Ousted Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir will appear in court next week to face charges of corruption and possessing foreign currency, the country's acting prosecutor general told reporters on Saturday.

The announcement came more than two months after the military overthrew Bashir on April 11 following months of nationwide protests against his 30-year iron-fisted rule.

Bashir "will appear in court next week following charges of corruption and possessing foreign currency," Al-Waleed Sayyed Ahmed said, without specifying the day.

He added that the investigation launched against Bashir for the charges had been completed.

On Thursday, an unnamed Sudanese official was quoted by the official SUNA news agency as saying Bashir was facing charges including "possessing foreign funds, acquiring suspected and illegal wealth and ordering (the state of) emergency".

In April, Sudan's army ruler General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan said that more than $113 million worth of cash in three currencies had been seized from Bashir's residence.

He said a team of police, army and security agents found seven million euros ($7.8 million), $350,000 and five billion Sudanese pounds ($105 million).&nbsp;

Bashir swept to power in an Islamist-backed coup in 1989.&nbsp;

Sudan suffered high rates of corruption during his rule, ranking 172 out of 180 countries in Transparency International's 2018 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Last month, Ahmed ordered Bashir questioned over money-laundering and "financing terrorism".

In an effort to quell protests that erupted against his rule in December, Bashir imposed a nationwide state of emergency on February 22.

In May, the prosecutor general said that Bashir had been charged over the killings of protesters during those anti-regime demonstrations, which eventually led to his ouster.

Ahmed also said on Saturday that 41 other charges against "symbols of the ousted regime" were under investigation.&nbsp;

He did not name the others accused but said most of the charges were related to the "possession of land".

Ousted Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir will appear in court next week to face charges of corruption and possessing foreign currency, the country's acting prosecutor general told reporters on Saturday.

Ousted Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir will appear in court next week to face charges of corruption and possessing foreign currency, the country's acting prosecutor general told reporters on Saturday. The announcement came more than two months after the military overthrew Bashir on April 11 following months of nationwide protests against his 30-year iron-fisted rule. Bashir "will appear in court next week following charges of corruption and possessing foreign currency," Al-Waleed Sayyed Ahmed said, without specifying the day. He added that the investigation launched against Bashir for the charges had been completed. On Thursday, an unnamed Sudanese official was quoted by the official SUNA news agency as saying Bashir was facing charges including "possessing foreign funds, acquiring suspected and illegal wealth and ordering (the state of) emergency". In April, Sudan's army ruler General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan said that more than $113 million worth of cash in three currencies had been seized from Bashir's residence. He said a team of police, army and security agents found seven million euros ($7.8 million), $350,000 and five billion Sudanese pounds ($105 million). Bashir swept to power in an Islamist-backed coup in 1989. Sudan suffered high rates of corruption during his rule, ranking 172 out of 180 countries in Transparency International's 2018 Corruption Perceptions Index. Last month, Ahmed ordered Bashir questioned over money-laundering and "financing terrorism". In an effort to quell protests that erupted against his rule in December, Bashir imposed a nationwide state of emergency on February 22. In May, the prosecutor general said that Bashir had been charged over the killings of protesters during those anti-regime demonstrations, which eventually led to his ouster. Ahmed also said on Saturday that 41 other charges against "symbols of the ousted regime" were under investigation. He did not name the others accused but said most of the charges were related to the "possession of land".

Sudan's Bashir to appear in court on graft charge: Prosecutor

Russia has emerged as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates’ silent partner in assisting the Sudan military’s efforts to weaken, if not defeat, a months-long popular revolt that has already toppled president Omar al-Bashir.

Documents leaked to The Guardian and MHK Media, a Russian-language news website, by the London-based Dossier Centre, an investigative group funded by exiled Russian businessman Mikhail Khodorkovsky, disclosed Russia’s hitherto behind-the-scenes role in Sudan.

Laying out plans to bolster Russia’s position across Africa by building relations with rulers, striking military deals, and grooming a new generation of leaders and undercover agents, the documents included details of a campaign to smear anti-government protesters in Sudan.

The plan for the campaign appeared to have been copy-pasted from proposals to counter opposition in Russia to president Vladimir Putin with references to Russia mistakenly not having been replaced with Sudan in one document.

Russia advised the Sudanese military to use fake news and videos to portray demonstrators as anti-Islamic, pro-Israeli and pro-LGBT. The plan also suggested increasing the price of newsprint to make it harder for critics to get their message out and to discover “foreigners” at anti-government rallies.

Yevgeny Prigozhin, a St. Petersburg-based businessman and close associate of Putin, complained in a letter to Bashir before he was overthrown that the president was not following his advice.

Prigozhin, who was indicted by US special counsel Robert Mueller for operating a troll factory that ran an extensive social media campaign that favoured of Donald J. Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, was according to the documents a key player in efforts to enhance Russian influence in Africa.

Prigozhin accused Bashir and his government of not being active enough and adopting an “extremely cautious position.”

