuasive answer, though, came from a supporter at the bus tour introduction who loathes Trump but said Collins was caught in a political vise. “She can’t,” said the supporter, Kathy Anderson, when asked why Collins wouldn’t condemn Trump. “Look at the demographics here.” Maine has always been split between its more affluent coastline and its blue-collar interior. But the political and social gap has widened even further in recent years. “A lot of the people down here are more connected to Napa Valley than they are Penobscot Valley,” said John Baldacci, a former Democratic governor of the state, who grew up in Bangor and now works in Portland. The influx of transplants along the Maine coast and the migration of working-class whites into the Republican Party under Trump and LePage, who called himself “Trump before Trump,” have upended the state’s politics. Perhaps most significant, and for Collins most threatening, LePage’s consecutive plurality victories prompted Maine to enact ranked-choice voting. In this system, voters rank their preference on the ballot so that those who receive few first-place votes are eliminated and the eventual winner garners a majority. This means that the votes of those supporting a liberal independent candidate, Lisa Savage, can ultimately go to Gideon if Savage’s backers list Gideon as their second choice. It’s a significant shift in a state with a long tradition of independence. Maine has elected two unaffiliated governors in the last half-century and in 1992 handed Ross Perot more than 30% of the vote, his best showing of any state. Now, though, it has the same red-and-blue divide as the rest of the country — and the old outlines of its political map have been redrawn. Republicans used to run up some of their best margins in wealthy enclaves along the Atlantic, while Democrats consistently fared best in immigrant-heavy and union-organized mill towns farther inland. Maps from the last two major elections, the 2016 presidential contest and the 2018 governor’s race, reveal a near-unbroken stretch of Democratic blue up the Atlantic Coast from Kittery to Bar Harbor. There are effectively two states — one working class and more pro-Trump, and the other more upscale and deeply contemptuous of the president — that Collins must bridge. They can be seen in the Trump lawn signs sprouting up across inland Maine and the ubiquity of Biden signs nearly anywhere saltwater is in the air. Back on Collins’ bus, she concluded an interview by recalling that in 2008 she “only lost eight communities in the entire state.” But once she stepped into the office of an oil heating company to address employees, she returned to the present. “The country is so polarized and Maine is, too, unfortunately,” Collins said.

Susan Collins hasn’t changed much, but Maine has

Brett Kavanaugh, the embattled US Supreme Court nominee put forward by President Donald Trump, was poised to win Senate confirmation on Saturday, weathering sexual misconduct allegations and attacks on his character and temperament.

After weeks of intense debate that has gripped the nation, the conservative appeals court judge on Friday won vows of support from two centrist senators, leaving no clear path in the Senate for Kavanaugh's opponents to block him.

Earlier on Friday, he barely survived a procedural test, when senators voted 51-49 to advance his nomination to a final vote that was set for around 5 pm (2100 GMT) on Saturday. It could come slightly sooner, however.

Confirmation of Kavanaugh would give Trump a clear win in his drive to cement conservative dominance of the high court, a bitter outcome for Democrats who could not get their own liberal nominee confirmed due to Republican delaying tactics in 2016.

Republicans held open an empty seat that year, which Trump filled in 2017 with conservative Justice Neil Gorsuch. Justice Anthony Kennedy, whom Kavanaugh would replace, retired this year after decades of being a swing vote on the court.

With divisive cases on abortion rights, immigration, transgender rights and business regulation headed for the court, Kavanaugh likely would give conservatives the upper hand.

His confirmation would also allow Trump to hit the campaign trail ahead of the November 6 congressional elections bragging that he has kept his 2016 promise to mold a more conservative American judiciary.

Capping a suspenseful day on Friday, Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine declared on the Senate floor, "I will vote to confirm Judge Kavanaugh."

She praised his judicial record and argued there was no corroboration of sexual assault charges made against him by psychology professor Christine Blasey Ford. Two other women also accused Kavanaugh of sexual misconduct decades ago. Kavanaugh has denied all the allegations.

Moments after Collins pledged to back Kavanaugh, Democratic Senator Joe Manchin, in a tough race for re-election in West Virginia where Trump is popular, also declared his support, leaving little doubt of a Republican victory.

Senators then endured a rare all-night session to satisfy the requirement of 30 hours of debate following Friday's vote.

Amid tighter-than-usual security, a large group of protesters assembled on the grounds of the Capitol, chanting "We believe (sexual assault) survivors" and "Shame on you."

Senate Republicans, except for Lisa Murkowski, stood by Kavanaugh in a move that could resonate, particularly with women voters, in the November 6 elections to determine control of the Senate and House of Representatives.

Even before the lurid sexual assault charges surfaced, Democrats in the Republican-controlled Senate were fighting hard to stop Kavanaugh, saying his conservative judicial philosophy could result in rolling back abortion rights, gay rights and protections for immigrants. They also challenged the veracity of some of his Judiciary Committee testimony.

Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer said Kavanaugh represents "a hard-right, conservative jurisprudence, far, far away from what average Americans believe."

