<p>Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led backlash against French President Macron for cracking down on Extremism but now protests of a different kind have come knocking at his door.</p>

<p>Turkish youth has been protesting against their president. Hundreds of university student have been protesting in Istanbul for three days. This a rare sight in a country that has a history of crushing anti-govt demonstration within hours.</p>

<p>But these protests have continued for over 72 hours. The Turkish police tried to crack down but it only made the situation worse. The students with the support of their professors have refused to cede ground.</p>

<p>They say they will fight until the end.</p>

<p>"I am proud that my friends and I were able to meet up in such numbers and fight for what we want in such a context, I was also very happy to see the support of our professors yesterday. I’m also glad I can participate in this gathering in Kadikoy. I believe we will fight until the end." said Cinar Cifter, a recent graduate of Bogazici University.</p>

<p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-turkish-students-protest-against-erdogan-355244"><strong>WATCH|</strong></a></p>

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<p>These students are demonstrating against the appointment of an Erdogan loyalist as the rector of their university.</p>

<p>The Bogazici University in Istanbul is the most prestigious university in Turkey with a long-standing reputation for tolerance and intellectual independence.</p>

<p>The university was established as Robert College in 1863. To this day it follows the American higher education system. Erdogan sees this university as a threat. And that's why he wants to Turkicise it.</p>

<p>He appointed Melih Bulu as the university's new rector. He is a longtime Erdogan loyalist. He even contested elections on party ticket.</p>

<p>Erdogan issued a presidential decree on January 1 and appointed Bulu as the new rector. He is the first to be chosen from outside the university's community since the 1980 military coup.</p>

<p>The decision has been met with outrage. Students and faculty members at the university say that the appointment was made to curtail academic freedom. They say the university's liberal atmosphere and open-mindedness will be destroyed by this appointment.</p>

<p>"As you know, for a long time now, the AKP has increasingly consolidated its hold on the universities. The easiest way to do this is by appointing rectors. This has happened in many universities across our country, today is Bogazici university’s turn, but the students of Bogazici have come out to speak against this today," said Cihan Cicek, a student from Istanbul University.&nbsp;</p>

<p>So the protests continue.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Turkish police on Monday tried to clear protesters. They clashed with them and arrested dozens. But they failed to put an end to protests. It's been 3 days and the numbers are swelling. Students from other universities in Istanbul are converging to the protest site.</p>

<p>It's an awakening of sorts driven by the youth of Turkey. The result of almost a year of Erdogan trying to suppress threats and perceived threats. Now he has tried to target academic institutions. And he is feeling the heat.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led backlash against French President Macron for cracking down on Extremism but now protests of a different kind have come knocking at his door.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led backlash against French President Macron for cracking down on Extremism but now protests of a different kind have come knocking at his door. Turkish youth has been protesting against their president. Hundreds of university student have been protesting in Istanbul for three days. This a rare sight in a country that has a history of crushing anti-govt demonstration within hours. But these protests have continued for over 72 hours. The Turkish police tried to crack down but it only made the situation worse. The students with the support of their professors have refused to cede ground. They say they will fight until the end. "I am proud that my friends and I were able to meet up in such numbers and fight for what we want in such a context, I was also very happy to see the support of our professors yesterday. I’m also glad I can participate in this gathering in Kadikoy. I believe we will fight until the end." said Cinar Cifter, a recent graduate of Bogazici University. WATCH| × These students are demonstrating against the appointment of an Erdogan loyalist as the rector of their university. The Bogazici University in Istanbul is the most prestigious university in Turkey with a long-standing reputation for tolerance and intellectual independence. The university was established as Robert College in 1863. To this day it follows the American higher education system. Erdogan sees this university as a threat. And that's why he wants to Turkicise it. He appointed Melih Bulu as the university's new rector. He is a longtime Erdogan loyalist. He even contested elections on party ticket. Erdogan issued a presidential decree on January 1 and appointed Bulu as the new rector. He is the first to be chosen from outside the university's community since the 1980 military coup. The decision has been met with outrage. Students and faculty members at the university say that the appointment was made to curtail academic freedom. They say the university's liberal atmosphere and open-mindedness will be destroyed by this appointment. "As you know, for a long time now, the AKP has increasingly consolidated its hold on the universities. The easiest way to do this is by appointing rectors. This has happened in many universities across our country, today is Bogazici university’s turn, but the students of Bogazici have come out to speak against this today," said Cihan Cicek, a student from Istanbul University. So the protests continue. Turkish police on Monday tried to clear protesters. They clashed with them and arrested dozens. But they failed to put an end to protests. It's been 3 days and the numbers are swelling. Students from other universities in Istanbul are converging to the protest site. It's an awakening of sorts driven by the youth of Turkey. The result of almost a year of Erdogan trying to suppress threats and perceived threats. Now he has tried to target academic institutions. And he is feeling the heat.

Turkish President Erdogan feels the heat of student protests

<p>Students from Gilgit Baltistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) joined a students' protest in Lahore to demand the immediate release of political activists, including Baba Jan and his accomplices, who have been imprisoned for the past nine years.<br />
<br />
Baba Jan is serving a ninety-year sentence which is based on trumped-up charges. He is an activist who challenged the then Pakistani administration which was essentially working against the people of Gilgit Baltistan.<br />
<br />
A student leader from Gilgit Baltistan said, "Baba Jan and his nine accomplices have been incarcerated in the jail for the past nine years. They did absolutely nothing. All that he (Baba Jan) did was to hold a demonstration against the government. He has been sentenced for ninety years without any trial. Does any country under the sun have this provision of sentencing someone for ninety years? We don't know till now under which section he has been punished".<br />
<br />
The Pakistan establishment has used the draconian schedule IV of Anti-Terrorism Act in Gilgit Baltistan to muzzle the reasonable voices that resist its repression.<br />
<br />
It has framed dozens under the law not only to give itself a free rein to rule the region but also to send a threatening message to all sections of the society.<br />
"We are a completely different territory. We deserve to have our own rights. However, we do not have even the right to life, " said another student leader.<br />
<br />
Puppet governments in Gilgit and Muzaffarabad, which largely operate at the command of the feudal elite of Islamabad and Rawalpindi, have committed systematic human rights violations to suppress the people of the region and keep them marginalised.<br />
<br />
Pakistan makes huge claims at international platforms about working for the welfare of Kashmiri people but the ground reality reeks of a rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in the region.</p>


Students from Gilgit Baltistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) joined a students' protest in Lahore to demand the immediate release of political activists, including Baba Jan and his accomplices, who have been imprisoned for the past nine years.