If a visit this week to Sudan by foreign journalists at the invitation of the military to show them medical facilities that had allegedly been ransacked by protesters and demonstrate that hospitals that had been attacked by notorious paramilitary forces associated with Sudanese army were returning to normal, is anything to go by, Prigozhin’s criticism may have merit.

“It must have seemed like a good idea to somebody, although I cannot imagine why. The plan was to show us how terribly the protesters had behaved. If the world could see what they were really like they would understand that the regime had no choice but to send in the militia. Except from the moment we arrived at the first medical facility things started to go wrong,” said the BBC’s Africa editor, Fergal Keane.

To Keane, the omnipresence of paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) made the paramilitary headed by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo aka Hemedti, believed to be a Saudi and UAE favourite because his troops fought in Yemen and his reputation for ruthlessness, look “more like an army of occupation than an internal security force.”

Widely viewed as ambitious and power-hungry, General Dagalo resembles in the eyes of protesters Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the autocratic general-turned-president who in 2013 staged a Saudi-UAE-backed military coup that toppled Egypt’s first and only democratically elected president.

Defending the UAE’s contacts with the military council, Emirati minister of state for foreign affairs Anwar Gargash said his country’s “credibility is our means to contribute to enhancing peaceful transition in a way that preserves the state and its institutions.”

Human Rights Watch this week called on the United Nations Security Council to halt the withdrawal of peacekeepers from Darfur, noting that the Rapid Support Forces “have a long track record of abuse. They carried out highly abusive counter-insurgency campaigns in Darfur, and the Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile regions over the past five years, in which they attacked villages, killed and raped civilians, and burned and looted homes.”

Witnesses outside a medical facility and a hospital that Keane visited countered the military’s tale, describing how troops stormed the buildings and looted and destroyed facilities. “The international community has to intervene. There is no peace here in Sudan. People are suffering a lot… I am frightened for my country," said a man as he drove by Omdurman Hospital.

The failed public relations tour, the crackdown, the Russian guidance and stalled talks between protesters and the military fits a Saudi-UAE promoted pattern that has evolved across the Middle East and North Africa since the 2011 popular Arab revolts. It’s a pattern that aims to defeat popular protest at whatever cost.

The Sudanese protest movement has emerged from the crackdown that doctors said killed at least 118 people and efforts to delegitimise it battered, divided and potentially weakened but still standing.

A general strike declared at the beginning of this week initially paralysed the capital Khartoum but within a day or two appeared to be weakening.

Ethiopian mediator Mahmoud Dirir said on Tuesday that the protesters had agreed to end the strike while the governing Transitional Military Council (TMC), headed by officers with close ties to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was ready to release political prisoners, one of several key demands of the protesters.

Dirir said the two sides had also agreed to “soon” resume talks to resolve the crisis even if they were nowhere near narrowing differences of returning Sudan to civilian rule. It was not clear what soon meant.

“Negotiation - even if it happens soon - will circle back to the same issue: will the military cede power to a civilian government? Nothing about the generals' actions has indicated that this is an imminent possibility. The fear is that they will use any negotiations to try to divide the opposition while security pressure is maintained on the streets,” Keane said.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Russia has emerged as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates’ silent partner in assisting the Sudan military’s efforts to weaken, if not defeat, a months-long popular revolt that has already toppled president Omar al-Bashir.