Republican Leader Mitch McConnell led the nominee's defense, calling him "one of the most impressive, stunningly qualified nominees in our nation's history" and accusing Democrats of a "smear" campaign.

Brett Kavanaugh, the embattled US Supreme Court nominee put forward by President Donald Trump, was poised to win Senate confirmation on Saturday, weathering sexual misconduct allegations and attacks on his character and temperament.

Brett Kavanaugh, the embattled US Supreme Court nominee put forward by President Donald Trump, was poised to win Senate confirmation on Saturday, weathering sexual misconduct allegations and attacks on his character and temperament. After weeks of intense debate that has gripped the nation, the conservative appeals court judge on Friday won vows of support from two centrist senators, leaving no clear path in the Senate for Kavanaugh's opponents to block him. Earlier on Friday, he barely survived a procedural test, when senators voted 51-49 to advance his nomination to a final vote that was set for around 5 pm (2100 GMT) on Saturday. It could come slightly sooner, however. Confirmation of Kavanaugh would give Trump a clear win in his drive to cement conservative dominance of the high court, a bitter outcome for Democrats who could not get their own liberal nominee confirmed due to Republican delaying tactics in 2016. Republicans held open an empty seat that year, which Trump filled in 2017 with conservative Justice Neil Gorsuch. Justice Anthony Kennedy, whom Kavanaugh would replace, retired this year after decades of being a swing vote on the court. With divisive cases on abortion rights, immigration, transgender rights and business regulation headed for the court, Kavanaugh likely would give conservatives the upper hand. His confirmation would also allow Trump to hit the campaign trail ahead of the November 6 congressional elections bragging that he has kept his 2016 promise to mold a more conservative American judiciary. Capping a suspenseful day on Friday, Republican Senator Susan Collins of Maine declared on the Senate floor, "I will vote to confirm Judge Kavanaugh." She praised his judicial record and argued there was no corroboration of sexual assault charges made against him by psychology professor Christine Blasey Ford. Two other women also accused Kavanaugh of sexual misconduct decades ago. Kavanaugh has denied all the allegations. Moments after Collins pledged to back Kavanaugh, Democratic Senator Joe Manchin, in a tough race for re-election in West Virginia where Trump is popular, also declared his support, leaving little doubt of a Republican victory. Senators then endured a rare all-night session to satisfy the requirement of 30 hours of debate following Friday's vote. Amid tighter-than-usual security, a large group of protesters assembled on the grounds of the Capitol, chanting "We believe (sexual assault) survivors" and "Shame on you." Senate Republicans, except for Lisa Murkowski, stood by Kavanaugh in a move that could resonate, particularly with women voters, in the November 6 elections to determine control of the Senate and House of Representatives. Even before the lurid sexual assault charges surfaced, Democrats in the Republican-controlled Senate were fighting hard to stop Kavanaugh, saying his conservative judicial philosophy could result in rolling back abortion rights, gay rights and protections for immigrants. They also challenged the veracity of some of his Judiciary Committee testimony. Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer said Kavanaugh represents "a hard-right, conservative jurisprudence, far, far away from what average Americans believe." Republican Leader Mitch McConnell led the nominee's defense, calling him "one of the most impressive, stunningly qualified nominees in our nation's history" and accusing Democrats of a "smear" campaign.

US Senate heads to final vote on Kavanaugh Supreme Court nomination

As the US Senate prepares to vote on whether to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to a lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court, all eyes are on three Republican senators who could make or break the nomination.

The Republican lawmakers considered potential opponents of President Donald Trump's pick for the nation's highest court are Jeff Flake of Arizona, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska.

Republicans enjoy a slim 51-49 majority in the Senate and Kavanaugh, a staunch conservative, is unlikely to draw any support from the Democratic side of the aisle, although the possibility cannot be ruled out entirely.

A defection by just two Republicans would torpedo the hopes of Kavanaugh, a 53-year-old appeals court judge whose nomination has been clouded by allegations he committed a sexual assault decades ago while a teenager.

Flake, 55, has been a vocal critic of Trump, and Collins, 65, and Murkowski, 61, have crossed swords with the Republican president on several occasions.

In July of last year, Collins and Murkowski earned Trump's ire when they voted against his attempt to repeal former President Barack Obama's health care legislation.

"Senator Lisa Murkowski of the Great State of Alaska really let the Republicans, and our country, down yesterday," Trump tweeted. "Too bad!"

Unlike most other Republicans, Collins and Murkowski back a women's right to an abortion and concerns have been raised that Kavanaugh could support attempts to overturn the 1973 Supreme Court ruling on the subject.

All three senators have been bombarded with questions from reporters and constituents all week about how they plan to vote and the pressure clearly caught up to Flake on Friday.

'Don't look away from me!'&nbsp;

Just minutes after issuing a statement saying he would vote "yes" on Kavanaugh, Flake was confronted in a Senate elevator by several irate women who said they were victims of sexual assault.