Students from Gilgit Baltistan and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK) joined a students' protest in Lahore to demand the immediate release of political activists, including Baba Jan and his accomplices, who have been imprisoned for the past nine years. Baba Jan is serving a ninety-year sentence which is based on trumped-up charges. He is an activist who challenged the then Pakistani administration which was essentially working against the people of Gilgit Baltistan. A student leader from Gilgit Baltistan said, "Baba Jan and his nine accomplices have been incarcerated in the jail for the past nine years. They did absolutely nothing. All that he (Baba Jan) did was to hold a demonstration against the government. He has been sentenced for ninety years without any trial. Does any country under the sun have this provision of sentencing someone for ninety years? We don't know till now under which section he has been punished". The Pakistan establishment has used the draconian schedule IV of Anti-Terrorism Act in Gilgit Baltistan to muzzle the reasonable voices that resist its repression. It has framed dozens under the law not only to give itself a free rein to rule the region but also to send a threatening message to all sections of the society. "We are a completely different territory. We deserve to have our own rights. However, we do not have even the right to life, " said another student leader. Puppet governments in Gilgit and Muzaffarabad, which largely operate at the command of the feudal elite of Islamabad and Rawalpindi, have committed systematic human rights violations to suppress the people of the region and keep them marginalised. Pakistan makes huge claims at international platforms about working for the welfare of Kashmiri people but the ground reality reeks of a rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in the region.

Protests demanding release of Baba Jan resurface in Pakistan

<p>National Students' Union of India, the Congress' student wing, on Tuesday held a 'Chhatra Adhikaar Rally' in Delhi against the Central government's education policies.<br />
<br />
The rally focused on the condition of educational institutions, fee hike, privatisation of education under the New Education Policy 2019 and the alleged anti-student policies of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led NDA government in the country.<br />
<br />
The rally started from the Mandi House and culminated at the Parliamentary Street in Delhi.<br />
<br />
Senior Congress leaders including Ahmed Patel, KC Venugopal, Mukul Wasnik and Kirti Azad participated in the rally.</p>


National Students' Union of India, the Congress' student wing, on Tuesday held a 'Chhatra Adhikaar Rally' in Delhi against the Central government's education policies.

National Students' Union of India, the Congress' student wing, on Tuesday held a 'Chhatra Adhikaar Rally' in Delhi against the Central government's education policies. The rally focused on the condition of educational institutions, fee hike, privatisation of education under the New Education Policy 2019 and the alleged anti-student policies of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led NDA government in the country. The rally started from the Mandi House and culminated at the Parliamentary Street in Delhi. Senior Congress leaders including Ahmed Patel, KC Venugopal, Mukul Wasnik and Kirti Azad participated in the rally.

Delhi: NSUI holds rally against government's education policies

<p>The Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan on Sunday announced his government's plans to establish a "comprehensive and enforceable'' code of conduct for student unions to be restored throughout the South Asian country.</p>

<p>Khan asserted the role played by student unions in grooming the youth as potential leaders of the country.&nbsp;</p>

<p>"Universities groom future leaders of the country &amp; student unions form an integral part of this grooming. Unfortunately, in Pakistan universities' student unions became violent battlegrounds &amp; completely destroyed the intellectual atmosphere on campuses," he tweeted.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">We will establish a comprehensive &amp; enforceable code of conduct, learning from the best practices in internationally renowned universities, so that we can restore &amp; enable student unions to play their part in positively grooming our youth as future leaders of the country.</p>
— Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ImranKhanPTI/status/1201150440005615618?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>According to The Dawn, Khan's reaction came after people participated in a protest called the ''Student Solidarity March'', led by the Student Action Committee (SAC) on November 29.</p>

<p>"We will establish a comprehensive &amp; enforceable code of conduct, learning from the best practices in internationally renowned universities, so that we can restore &amp; enable student unions to play their part in positively grooming our youth as future leaders of the country," Khan added.</p>

<p>Students, supporters and activists across the country are demanding the restoration of student unions, demilitarisation of campuses, nationalisation of educational institutions and withdrawal of the recent fee hike from several universities, amongst other demands.<br />
<br />
The protesters are also pressing the government to reserve five per cent of the national GDP for education.</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from ANI)</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan on Sunday announced his government's plans to establish a "comprehensive and enforceable'' code of conduct for student unions to be restored throughout the South Asian country.

The Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan on Sunday announced his government's plans to establish a "comprehensive and enforceable'' code of conduct for student unions to be restored throughout the South Asian country. Khan asserted the role played by student unions in grooming the youth as potential leaders of the country. "Universities groom future leaders of the country & student unions form an integral part of this grooming. Unfortunately, in Pakistan universities' student unions became violent battlegrounds & completely destroyed the intellectual atmosphere on campuses," he tweeted. We will establish a comprehensive & enforceable code of conduct, learning from the best practices in internationally renowned universities, so that we can restore & enable student unions to play their part in positively grooming our youth as future leaders of the country. — Imran Khan (@ImranKhanPTI) December 1, 2019 × According to The Dawn, Khan's reaction came after people participated in a protest called the ''Student Solidarity March'', led by the Student Action Committee (SAC) on November 29. "We will establish a comprehensive & enforceable code of conduct, learning from the best practices in internationally renowned universities, so that we can restore & enable student unions to play their part in positively grooming our youth as future leaders of the country," Khan added. Students, supporters and activists across the country are demanding the restoration of student unions, demilitarisation of campuses, nationalisation of educational institutions and withdrawal of the recent fee hike from several universities, amongst other demands. The protesters are also pressing the government to reserve five per cent of the national GDP for education. (With inputs from ANI)