Russia has emerged as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates’ silent partner in assisting the Sudan military’s efforts to weaken, if not defeat, a months-long popular revolt that has already toppled president Omar al-Bashir. Documents leaked to The Guardian and MHK Media, a Russian-language news website, by the London-based Dossier Centre, an investigative group funded by exiled Russian businessman Mikhail Khodorkovsky, disclosed Russia’s hitherto behind-the-scenes role in Sudan. Laying out plans to bolster Russia’s position across Africa by building relations with rulers, striking military deals, and grooming a new generation of leaders and undercover agents, the documents included details of a campaign to smear anti-government protesters in Sudan. The plan for the campaign appeared to have been copy-pasted from proposals to counter opposition in Russia to president Vladimir Putin with references to Russia mistakenly not having been replaced with Sudan in one document. Russia advised the Sudanese military to use fake news and videos to portray demonstrators as anti-Islamic, pro-Israeli and pro-LGBT. The plan also suggested increasing the price of newsprint to make it harder for critics to get their message out and to discover “foreigners” at anti-government rallies. Yevgeny Prigozhin, a St. Petersburg-based businessman and close associate of Putin, complained in a letter to Bashir before he was overthrown that the president was not following his advice. Prigozhin, who was indicted by US special counsel Robert Mueller for operating a troll factory that ran an extensive social media campaign that favoured of Donald J. Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, was according to the documents a key player in efforts to enhance Russian influence in Africa. Prigozhin accused Bashir and his government of not being active enough and adopting an “extremely cautious position.” If a visit this week to Sudan by foreign journalists at the invitation of the military to show them medical facilities that had allegedly been ransacked by protesters and demonstrate that hospitals that had been attacked by notorious paramilitary forces associated with Sudanese army were returning to normal, is anything to go by, Prigozhin’s criticism may have merit. “It must have seemed like a good idea to somebody, although I cannot imagine why. The plan was to show us how terribly the protesters had behaved. If the world could see what they were really like they would understand that the regime had no choice but to send in the militia. Except from the moment we arrived at the first medical facility things started to go wrong,” said the BBC’s Africa editor, Fergal Keane. To Keane, the omnipresence of paramilitaries of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) made the paramilitary headed by General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo aka Hemedti, believed to be a Saudi and UAE favourite because his troops fought in Yemen and his reputation for ruthlessness, look “more like an army of occupation than an internal security force.” Widely viewed as ambitious and power-hungry, General Dagalo resembles in the eyes of protesters Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the autocratic general-turned-president who in 2013 staged a Saudi-UAE-backed military coup that toppled Egypt’s first and only democratically elected president. Defending the UAE’s contacts with the military council, Emirati minister of state for foreign affairs Anwar Gargash said his country’s “credibility is our means to contribute to enhancing peaceful transition in a way that preserves the state and its institutions.” Human Rights Watch this week called on the United Nations Security Council to halt the withdrawal of peacekeepers from Darfur, noting that the Rapid Support Forces “have a long track record of abuse. They carried out highly abusive counter-insurgency campaigns in Darfur, and the Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile regions over the past five years, in which they attacked villages, killed and raped civilians, and burned and looted homes.” Witnesses outside a medical facility and a hospital that Keane visited countered the military’s tale, describing how troops stormed the buildings and looted and destroyed facilities. “The international community has to intervene. There is no peace here in Sudan. People are suffering a lot… I am frightened for my country," said a man as he drove by Omdurman Hospital. The failed public relations tour, the crackdown, the Russian guidance and stalled talks between protesters and the military fits a Saudi-UAE promoted pattern that has evolved across the Middle East and North Africa since the 2011 popular Arab revolts. It’s a pattern that aims to defeat popular protest at whatever cost. The Sudanese protest movement has emerged from the crackdown that doctors said killed at least 118 people and efforts to delegitimise it battered, divided and potentially weakened but still standing. A general strike declared at the beginning of this week initially paralysed the capital Khartoum but within a day or two appeared to be weakening. Ethiopian mediator Mahmoud Dirir said on Tuesday that the protesters had agreed to end the strike while the governing Transitional Military Council (TMC), headed by officers with close ties to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was ready to release political prisoners, one of several key demands of the protesters. Dirir said the two sides had also agreed to “soon” resume talks to resolve the crisis even if they were nowhere near narrowing differences of returning Sudan to civilian rule. It was not clear what soon meant. “Negotiation - even if it happens soon - will circle back to the same issue: will the military cede power to a civilian government? Nothing about the generals' actions has indicated that this is an imminent possibility. The fear is that they will use any negotiations to try to divide the opposition while security pressure is maintained on the streets,” Keane said. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Russia joins Gulf states in coaching Sudan military

By Peter Robert Woodward

The trigger for the demonstrations that brought the downfall of President Omar al-Bashir in April was the trebling of the price of bread last December. It came after a major devaluation of the Sudanese pound in an effort to make the official rate for the pound drop to that of the black market. With the International Monetary Fund pushing for austerity and the rate of inflation hovering around 70 per cent, the camel’s back was finally broken.

In fact, the immediate cause of the economic crisis that brought many thousands of Sudanese out onto the streets in December last year and continued up to and beyond al-Bashir’s downfall lay in the structure of the economy itself.

Sudan’s inherited economy from the colonial era consisted primarily of agricultural exports, particularly cotton. But after independence in 1956 that went into a long decline in the face of man-made fibres and a lack of success in developing of alternative crops – with the partial exception of sugar.

In the 2000s the country experienced something of a boom from oil. But the new wealth wasn’t funnelled into the productive economy – particularly agricultural renewal. Rather it went into short-term rent-seeking activities such as urban construction and the expansion of commercial activities.

At the same time, the country’s radical Islamism brought US economic sanctions that limited international capital and the prospect of economic diversity. And under the Islamist military regime – in place since 1989 – new wealth went largely to the security apparatus, the government created the ruling party and ethnic and regional friends.

This all added up to a highly corrupt system of “crony capitalism”. In addition, Sudan’s large long-running debts hung over the country.

The role of oil

The development of oil in Sudan was delayed for many years by civil war in the south, where most of the oil fields are located. But by the end of the 1990s security had permitted development with the southern rebels being pushed back, though not defeated.

Under growing international pressure the military rulers and the southern rebels finally moved towards peace, and in 2005 an agreement was reached. It aimed at a national government but conceded that if that proved unworkable the south, including most of the oil fields, would have a right to a referendum on independence.

In 2011 southerners overwhelmingly chose independence and South Sudan became the world’s newest state. Since then the Sudan government’s oil income has shrunk by about 75 per cent. One reason has been the fluctuating world price of oil, but others are more local.

Oil from South Sudan is pumped north through Sudan to be exported via the Red Sea. After South Sudan’s independence a dispute between the two states about pipeline rents led at one stage to South Sudan closing all its oil production for a year. The flow later restarted, but was once more restricted when South Sudan itself plunged into civil war in 2013, ended only by a fragile peace last year.