"Don't look away from me! Look at me and tell me that it doesn't matter what happened to me, that you'll let people like that go to the highest court on the land," one weeping woman told a visibly uncomfortable Flake.

After extricating himself, the Arizona senator sprang the 11th-hour surprise as the Senate Judiciary Committee was preparing to vote on Kavanaugh's nomination.

Amid confusion in the hearing room, Flake called for the full Senate vote to be delayed for up to a week to allow the FBI to investigate the sexual assault allegations against Kavanaugh.

Flake joined the 10 other Republicans on the panel in sending Kavanaugh's nomination to the Senate floor but he said later the results of the FBI probe could lead him to change his mind.

Murkowski and Collins both welcomed the delay and the FBI probe into the allegations by university professor Christine Blasey Ford that Kavanaugh sexually assaulted her in 1982.

"It was a good step today," Murkowski said.

Flake is retiring from the Senate but Collins, who will be up for re-election in 2020, is under pressure in her home state of Maine.

Hillary Clinton defeated Trump in Maine by 48 per cent to 45 per cent in the 2016 presidential election and the northeast state has been leaning increasingly Democratic.

Hundreds of women showed up on Friday outside Collins' office in Portland, Maine, to voice their opposition to Kavanaugh's nomination.

"A Sexual Predator Does Not Belong on the Supreme Court," read a sign carried by one of the protestors.

Murkowski is on safer ground in Alaska.

She comes from a storied Alaska political family -- her father was governor and a senator before her -- and she doesn't face the voters again until 2022.

Asked Friday if he has a message for Murkowski and Collins, Trump said he did not have one.

"They have to do what they think is right," the president said. "They have to be comfortable with themselves."

As the US Senate prepares to vote on whether to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to a lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court, all eyes are on three Republican senators who could make or break the nomination.

As the US Senate prepares to vote on whether to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to a lifetime appointment on the Supreme Court, all eyes are on three Republican senators who could make or break the nomination. The Republican lawmakers considered potential opponents of President Donald Trump's pick for the nation's highest court are Jeff Flake of Arizona, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. Republicans enjoy a slim 51-49 majority in the Senate and Kavanaugh, a staunch conservative, is unlikely to draw any support from the Democratic side of the aisle, although the possibility cannot be ruled out entirely. A defection by just two Republicans would torpedo the hopes of Kavanaugh, a 53-year-old appeals court judge whose nomination has been clouded by allegations he committed a sexual assault decades ago while a teenager. Flake, 55, has been a vocal critic of Trump, and Collins, 65, and Murkowski, 61, have crossed swords with the Republican president on several occasions. In July of last year, Collins and Murkowski earned Trump's ire when they voted against his attempt to repeal former President Barack Obama's health care legislation. "Senator Lisa Murkowski of the Great State of Alaska really let the Republicans, and our country, down yesterday," Trump tweeted. "Too bad!" Unlike most other Republicans, Collins and Murkowski back a women's right to an abortion and concerns have been raised that Kavanaugh could support attempts to overturn the 1973 Supreme Court ruling on the subject. All three senators have been bombarded with questions from reporters and constituents all week about how they plan to vote and the pressure clearly caught up to Flake on Friday. 'Don't look away from me!' Just minutes after issuing a statement saying he would vote "yes" on Kavanaugh, Flake was confronted in a Senate elevator by several irate women who said they were victims of sexual assault. "Don't look away from me! Look at me and tell me that it doesn't matter what happened to me, that you'll let people like that go to the highest court on the land," one weeping woman told a visibly uncomfortable Flake. After extricating himself, the Arizona senator sprang the 11th-hour surprise as the Senate Judiciary Committee was preparing to vote on Kavanaugh's nomination. Amid confusion in the hearing room, Flake called for the full Senate vote to be delayed for up to a week to allow the FBI to investigate the sexual assault allegations against Kavanaugh. Flake joined the 10 other Republicans on the panel in sending Kavanaugh's nomination to the Senate floor but he said later the results of the FBI probe could lead him to change his mind. Murkowski and Collins both welcomed the delay and the FBI probe into the allegations by university professor Christine Blasey Ford that Kavanaugh sexually assaulted her in 1982. "It was a good step today," Murkowski said. Flake is retiring from the Senate but Collins, who will be up for re-election in 2020, is under pressure in her home state of Maine. Hillary Clinton defeated Trump in Maine by 48 per cent to 45 per cent in the 2016 presidential election and the northeast state has been leaning increasingly Democratic. Hundreds of women showed up on Friday outside Collins' office in Portland, Maine, to voice their opposition to Kavanaugh's nomination. "A Sexual Predator Does Not Belong on the Supreme Court," read a sign carried by one of the protestors. Murkowski is on safer ground in Alaska. She comes from a storied Alaska political family -- her father was governor and a senator before her -- and she doesn't face the voters again until 2022. Asked Friday if he has a message for Murkowski and Collins, Trump said he did not have one. "They have to do what they think is right," the president said. "They have to be comfortable with themselves."

Spotlight on three US senators as Supreme Court vote looms

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