Pakistan government to establish code of conduct to restore student unions

<p>Several student organisations under the banner of Students Educational Alliance on Thursday continued their protests for the fourth consecutive day over alleged harassment and blackmail of students by some officials of Balochistan University.</p>

<p>The demonstrators, who staged their protest outside the Quetta Press Club, alleged that the Vice-Chancellor (VC) of the University of Balochistan (UoB) was responsible for the entire scandal as VC was the 'head of blackmailers and saviour of the culprits', reported Express Tribune.</p>

<p>The protesting students marched through the campus to put pressure on the officials to take action against the culprits.</p>

<p>Earlier on Wednesday, Professor Dr Kaleem Ullah Barech, representing the Academic Staff Association, while addressing a press conference, said: "The association has raised its voice against varsity administration, including its financial and ethical corruption, for last several years."</p>

<p>The scandal came to light about a month ago after the Balochistan High Court (BHC) directed the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) to investigate the reports of students being harassed at the varsity.</p>

<p>Later, FIA discovered that both male and female students were being blackmailed by some staff members through some 'objectionable' videos, recorded through CCTV cameras hidden at various spots on the campus including washrooms.</p>

<p>Balochistan Governor Amanullah Khan Yasinzai, who is also the chancellor of all provincial universities, on Thursday vowed to take strict action against those involved in the case.</p>

<p>"Whosoever found involved in demoralising educational structure in Balochistan will be brought to justice because the UoB's scandal has triggered anger in society," the governor said.</p>

<p>Urging the student organisations and teacher associations to refrain from provoking the society until completion of the FIA probe, he said: "The hooligans who harassed and blackmailed students would be dealt with strictly and punished for maligning the mother educational institution of Balochistan."</p>

<p>Condemning the scandal, Balochistan National Party's (BNP) Lashkari Raisani asked the Vice-Chancellor to resign. He also noted that the scandal had shaken the students' trust in educational institutions.</p>

<p>Taking cognizance, the Higher Education Commission (HEC) has placed the issue on the agenda of VC's meeting to be held on October 21.</p>

<p>"The meeting will discuss existing regulations that address such acts as well as additional measures that might be needed to make university campuses safe and secure places. The university heads will also discuss the funding issues of the higher learning institutions," HEC said in a press release.</p>


Several student organisations under the banner of Students Educational Alliance on Thursday continued their protests for the fourth consecutive day over alleged harassment and blackmail of students by some officials of Balochistan University.

Several student organisations under the banner of Students Educational Alliance on Thursday continued their protests for the fourth consecutive day over alleged harassment and blackmail of students by some officials of Balochistan University. The demonstrators, who staged their protest outside the Quetta Press Club, alleged that the Vice-Chancellor (VC) of the University of Balochistan (UoB) was responsible for the entire scandal as VC was the 'head of blackmailers and saviour of the culprits', reported Express Tribune. The protesting students marched through the campus to put pressure on the officials to take action against the culprits. Earlier on Wednesday, Professor Dr Kaleem Ullah Barech, representing the Academic Staff Association, while addressing a press conference, said: "The association has raised its voice against varsity administration, including its financial and ethical corruption, for last several years." The scandal came to light about a month ago after the Balochistan High Court (BHC) directed the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) to investigate the reports of students being harassed at the varsity. Later, FIA discovered that both male and female students were being blackmailed by some staff members through some 'objectionable' videos, recorded through CCTV cameras hidden at various spots on the campus including washrooms. Balochistan Governor Amanullah Khan Yasinzai, who is also the chancellor of all provincial universities, on Thursday vowed to take strict action against those involved in the case. "Whosoever found involved in demoralising educational structure in Balochistan will be brought to justice because the UoB's scandal has triggered anger in society," the governor said. Urging the student organisations and teacher associations to refrain from provoking the society until completion of the FIA probe, he said: "The hooligans who harassed and blackmailed students would be dealt with strictly and punished for maligning the mother educational institution of Balochistan." Condemning the scandal, Balochistan National Party's (BNP) Lashkari Raisani asked the Vice-Chancellor to resign. He also noted that the scandal had shaken the students' trust in educational institutions. Taking cognizance, the Higher Education Commission (HEC) has placed the issue on the agenda of VC's meeting to be held on October 21. "The meeting will discuss existing regulations that address such acts as well as additional measures that might be needed to make university campuses safe and secure places. The university heads will also discuss the funding issues of the higher learning institutions," HEC said in a press release.

Students of Balochistan University continue protests against campus harassment

<p>All universities, colleges and higher secondary schools in Kashmir will remain closed today as a&nbsp;precautionary measure after clashes broke out between students and security forces on Monday.</p>

<p>4G and 3G services were suspended in the valley on Monday and now the Jammu and Kashmir government is likely to also ban Facebook and WhatsApp in the days to come, Firstpost reported.</p>

<p>The report said it is purportedly being done to stop videos showing atrocities by security personnel from being circulated.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This is the third time the state&#39;s government has restricted internet services in the last two weeks.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Police fired tear gas on Monday to disperse students in the capital Srinagar, the latest outbreak of protests since demonstrations last week after a botched byelection in which at least eight people were killed, Reuters reported.</p>

<p>Some colleges were forced to close.</p>

<p>Students had clashed with security forces, protesting against an&nbsp;alleged raid by security personnel on the degree college in Pulwama on Saturday.</p>

<p>Greater Kashmir reported that more than 70 students were injured in the scuffle that broke out across different colleges and university campuses in Kashmir.</p>