The cuts in revenue from oil, combined with sluggish economic growth, led to rising discontent. This came to a head when the government cut subsidies on basics such as bread and oil.

In 2015 a particularly widespread series of demonstrations was met with a violent response. But the causes of discontent remained largely unaddressed and the situation for many people continued to deteriorate, in spite of a partial easing of US sanctions.

What needs to be done 
 
This time around the first mass demonstrations started, unusually, not in the capital but in the regions and in particular in the city of Atbara – which has long been a centre of radical secular thinking – before spreading to the capital in Khartoum.

With memories of the killings of 2015 still fresh there was a good deal of planning going on among the different opposition groups. The security forces also remembered 2015 and this time there was little use of live ammunition, trying to contain rather than shoot the demonstrators in their increasingly well planned and growing efforts.

To restore the economy the post-Bashir government will need to clean up corruption; revive small-scale agriculture in the regions; restore health and education services; and attract investment for productive jobs for underemployed, educated young people who have been the backbone of the uprising.

 
(Peter Robert Woodward is Emeritus Professor of Politics and International Relations, University of Reading)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-sudans-economic-crisis-had-a-role-in-protests-that-toppled-al-bashir-116405">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

By Peter Robert Woodward The trigger for the demonstrations that brought the downfall of President Omar al-Bashir in April was the trebling of the price of bread last December.

By Peter Robert Woodward The trigger for the demonstrations that brought the downfall of President Omar al-Bashir in April was the trebling of the price of bread last December. It came after a major devaluation of the Sudanese pound in an effort to make the official rate for the pound drop to that of the black market. With the International Monetary Fund pushing for austerity and the rate of inflation hovering around 70 per cent, the camel’s back was finally broken. In fact, the immediate cause of the economic crisis that brought many thousands of Sudanese out onto the streets in December last year and continued up to and beyond al-Bashir’s downfall lay in the structure of the economy itself. Sudan’s inherited economy from the colonial era consisted primarily of agricultural exports, particularly cotton. But after independence in 1956 that went into a long decline in the face of man-made fibres and a lack of success in developing of alternative crops – with the partial exception of sugar. In the 2000s the country experienced something of a boom from oil. But the new wealth wasn’t funnelled into the productive economy – particularly agricultural renewal. Rather it went into short-term rent-seeking activities such as urban construction and the expansion of commercial activities. At the same time, the country’s radical Islamism brought US economic sanctions that limited international capital and the prospect of economic diversity. And under the Islamist military regime – in place since 1989 – new wealth went largely to the security apparatus, the government created the ruling party and ethnic and regional friends. This all added up to a highly corrupt system of “crony capitalism”. In addition, Sudan’s large long-running debts hung over the country. The role of oil The development of oil in Sudan was delayed for many years by civil war in the south, where most of the oil fields are located. But by the end of the 1990s security had permitted development with the southern rebels being pushed back, though not defeated. Under growing international pressure the military rulers and the southern rebels finally moved towards peace, and in 2005 an agreement was reached. It aimed at a national government but conceded that if that proved unworkable the south, including most of the oil fields, would have a right to a referendum on independence. In 2011 southerners overwhelmingly chose independence and South Sudan became the world’s newest state. Since then the Sudan government’s oil income has shrunk by about 75 per cent. One reason has been the fluctuating world price of oil, but others are more local. Oil from South Sudan is pumped north through Sudan to be exported via the Red Sea. After South Sudan’s independence a dispute between the two states about pipeline rents led at one stage to South Sudan closing all its oil production for a year. The flow later restarted, but was once more restricted when South Sudan itself plunged into civil war in 2013, ended only by a fragile peace last year. The cuts in revenue from oil, combined with sluggish economic growth, led to rising discontent. This came to a head when the government cut subsidies on basics such as bread and oil. In 2015 a particularly widespread series of demonstrations was met with a violent response. But the causes of discontent remained largely unaddressed and the situation for many people continued to deteriorate, in spite of a partial easing of US sanctions. What needs to be done This time around the first mass demonstrations started, unusually, not in the capital but in the regions and in particular in the city of Atbara – which has long been a centre of radical secular thinking – before spreading to the capital in Khartoum. With memories of the killings of 2015 still fresh there was a good deal of planning going on among the different opposition groups. The security forces also remembered 2015 and this time there was little use of live ammunition, trying to contain rather than shoot the demonstrators in their increasingly well planned and growing efforts. To restore the economy the post-Bashir government will need to clean up corruption; revive small-scale agriculture in the regions; restore health and education services; and attract investment for productive jobs for underemployed, educated young people who have been the backbone of the uprising. (Peter Robert Woodward is Emeritus Professor of Politics and International Relations, University of Reading) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

How Sudan’s economic crisis had a role in protests that toppled al-Bashir

Sudanese protesters Sunday welcomed a breakthrough in talks with army rulers who agreed to form a joint civilian-military council, paving the way for the civilian administration demanded by demonstrators.