<p>In Saturday&#39;s incident, at least fifty-four students, including girls, were injured during clashes outside Degree College Pulwama, Greater Kashmir reported.<br />
<br />
The incident has worsened the already tense situation prevailing in Kashmir after a video of a man strapped in front of an Army jeep had surfaced provoking strong reactions from people. Former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah had shared the video on his Twitter account.<br />
<br />
The Jammu&nbsp;and Kashmir Police filed a case against the local Indian Army unit for tying up a man in front of a jeep allegedly to ward off stone pelters.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Army spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Rajesh Kalia said the video&#39;s authenticity was being ascertained, adding, &quot;Action will be taken against those found guilty of misconduct.&quot;<br />
<br />
Militants have stepped up attacks in Kashmir including raids on the homes of police officers ever since the incident, Reuters reported.<br />
<br />
The state&#39;s police chief on Sunday told officers to avoid visiting their own homes in South Kashmir, after militants stormed the houses of at least four officers.</p>

<p>Militants also shot dead a lawyer affiliated with an opposition party and a former counter-insurgency commander, police said. A worker of the ruling party was killed late on Saturday.</p>

<p>Over the weekend two more videos circulated on social media showing workers of the ruling political party in Jammu and Kashmir renouncing mainstream politics, one of them beside a man wielding a gun.</p>

<p>Earlier, another video had surfaced showing protesters kicking and heckling a CRPF soldier&nbsp;who was on election duty. The Police filed a case on a complaint by the CRPF.</p>

<p>The situation in Kashmir took a turn for the worse on April 9 when the bypoll for the Srinagar Parliamentary constituency were scheduled. Eight people were killed as protesters sought to disrupt the election process.</p>

<p>The Election Commission had ordered a repoll in 38 polling stations. The overall polling percentage for the bypoll stood at a dismal 7.13 per cent, the worst Kashmir has seen after militancy erupted in the late 1980s.</p>

<p>National Conference president Farooq Abdullah won the by-poll defeating PDP&#39;s Nazir Khan. PDP, along with alliance partner BJP, is ruling the state.</p>

<p>(WION)&nbsp;</p>


Schools and colleges were also shut after clashes broke out on Monday between students and security forces

All universities, colleges and higher secondary schools in Kashmir will remain closed today as a precautionary measure after clashes broke out between students and security forces on Monday. 4G and 3G services were suspended in the valley on Monday and now the Jammu and Kashmir government is likely to also ban Facebook and WhatsApp in the days to come, Firstpost reported. The report said it is purportedly being done to stop videos showing atrocities by security personnel from being circulated. This is the third time the state's government has restricted internet services in the last two weeks. Police fired tear gas on Monday to disperse students in the capital Srinagar, the latest outbreak of protests since demonstrations last week after a botched byelection in which at least eight people were killed, Reuters reported. Some colleges were forced to close. Students had clashed with security forces, protesting against an alleged raid by security personnel on the degree college in Pulwama on Saturday. Greater Kashmir reported that more than 70 students were injured in the scuffle that broke out across different colleges and university campuses in Kashmir. In Saturday's incident, at least fifty-four students, including girls, were injured during clashes outside Degree College Pulwama, Greater Kashmir reported. The incident has worsened the already tense situation prevailing in Kashmir after a video of a man strapped in front of an Army jeep had surfaced provoking strong reactions from people. Former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah had shared the video on his Twitter account. The Jammu and Kashmir Police filed a case against the local Indian Army unit for tying up a man in front of a jeep allegedly to ward off stone pelters. Army spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Rajesh Kalia said the video's authenticity was being ascertained, adding, "Action will be taken against those found guilty of misconduct." Militants have stepped up attacks in Kashmir including raids on the homes of police officers ever since the incident, Reuters reported. The state's police chief on Sunday told officers to avoid visiting their own homes in South Kashmir, after militants stormed the houses of at least four officers. Militants also shot dead a lawyer affiliated with an opposition party and a former counter-insurgency commander, police said. A worker of the ruling party was killed late on Saturday. Over the weekend two more videos circulated on social media showing workers of the ruling political party in Jammu and Kashmir renouncing mainstream politics, one of them beside a man wielding a gun. Earlier, another video had surfaced showing protesters kicking and heckling a CRPF soldier who was on election duty. The Police filed a case on a complaint by the CRPF. The situation in Kashmir took a turn for the worse on April 9 when the bypoll for the Srinagar Parliamentary constituency were scheduled. Eight people were killed as protesters sought to disrupt the election process. The Election Commission had ordered a repoll in 38 polling stations. The overall polling percentage for the bypoll stood at a dismal 7.13 per cent, the worst Kashmir has seen after militancy erupted in the late 1980s. National Conference president Farooq Abdullah won the by-poll defeating PDP's Nazir Khan. PDP, along with alliance partner BJP, is ruling the state. (WION)

4G and 3G services suspended in Kashmir, Facebook and WhatsApp likely to be banned

<p>Recent incidents of violence by the student wing of Bharatiya Janata Party&ndash; Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad&ndash; to silence freedom of speech in Ramjas College, Delhi University, indicates the recursivity of intolerance that began with Hyderabad Central University and JNU, in the last couple of years. Several print and audiovisual media have chosen to call the incidents of 21st and 22nd February as &lsquo;clashes&rsquo; between two student organisations, but it is difficult to imagine how such &lsquo;clashes&rsquo; resulted in beating up of a university professor and several college professors, when they were present in solidarity, to a call for protest against violence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There is hardly any ambiguity in the unprovoked violence perpetrated by the defenders of intolerant nationalism, for whom uttering rape-threats to women protesters is as equally permissible as uttering glory for the mother nation. The politics of violence&ndash; using violence as a means to an end&ndash; has, consequently, become political violence&ndash; when violence becomes part of the expressed ideology of a political organisation. Without going into the debate on &lsquo;just&rsquo; violence and &lsquo;unjust&rsquo; violence, we can safely assume that the resistance to violence has to ascertain, as its first responsibility, refusal to fear such violence. The larger student movement in India, at this point of time, is thus poised at a critical juncture.</p>