Saturday's agreement would replace the existing 10-member military council that took power after the army ousted veteran leader Omar al-Bashir on April 11 amid massive protests.

"What happened yesterday is a step to have a civilian authority," said Mohamed Amin, one of thousands of demonstrators who have been camped for weeks outside the army headquarters.

"We are happy about the progress in the talks, but we are still waiting for the composition of the council and the civilian government."

The joint civilian-military council will be the overall ruling body, while a new transitional civilian government is expected to be formed to run the day-to-day affairs of the country, a key demand of protesters.

That civilian government will work towards having the first post-Bashir elections.

"When we have a civilian government, then we can say our country is on the right track," said Amin.

The demonstrators said they will pursue their sit-in until a civilian administration is set up.

"Last night's agreement is a step forward in the stability of our country. But I don't think we will leave the sit-in until we achieve our demand of a civilian government," said protester Sawsan Bashir.

Protest leader Ahmed al-Rabia confirmed to AFP the decision to form a joint council.

"We are now in consultation about what percentage of the council should be represented by civilians and how much by the military," said Rabia, who is involved in talks.

On Sunday, protest leaders from the Alliance for Freedom and Change met to discuss the progress of talks with the military council.

Later, the joint committee bringing together the military and protest leaders was expected to resume talks. &nbsp;

Lengthy talks

Activists say the new council could be a 15-member body, with eight civilians and seven army generals.

The decision to have a joint council came after hours of talks on Saturday, the first by a joint committee representing the current ruling military leadership and protesters.&nbsp;

Bashir was ousted by the army after months of protests against his three-decade rule.

Thousands of demonstrators, braving volleys of tear gas fired by security forces, reached the sprawling military headquarters on April 6, demanding that the army support those opposing Bashir.

Five days later, the army toppled Bashir and took power through the transitional military council.

Protest leaders had previously held several rounds of inconclusive talks with the council after Bashir was ousted.

The military council has so far insisted that it has assumed power for a two-year transitional period.

Western governments have expressed support for protesters' demands, but Sudan's key Gulf Arab lenders have backed the military council, while African states have called for more time for the army to hand over to civilians.

Buses bringing protesters kept arriving Saturday at the protest site, with hundreds of demonstrators coming from the eastern province of Kassala, an AFP photographer said.

Call to join ICC

As the joint committee met on Saturday, top opposition leader and former premier Sadiq al-Mahdi told reporters Sudan should "immediately" join the International Criminal Court.

Bashir is wanted by The Hague-based tribunal for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity for his alleged role in the conflict in Darfur, but the 75-year-old has repeatedly denied the charges against him.

The war in Darfur erupted in 2003 when ethnic minority rebels took up arms against Khartoum's Arab-dominated government, accusing it of social and political marginalisation.

The United Nations says about 300,000 people have died in the conflict, with another 2.5 million displaced, many of them still living in miserable camps across the western region of the country.

Protest group spokesman Amjad Farid told reporters that Bashir and other regime figures could be tried in Sudan.

"We are not seeking retaliatory measures against them, but we want to rebuild our justice system to hold them accountable for their crimes," he said.

Mahdi, who was forced from office by Bashir in a 1989 coup, said the army's ouster of the veteran leader was "not a military coup".

But he warned that Bashir cronies were still clinging on to power despite the upheaval.&nbsp;

"The toppled regime might still try to do a coup," he said without elaborating.

Sudanese protesters Sunday welcomed a breakthrough in talks with army rulers who agreed to form a joint civilian-military council, paving the way for the civilian administration demanded by demonstrators.

Sudanese protesters Sunday welcomed a breakthrough in talks with army rulers who agreed to form a joint civilian-military council, paving the way for the civilian administration demanded by demonstrators. Saturday's agreement would replace the existing 10-member military council that took power after the army ousted veteran leader Omar al-Bashir on April 11 amid massive protests. "What happened yesterday is a step to have a civilian authority," said Mohamed Amin, one of thousands of demonstrators who have been camped for weeks outside the army headquarters. "We are happy about the progress in the talks, but we are still waiting for the composition of the council and the civilian government." The joint civilian-military council will be the overall ruling body, while a new transitional civilian government is expected to be formed to run the day-to-day affairs of the country, a key demand of protesters. That civilian government will work towards having the first post-Bashir elections. "When we have a civilian government, then we can say our country is on the right track," said Amin. The demonstrators said they will pursue their sit-in until a civilian administration is set up. "Last night's agreement is a step forward in the stability of our country. But I don't think we will leave the sit-in until we achieve our demand of a civilian government," said protester Sawsan Bashir. Protest leader Ahmed al-Rabia confirmed to AFP the decision to form a joint council. "We are now in consultation about what percentage of the council should be represented by civilians and how much by the military," said Rabia, who is involved in talks. On Sunday, protest leaders from the Alliance for Freedom and Change met to discuss the progress of talks with the military council. Later, the joint committee bringing together the military and protest leaders was expected to resume talks. Lengthy talks Activists say the new council could be a 15-member body, with eight civilians and seven army generals. The decision to have a joint council came after hours of talks on Saturday, the first by a joint committee representing the current ruling military leadership and protesters. Bashir was ousted by the army after months of protests against his three-decade rule. Thousands of demonstrators, braving volleys of tear gas fired by security forces, reached the sprawling military headquarters on April 6, demanding that the army support those opposing Bashir. Five days later, the army toppled Bashir and took power through the transitional military council. Protest leaders had previously held several rounds of inconclusive talks with the council after Bashir was ousted. The military council has so far insisted that it has assumed power for a two-year transitional period. Western governments have expressed support for protesters' demands, but Sudan's key Gulf Arab lenders have backed the military council, while African states have called for more time for the army to hand over to civilians. Buses bringing protesters kept arriving Saturday at the protest site, with hundreds of demonstrators coming from the eastern province of Kassala, an AFP photographer said. Call to join ICC As the joint committee met on Saturday, top opposition leader and former premier Sadiq al-Mahdi told reporters Sudan should "immediately" join the International Criminal Court. Bashir is wanted by The Hague-based tribunal for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity for his alleged role in the conflict in Darfur, but the 75-year-old has repeatedly denied the charges against him. The war in Darfur erupted in 2003 when ethnic minority rebels took up arms against Khartoum's Arab-dominated government, accusing it of social and political marginalisation. The United Nations says about 300,000 people have died in the conflict, with another 2.5 million displaced, many of them still living in miserable camps across the western region of the country. Protest group spokesman Amjad Farid told reporters that Bashir and other regime figures could be tried in Sudan. "We are not seeking retaliatory measures against them, but we want to rebuild our justice system to hold them accountable for their crimes," he said. Mahdi, who was forced from office by Bashir in a 1989 coup, said the army's ouster of the veteran leader was "not a military coup". But he warned that Bashir cronies were still clinging on to power despite the upheaval. "The toppled regime might still try to do a coup," he said without elaborating.

Sudan protesters hail breakthrough in talks with army rulers

After decades of intense divisions, Sudan's political opposition united recently to form a powerful three-pronged bloc that became part of the protest wave which ousted autocrat <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/protesters-demand-dissolving-of-ruling-military-council-in-sudan-210698">Omar al-Bashir</a> last week.

During Bashir's politically repressive three-decade rule, Sudan had around 100 political parties. They ranged from Islamists to leftists and ran the gamut from ardent critics to regime loyalists.

A military transitional council is now set to rule the country for the next two years.

Veteran journalist Mahjoub Mohamed Saleh, 91, mapped out the political trajectories of the burgeoning opposition movement for AFP.

Who is the Sudanese opposition?

"The opposition in Sudan now is made up of the (Paris-based) Nidaa Sudan, the National Consensus Forces and the Sudanese Professionals Association," said Saleh, who was imprisoned several times during Bashir's reign.

Collectively, the tripartite bloc is known as the Alliance for Freedom and Change.

Nidaa Sudan includes the Umma Party, the Sudanese Congress Party as well as armed movements such as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement.

The Umma Party is led by Oxford-educated Sadiq al-Mahdi, who was prime minister twice during the 1960s and 1980s and was ousted by Bashir's 1989 coup.

He returned to Sudan this year after a year of self-imposed exile in Cairo.

Meanwhile, the "more radical" Sudanese Communist Party and the Baath Party alongside other leftist gatherings form the National Consensus Forces.

Lastly, the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) is comprised of small political cadres mostly staffed by young, urban people counting academics, doctors and engineers among their ranks.

They have been the driving force behind mobilising thousands of demonstrators through their savvy and active social media usage to protest against Bashir since December 18.

The SPA has called on the transitional military council to immediately "hand over power" to a civilian administration and urged demonstrators to continue with their sit-ins.

How strong is the opposition now?

Protesters have been camped for several weeks in front of important government buildings throughout the country.

Saleh says the opposition bloc has been the most consistent and well-organised in agitating for tangible political change.

"For four months, these people were not afraid to put their bodies on the line," he said.

Over 30 protesters have been killed in clashes with security forces since the uprising erupted.

The bloc has urged the forthcoming transitional government to arrest Bashir and a coterie of political elite figures who have been in power since the 1989 coup.

These include the powerful security and intelligence chiefs and leaders of Bashir's National Congress Party.

"All the various parties that make up the opposition are now going to unite, sort out their differences and learn from their previous mistakes at this crucial time," he added.

"But when things return to their natural state, political squabbles and factional in-fighting will ultimately emerge."

What about the Islamists and the diaspora?

"Islamists will not disappear from the scene but will not be as influential, especially with the end of the National Congress Party," the renowned journalist noted.

He told AFP that other Islamist alternatives opposing NCP policies have been a mainstay of Sudanese politics and that they will continue to survive in some form or another.

The most prominent Islamist movement which still has a massive following is the Popular Congress Party, headed by hardline ideological figure Hassan al-Turabi.

With the opposition in the diaspora -- particularly in London and Paris where exiles have been politically active -- Saleh sees them as playing a pivotal role in the future.