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<h5>The politics of violence&ndash; using violence as a means to an end&ndash; has, consequently, become political violence&ndash; when violence becomes part of the expressed ideology of a political organisation.</h5>
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<p>We may take heart in the fact that in the last five years, students have led several mobilisations around citizens&rsquo; issues. It usually ranges from violence against women, caste atrocities, right to education, to one of the most important concerns in the contemporary times&ndash; the right to free speech and freedom of expression. Beginning with the mobilisations against Delhi Gang Rape in 2012, students from many university campuses across the country started with demanding accountability from the established political order. Use of social media along with large masses of protesting bodies on the street, shouting sarcastic slogans along with hand-painted cartoons on placards, chanting emotional appeals for freedom along with creating new heroes and a new iconography&ndash; all of them have been hallmarks of contemporary student and youth mobilisations.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In reply, diktats have been handed down by different agencies of the state, especially the law enforcement and bureaucracy. The diktats have frequently been implemented through violence&ndash; from denial of legitimate demands and violation of constitutional rights, to water cannons and lathi charges.</p>

<p>We must also remember that in all these forms of violence, student and youth wings of the party in power have repeatedly colluded with the bureaucracy and the law enforcement agencies, in the name of defending nationalism. Quite clearly, the boundaries have been drawn by an intolerant definition of nationalism that refuses to understand diversity within the nation. &nbsp;They have been making efforts to forcibly silence what the larger student population has been articulating through debates and dissent.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The vulnerability of students and youth is defined by social scientists as &lsquo;precarity&rsquo;. The complexity of &lsquo;precariousness&rsquo; of this global generation is circumscribed by the economic and social policies of the countries they inhabit, as well as the cultural environment in which they exist.</h5>
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<p>A large section of university and college teachers have stood in the past couple of years in support of students&rsquo; resistance against forced silence. Violence meted out to those teachers are also intensifying at various levels: from covert and overt bureaucratic intimidation like serving notices for ostensibly violating university rules, suspension from service on trumped-up charges to beating them up in public spaces like law courts and streets. It is, therefore, extremely vital for people who exist at the receiving end of acts and threats of violence, to understand the larger context within which the student and youth of contemporary India is placed.</p>

<p>Social scientists have argued that the post 2010 mobilisations across the world &ndash; some of them in Tunisia, Egypt, Paris, New York, Belgium, Poland, and Germany &ndash; are revolts of the &lsquo;precarious generation&rsquo;. Having grown up in a neoliberal environment of income insecurity, the contemporary generation of college and university students has little expectation from the state-sponsored safety nets. There is almost no assurance of work or public services and the chances have now worsened with the global financial crisis.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The vulnerability of students and youth is defined by social scientists as &lsquo;precarity&rsquo;. The complexity of &lsquo;precariousness&rsquo; of this global generation is circumscribed by the economic and social policies of the countries they inhabit, as well as the cultural environment in which they exist. In India, with a decline in agriculture and high levels of farmers&rsquo; suicide--the vulnerability of the urban migrant labour, which is often largely a young male population--and the politicisation of caste or class configurations in urban pockets of metropolises, have contributed to this &lsquo;precariousness&rsquo; experienced by different sections of the youth.&nbsp;</p>

<p>After 17th January 2016 when Rohith Vemula, a PhD student in Hyderabad Central University committed suicide owing to repeated harassment by the university authority, the nature of political violence has taken a new turn. The scope and character of the youth mobilisation widened as Vemula&rsquo;s poignant suicide note struck a somber, deeper note of sorrow alongside anger and anxiety. The disappearance of Najib, a student of JNU, under suspicious circumstances has now intensified the &lsquo;precariousness&rsquo; of university students. University campuses across India are slow-burning with anxiety and desperation, as significant cuts in funding the public university system in the last five years has begun to affect the future of the aspiring youth.</p>

<p>Education, especially higher education, had been an accepted mode of upward mobility in India for a long time. The implementation of corrective policies in the university system and the required rigorous follow up, have suffered a great deal due to the confusing orders emerging from the governing bodies of public universities. If India wants to stand behind its new generation of political activists, who are battling to save basic democratic values, she must understand how and why they have been pushed into such precarious conditions of existence, she must recognise that glory and threats of rape cannot be uttered in the same breath.</p>


Resistance to violence has to ascertain, as its first responsibility, refusal to fear such violence

Recent incidents of violence by the student wing of Bharatiya Janata Party– Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad– to silence freedom of speech in Ramjas College, Delhi University, indicates the recursivity of intolerance that began with Hyderabad Central University and JNU, in the last couple of years. Several print and audiovisual media have chosen to call the incidents of 21st and 22nd February as ‘clashes’ between two student organisations, but it is difficult to imagine how such ‘clashes’ resulted in beating up of a university professor and several college professors, when they were present in solidarity, to a call for protest against violence. There is hardly any ambiguity in the unprovoked violence perpetrated by the defenders of intolerant nationalism, for whom uttering rape-threats to women protesters is as equally permissible as uttering glory for the mother nation. The politics of violence– using violence as a means to an end– has, consequently, become political violence– when violence becomes part of the expressed ideology of a political organisation. Without going into the debate on ‘just’ violence and ‘unjust’ violence, we can safely assume that the resistance to violence has to ascertain, as its first responsibility, refusal to fear such violence. The larger student movement in India, at this point of time, is thus poised at a critical juncture. The politics of violence– using violence as a means to an end– has, consequently, become political violence– when violence becomes part of the expressed ideology of a political organisation. × We may take heart in the fact that in the last five years, students have led several mobilisations around citizens’ issues. It usually ranges from violence against women, caste atrocities, right to education, to one of the most important concerns in the contemporary times– the right to free speech and freedom of expression. Beginning with the mobilisations against Delhi Gang Rape in 2012, students from many university campuses across the country started with demanding accountability from the established political order. Use of social media along with large masses of protesting bodies on the street, shouting sarcastic slogans along with hand-painted cartoons on placards, chanting emotional appeals for freedom along with creating new heroes and a new iconography– all of them have been hallmarks of contemporary student and youth mobilisations. In reply, diktats have been handed down by different agencies of the state, especially the law enforcement and bureaucracy. The diktats have frequently been implemented through violence– from denial of legitimate demands and violation of constitutional rights, to water cannons and lathi charges. We must also remember that in all these forms of violence, student and youth wings of the party in power have repeatedly colluded with the bureaucracy and the law enforcement agencies, in the name of defending nationalism. Quite clearly, the boundaries have been drawn by an intolerant definition of nationalism that refuses to understand diversity within the nation. They have been making efforts to forcibly silence what the larger student population has been articulating through debates and dissent. The vulnerability of students and youth is defined by social scientists as ‘precarity’. The complexity of ‘precariousness’ of this global generation is circumscribed by the economic and social policies of the countries they inhabit, as well as the cultural environment in which they exist. × A large section of university and college teachers have stood in the past couple of years in support of students’ resistance against forced silence. Violence meted out to those teachers are also intensifying at various levels: from covert and overt bureaucratic intimidation like serving notices for ostensibly violating university rules, suspension from service on trumped-up charges to beating them up in public spaces like law courts and streets. It is, therefore, extremely vital for people who exist at the receiving end of acts and threats of violence, to understand the larger context within which the student and youth of contemporary India is placed. Social scientists have argued that the post 2010 mobilisations across the world – some of them in Tunisia, Egypt, Paris, New York, Belgium, Poland, and Germany – are revolts of the ‘precarious generation’. Having grown up in a neoliberal environment of income insecurity, the contemporary generation of college and university students has little expectation from the state-sponsored safety nets. There is almost no assurance of work or public services and the chances have now worsened with the global financial crisis. The vulnerability of students and youth is defined by social scientists as ‘precarity’. The complexity of ‘precariousness’ of this global generation is circumscribed by the economic and social policies of the countries they inhabit, as well as the cultural environment in which they exist. In India, with a decline in agriculture and high levels of farmers’ suicide--the vulnerability of the urban migrant labour, which is often largely a young male population--and the politicisation of caste or class configurations in urban pockets of metropolises, have contributed to this ‘precariousness’ experienced by different sections of the youth. After 17th January 2016 when Rohith Vemula, a PhD student in Hyderabad Central University committed suicide owing to repeated harassment by the university authority, the nature of political violence has taken a new turn. The scope and character of the youth mobilisation widened as Vemula’s poignant suicide note struck a somber, deeper note of sorrow alongside anger and anxiety. The disappearance of Najib, a student of JNU, under suspicious circumstances has now intensified the ‘precariousness’ of university students. University campuses across India are slow-burning with anxiety and desperation, as significant cuts in funding the public university system in the last five years has begun to affect the future of the aspiring youth. Education, especially higher education, had been an accepted mode of upward mobility in India for a long time. The implementation of corrective policies in the university system and the required rigorous follow up, have suffered a great deal due to the confusing orders emerging from the governing bodies of public universities. If India wants to stand behind its new generation of political activists, who are battling to save basic democratic values, she must understand how and why they have been pushed into such precarious conditions of existence, she must recognise that glory and threats of rape cannot be uttered in the same breath.

Ramjas College and beyond: Precarious lives and structures of violence

<p>Historically, the universities in India have reproduced hegemonic social values and perpetuated social hierarchies. Yet, on its margins, university and college campuses provide spaces where the young minds can get exposed to a multiplicity of perspectives &minus; including oppositional and counter-hegemonic perspectives &minus; on various social, cultural and political issues. This makes universities a contradictory space.</p>

<p>Much more than classroom learning, the broadening of the horizons of critical thinking happens outside the classroom through activities like seminars, theatre, film and documentary screening, and participation in political activities. Most of the times, the political content of these activities is not to the liking of the votaries of the Hindutva. Alongside, in recent times, the university campuses have also seen the political assertion of historical oppressed identities that provide a powerful challenge to the established social hierarchies. This happened partly due to the changing demographic composition of the university students in the last couple of decades due to the constitutionally mandated socially inclusive policies.</p>

<p>For example, in many university campuses a movement like Pinjra Tod has been gaining popularity in last couple of years. Pinjra Tod began as a movement against oppressive hostel rules curtailing women students&rsquo; freedom of movement, but now has become a movement taking up many issues concerning women students. There are also events and activities around the issues of gay and queer rights and expressions. Both these movements have become sources of paranoia and anxiety for the culture of masculinity that Hindu nationalism has always promoted.</p>

<p>Then there is the emphatic assertion of dalit-bahujan politics on college and university campus that challenges and inverts Hinduism&rsquo;s religious myths, as we saw in the controversy around the celebration of Mahishasur on the JNU campus. In addition, There are also left ideological groups active in various campuses, which, in their own ways, continuously challenge the narratives of culture, politics and economy promoted by Hindutva politics and present strong counter-narratives of their own. They often organise programmes related to human rights record of the Indian state; in the process raising isuues related to Kashmir, Bastar, AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), the displacements of people by various development projects.</p>

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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>All these activities cause serious paranoia and fear among Hindutva groups. Unwilling or unable to respond to all these political challenges, the ABVP has often resorted to violent means in recent past. One strategy that is frequently used by the ABVP for justifying its violence or threats of violence against groups and activities it doesn&rsquo;t approve of is of naming them &lsquo;anti-national&rsquo; or &lsquo;anti-Hindu.&rsquo; The artificial binary of nationalism-&lsquo;anti-national&rsquo; works well for them as a strategy as it puts the opponents on the defensive. In this way, in most such cases, the right wing groups try to control the debate in the public sphere by presenting it as nationalism versus freedom of speech, as if there is a necessary contradiction between the two, wherein the latter faces its ultimate limit at the frontier of nationalism. In this construction of a binary between the two, it is largely forgotten that nation is a continuously changing entity and the limits and scope of the freedom of citizens can never be fixed at any given point in time. Thus it is either outright stupid or a willful pretense of ignorance to say that words like azadi/freedom used in students&rsquo; slogans can only mean advocacy of secessionism.</p>