Around five million Sudanese live overseas, mostly across the Middle East, Europe and North America.

"All of these opposition movements have their followers overseas ... They represent a mass of human resources that can be drawn upon when it comes to forming a civilian government," Saleh said.

After decades of intense divisions, Sudan's political opposition united recently to form a powerful three-pronged bloc that became part of the protest wave which ousted autocrat Omar al-Bashir last week.

After decades of intense divisions, Sudan's political opposition united recently to form a powerful three-pronged bloc that became part of the protest wave which ousted autocrat Omar al-Bashir last week. During Bashir's politically repressive three-decade rule, Sudan had around 100 political parties. They ranged from Islamists to leftists and ran the gamut from ardent critics to regime loyalists. A military transitional council is now set to rule the country for the next two years. Veteran journalist Mahjoub Mohamed Saleh, 91, mapped out the political trajectories of the burgeoning opposition movement for AFP. Who is the Sudanese opposition? "The opposition in Sudan now is made up of the (Paris-based) Nidaa Sudan, the National Consensus Forces and the Sudanese Professionals Association," said Saleh, who was imprisoned several times during Bashir's reign. Collectively, the tripartite bloc is known as the Alliance for Freedom and Change. Nidaa Sudan includes the Umma Party, the Sudanese Congress Party as well as armed movements such as the Sudan People's Liberation Movement. The Umma Party is led by Oxford-educated Sadiq al-Mahdi, who was prime minister twice during the 1960s and 1980s and was ousted by Bashir's 1989 coup. He returned to Sudan this year after a year of self-imposed exile in Cairo. Meanwhile, the "more radical" Sudanese Communist Party and the Baath Party alongside other leftist gatherings form the National Consensus Forces. Lastly, the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) is comprised of small political cadres mostly staffed by young, urban people counting academics, doctors and engineers among their ranks. They have been the driving force behind mobilising thousands of demonstrators through their savvy and active social media usage to protest against Bashir since December 18. The SPA has called on the transitional military council to immediately "hand over power" to a civilian administration and urged demonstrators to continue with their sit-ins. How strong is the opposition now? Protesters have been camped for several weeks in front of important government buildings throughout the country. Saleh says the opposition bloc has been the most consistent and well-organised in agitating for tangible political change. "For four months, these people were not afraid to put their bodies on the line," he said. Over 30 protesters have been killed in clashes with security forces since the uprising erupted. The bloc has urged the forthcoming transitional government to arrest Bashir and a coterie of political elite figures who have been in power since the 1989 coup. These include the powerful security and intelligence chiefs and leaders of Bashir's National Congress Party. "All the various parties that make up the opposition are now going to unite, sort out their differences and learn from their previous mistakes at this crucial time," he added. "But when things return to their natural state, political squabbles and factional in-fighting will ultimately emerge." What about the Islamists and the diaspora? "Islamists will not disappear from the scene but will not be as influential, especially with the end of the National Congress Party," the renowned journalist noted. He told AFP that other Islamist alternatives opposing NCP policies have been a mainstay of Sudanese politics and that they will continue to survive in some form or another. The most prominent Islamist movement which still has a massive following is the Popular Congress Party, headed by hardline ideological figure Hassan al-Turabi. With the opposition in the diaspora -- particularly in London and Paris where exiles have been politically active -- Saleh sees them as playing a pivotal role in the future. Around five million Sudanese live overseas, mostly across the Middle East, Europe and North America. "All of these opposition movements have their followers overseas ... They represent a mass of human resources that can be drawn upon when it comes to forming a civilian government," Saleh said.

Sudan's disparate opposition comes together post Bashir

Sudan's defence minister stepped down abruptly on Friday as head of the country's transitional ruling military council after only a day in the post, as protesters demanded quicker political change following President Omar al-Bashir's ouster by the armed forces.

Hours after the military council sought to calm public anger by promising a new civilian government, Defence Minister Awad Ibn Auf said in a televised speech he was quitting as head of the council.

Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan Abdelrahman will be the new head of the council, Ibn Auf said. He also said Chief of Staff Kamal Abdelmarouf al-Mahi was relieved of his position as deputy head of the transitional military council.

"In order to ensure the cohesion of the security system, and the armed forces in particular, from cracks and strife, and relying on God, let us begin this path of change," Ibn Auf said.

News of the change sparked joyful celebrations by many thousands in the streets of Khartoum as people chanted, "The second has fallen!" in reference to Bashir, witnesses said.

"What happened is a step in the right direction and is a bow to the will of the masses, and we have become closer to victory," Rashid Saeed, a spokesman for the main protest group, the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), told Reuters.

"We are committed to our demands that we submitted to the army," he said. "We call on the masses to stay on the streets until all the demands are met."

The military council said earlier that it expected a pre-election transition to last two years at most or much less if chaos can be avoided. The head of the military council's political committee, Omar Zain al-Abideen, said the council would hold a dialogue with political entities.