<p>Nations and nationalism cannot forever limit the possibilities inherent in human freedom and human becoming. The actually existing relation between nationalism and the rights of citizens at any given point defines what kind of nationalism should be acceptable. It is only in the extremely oppressive and claustrophobic version of Hindutva nationalism that citizens&rsquo; freedoms are sought be continuously limited and constricted. But it would be wrong to frame the debate over rights and freedoms guaranteed in the Constitution in the narrow liberal framework of a defence of abstract formal rights of individuals or groups. The freedom of speech should be taken as the very precondition on which depend the possibility of politics as an instrument of social and cultural transformation as well as an enabling condition for the contest over the definition, form and content of nationhood. Thus, another important part of the same strategy of the right-wing groups is to continuously keep invoking the spectre of external and internal enemies threatening the nation, thereby reducing politics to the question of unity of the nation against enemies.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>For right-wing groups, the obsessive invocation of the unity against external enemy is nothing but a strategy of perpetuating existing social hierarchies and dominance</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In this way, right-wing politics, in India and everywhere else, tends to divert attention away from the issues of social divisions, dominance, hegemony and oppressions within the nation. The democratic politics, on the other hand, brings these into view and makes possible the articulation of counter-hegemonic struggles. Thus, for right-wing groups, the obsessive invocation of the unity against external enemy is nothing but a strategy of perpetuating existing social hierarchies and dominance. The democratic political contest continuously keeps the internal social composition of the nation open to question and transformation through counter-hegemonic struggles.</p>

<p>The debate or clash, then, is really between various possibilities of collective national existence. Why can&rsquo;t, for instance, we ask for a more federal India wherein the states have much more power than in the existing constitutional arrangement? Is that also anti-national? Because of its extremely oppressive and dark record of nationalism in the last century, particularly in the inter-War years, but also in the 1990s, nation as a desirable form of political community is being questioned in the contemporary political-theoretical discourse all around the world. The argument that its best defenders put forward in its defense is that it is the only viable form of political community that can secure and guarantee a framework of universal rights. However, nationalisms that continuously threaten to limit the scope of rights and freedoms are recipes for totalitarianism.</p>

<p>The question of freedom of speech and expression in India should be considered in its multiple aspects. One is its formal-legal aspect as a fundamental right guaranteed under the Constitution. The other aspect is political. To what extent this right can be exercised in different situations depends on the balance of political forces on the ground. Historically, in the continuously evolving political culture of democracy in India, the value of individual rights and freedoms is yet to take deep enough roots for it to have a prominent place in this culture. In any case not all freedoms are protected equally. For instance the freedom to criticise and raise voice against caste and gender based oppressions does not find protection on the ground in most situations.</p>

<p>The most disturbing part of the political culture of democracy in India is that, not only the executive organs of the state like police and administration, but also the political parties &ndash; an essential component of any modern democracy &ndash; have not shown the willingness to take a stand for the defence of individual rights. And there is no exception to this, including the record of the left parties in West Bengal and Kerala.</p>

<p>Yet, there are reasons why it can be argued that, with respect of protection of rights of individual freedom and of autonomy of academic institutions, the BJP, as a political party, now the party in power, is different from other political parties in India because of its connection to the RSS. The RSS as a cultural organisation desires total interpretive control over culture and education. The RSS seeks to establish, as part of its agenda of Hindu rashtra, an exclusive interpretative control over the meaning of nationalism, a definition of the nation&rsquo;s culture, and also over the nation&rsquo;s past and history. This is what makes the RSS-BJP-ABVP as a combined political force far more interventionist in the academic and political spaces of universities and colleges than most other political parties, if not all.</p>


Nationalism that continuously threatens to limit the scope of rights and freedom-- is recipe for totalitarianism