The announcement of a future civilian government appeared aimed at reassuring demonstrators who had pressed for months for Bashir's departure and quickly resumed protests against army rule after his ouster on Thursday, calling for quicker and more substantial change.

In a clear challenge to Ibn Auf's military council, several thousand protesters remained in front of the defence ministry compound, and in other parts of the capital, as a nighttime curfew Ibn Auf had announced went into effect.

The SPA said the military council was "not capable of creating change." In a statement, the group restated its demand for power to be handed immediately to "a transitional civilian government."

Bashir, 75, himself seized power in a 1989 military coup. He had faced 16 weeks of demonstrations sparked by rising food costs, high unemployment and increasing repression during his three decades of autocratic rule.

At least 16 people were killed and 20 injured by stray bullets at protests and sit-ins on Thursday and Friday, a Sudanese police spokesman said in a statement on Saturday.

Government buildings and private property were also attacked, spokesman Hashem Ali added.

He asked citizens to help ensure safety and public order.

"We do not reject a military council in principle, but we reject these people because they are from Bashir's regime," said Abdelhamid Ahmed, a 24-year-old doctor.

Ibn Auf was Bashir's vice president and defence minister and is among a handful of Sudanese commanders whom Washington imposed sanctions on over their alleged role during atrocities committed in the Darfur conflict that began in 2003.

Announcing Bashir's ouster on Thursday and the creation of the military council, Ibn Auf also announced a state of emergency, a nationwide ceasefire and the suspension of the constitution, as well as the nighttime curfew from 10 pm to 4 am Those steps were criticised as heavy-handed by rights groups.

Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman was the third most senior general in the Sudanese armed forces and is not known in public life. He was the head of Sudan’s ground forces, a role in which he oversaw Sudanese troops that fought in the Saudi-led Yemen war.

Sudan's defence minister stepped down abruptly on Friday as head of the country's transitional ruling military council after only a day in the post, as protesters demanded quicker political change following President Omar al-Bashir's ouster by the armed forces.

Sudan's defence minister stepped down abruptly on Friday as head of the country's transitional ruling military council after only a day in the post, as protesters demanded quicker political change following President Omar al-Bashir's ouster by the armed forces. Hours after the military council sought to calm public anger by promising a new civilian government, Defence Minister Awad Ibn Auf said in a televised speech he was quitting as head of the council. Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan Abdelrahman will be the new head of the council, Ibn Auf said. He also said Chief of Staff Kamal Abdelmarouf al-Mahi was relieved of his position as deputy head of the transitional military council. "In order to ensure the cohesion of the security system, and the armed forces in particular, from cracks and strife, and relying on God, let us begin this path of change," Ibn Auf said. News of the change sparked joyful celebrations by many thousands in the streets of Khartoum as people chanted, "The second has fallen!" in reference to Bashir, witnesses said. "What happened is a step in the right direction and is a bow to the will of the masses, and we have become closer to victory," Rashid Saeed, a spokesman for the main protest group, the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), told Reuters. "We are committed to our demands that we submitted to the army," he said. "We call on the masses to stay on the streets until all the demands are met." The military council said earlier that it expected a pre-election transition to last two years at most or much less if chaos can be avoided. The head of the military council's political committee, Omar Zain al-Abideen, said the council would hold a dialogue with political entities. The announcement of a future civilian government appeared aimed at reassuring demonstrators who had pressed for months for Bashir's departure and quickly resumed protests against army rule after his ouster on Thursday, calling for quicker and more substantial change. In a clear challenge to Ibn Auf's military council, several thousand protesters remained in front of the defence ministry compound, and in other parts of the capital, as a nighttime curfew Ibn Auf had announced went into effect. The SPA said the military council was "not capable of creating change." In a statement, the group restated its demand for power to be handed immediately to "a transitional civilian government." Bashir, 75, himself seized power in a 1989 military coup. He had faced 16 weeks of demonstrations sparked by rising food costs, high unemployment and increasing repression during his three decades of autocratic rule. At least 16 people were killed and 20 injured by stray bullets at protests and sit-ins on Thursday and Friday, a Sudanese police spokesman said in a statement on Saturday. Government buildings and private property were also attacked, spokesman Hashem Ali added. He asked citizens to help ensure safety and public order. "We do not reject a military council in principle, but we reject these people because they are from Bashir's regime," said Abdelhamid Ahmed, a 24-year-old doctor. Ibn Auf was Bashir's vice president and defence minister and is among a handful of Sudanese commanders whom Washington imposed sanctions on over their alleged role during atrocities committed in the Darfur conflict that began in 2003. Announcing Bashir's ouster on Thursday and the creation of the military council, Ibn Auf also announced a state of emergency, a nationwide ceasefire and the suspension of the constitution, as well as the nighttime curfew from 10 pm to 4 am Those steps were criticised as heavy-handed by rights groups. Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman was the third most senior general in the Sudanese armed forces and is not known in public life. He was the head of Sudan’s ground forces, a role in which he oversaw Sudanese troops that fought in the Saudi-led Yemen war.

Sudan coup leader Awad Ibn Auf steps down, a day after Bashir toppled

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