Historically, the universities in India have reproduced hegemonic social values and perpetuated social hierarchies. Yet, on its margins, university and college campuses provide spaces where the young minds can get exposed to a multiplicity of perspectives − including oppositional and counter-hegemonic perspectives − on various social, cultural and political issues. This makes universities a contradictory space. Much more than classroom learning, the broadening of the horizons of critical thinking happens outside the classroom through activities like seminars, theatre, film and documentary screening, and participation in political activities. Most of the times, the political content of these activities is not to the liking of the votaries of the Hindutva. Alongside, in recent times, the university campuses have also seen the political assertion of historical oppressed identities that provide a powerful challenge to the established social hierarchies. This happened partly due to the changing demographic composition of the university students in the last couple of decades due to the constitutionally mandated socially inclusive policies. For example, in many university campuses a movement like Pinjra Tod has been gaining popularity in last couple of years. Pinjra Tod began as a movement against oppressive hostel rules curtailing women students’ freedom of movement, but now has become a movement taking up many issues concerning women students. There are also events and activities around the issues of gay and queer rights and expressions. Both these movements have become sources of paranoia and anxiety for the culture of masculinity that Hindu nationalism has always promoted. Then there is the emphatic assertion of dalit-bahujan politics on college and university campus that challenges and inverts Hinduism’s religious myths, as we saw in the controversy around the celebration of Mahishasur on the JNU campus. In addition, There are also left ideological groups active in various campuses, which, in their own ways, continuously challenge the narratives of culture, politics and economy promoted by Hindutva politics and present strong counter-narratives of their own. They often organise programmes related to human rights record of the Indian state; in the process raising isuues related to Kashmir, Bastar, AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), the displacements of people by various development projects. The right wing groups try to control the debate in the public sphere by presenting it as nationalism versus freedom of speech, as if there is a necessary contradiction between the two × All these activities cause serious paranoia and fear among Hindutva groups. Unwilling or unable to respond to all these political challenges, the ABVP has often resorted to violent means in recent past. One strategy that is frequently used by the ABVP for justifying its violence or threats of violence against groups and activities it doesn’t approve of is of naming them ‘anti-national’ or ‘anti-Hindu.’ The artificial binary of nationalism-‘anti-national’ works well for them as a strategy as it puts the opponents on the defensive. In this way, in most such cases, the right wing groups try to control the debate in the public sphere by presenting it as nationalism versus freedom of speech, as if there is a necessary contradiction between the two, wherein the latter faces its ultimate limit at the frontier of nationalism. In this construction of a binary between the two, it is largely forgotten that nation is a continuously changing entity and the limits and scope of the freedom of citizens can never be fixed at any given point in time. Thus it is either outright stupid or a willful pretense of ignorance to say that words like azadi/freedom used in students’ slogans can only mean advocacy of secessionism. Nations and nationalism cannot forever limit the possibilities inherent in human freedom and human becoming. The actually existing relation between nationalism and the rights of citizens at any given point defines what kind of nationalism should be acceptable. It is only in the extremely oppressive and claustrophobic version of Hindutva nationalism that citizens’ freedoms are sought be continuously limited and constricted. But it would be wrong to frame the debate over rights and freedoms guaranteed in the Constitution in the narrow liberal framework of a defence of abstract formal rights of individuals or groups. The freedom of speech should be taken as the very precondition on which depend the possibility of politics as an instrument of social and cultural transformation as well as an enabling condition for the contest over the definition, form and content of nationhood. Thus, another important part of the same strategy of the right-wing groups is to continuously keep invoking the spectre of external and internal enemies threatening the nation, thereby reducing politics to the question of unity of the nation against enemies. For right-wing groups, the obsessive invocation of the unity against external enemy is nothing but a strategy of perpetuating existing social hierarchies and dominance × In this way, right-wing politics, in India and everywhere else, tends to divert attention away from the issues of social divisions, dominance, hegemony and oppressions within the nation. The democratic politics, on the other hand, brings these into view and makes possible the articulation of counter-hegemonic struggles. Thus, for right-wing groups, the obsessive invocation of the unity against external enemy is nothing but a strategy of perpetuating existing social hierarchies and dominance. The democratic political contest continuously keeps the internal social composition of the nation open to question and transformation through counter-hegemonic struggles. The debate or clash, then, is really between various possibilities of collective national existence. Why can’t, for instance, we ask for a more federal India wherein the states have much more power than in the existing constitutional arrangement? Is that also anti-national? Because of its extremely oppressive and dark record of nationalism in the last century, particularly in the inter-War years, but also in the 1990s, nation as a desirable form of political community is being questioned in the contemporary political-theoretical discourse all around the world. The argument that its best defenders put forward in its defense is that it is the only viable form of political community that can secure and guarantee a framework of universal rights. However, nationalisms that continuously threaten to limit the scope of rights and freedoms are recipes for totalitarianism. The question of freedom of speech and expression in India should be considered in its multiple aspects. One is its formal-legal aspect as a fundamental right guaranteed under the Constitution. The other aspect is political. To what extent this right can be exercised in different situations depends on the balance of political forces on the ground. Historically, in the continuously evolving political culture of democracy in India, the value of individual rights and freedoms is yet to take deep enough roots for it to have a prominent place in this culture. In any case not all freedoms are protected equally. For instance the freedom to criticise and raise voice against caste and gender based oppressions does not find protection on the ground in most situations. The most disturbing part of the political culture of democracy in India is that, not only the executive organs of the state like police and administration, but also the political parties – an essential component of any modern democracy – have not shown the willingness to take a stand for the defence of individual rights. And there is no exception to this, including the record of the left parties in West Bengal and Kerala. Yet, there are reasons why it can be argued that, with respect of protection of rights of individual freedom and of autonomy of academic institutions, the BJP, as a political party, now the party in power, is different from other political parties in India because of its connection to the RSS. The RSS as a cultural organisation desires total interpretive control over culture and education. The RSS seeks to establish, as part of its agenda of Hindu rashtra, an exclusive interpretative control over the meaning of nationalism, a definition of the nation’s culture, and also over the nation’s past and history. This is what makes the RSS-BJP-ABVP as a combined political force far more interventionist in the academic and political spaces of universities and colleges than most other political parties, if not all.

Hindutva nationalism, democracy and fear of university speech

<p>I teach at Ramjas College, University of Delhi, the epicentre of an extremely visible clash of ideologies. This clash of ideas has been seen on television, as has been the physical fights that took place around the University last week. It is difficult to speak about the possibility of a centrist, liberal, democratic and rational voice, at a time when the shrill notes of the Left and the Right ideologues--television anchors included-- are overwhelming any attempt to articulate alternative positions. But precisely because it is difficult, it must be attempted. This moment of crisis can become a moment of rupture, leading to the emergence of fresh key words to help us imagine an India of the future.</p>

<p>I have to begin with a technical caveat, and the assumption behind this caveat cannot be viewed as frivolous, since its basis draws from nothing less than the preamble to the Constitution of India. And here is the caveat: &lsquo;Every political party in India is socialist.&rsquo; How? All political parties in India must swear by the Constitution. And what does the preamble, the &lsquo;key&rsquo; to the Constitution, say? That we are--a &lsquo;Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic&rsquo;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Ergo, all parties are socialists.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>But the important caveat to the caveat is this: the words secular and socialist were added during the national Emergency, in what is known as the (in)famous 42nd Amendment(s) to the Constitution in 1976. Lots of things changed in the Constitution. Fundamental Duties were introduced. You had to preserve not just the unity, but also the integrity of India. So here it is, straight down the line.</p>

<p>The emergency legitimised two polarised discourses, embracing Left and Right. One side got &lsquo;secular&rsquo; and &lsquo;socialist&rsquo;, the other &lsquo;integrity with unity&rsquo;, and &lsquo;fundamental duties&rsquo;. The logical extention&nbsp;of this argument does not prove the obvious: that Mrs Gandhi was the Centre that held these two positions together. She could assume either side&rsquo;s position to fit specific political goals. The centre was just a vacant space, perpetually suggested as a spatial anchor for Left and Right, but perpetually absent in practice.</p>

<p>There was no Centre. There still is not!</p>

<p>The absence of a centre in India presents a challenge. Whenever the Congress or the BJP is referred to as being centrist, it never is in a nice way. When the Congress fails to be Left enough, the Left accused it of being centrist. The same happens when the extreme Right finds the BJP testing liberal positions, especially with regard to the economy.</p>

<p>The genesis of the problem lies in our universities. We have for too long been entrapped by doctrinaire ideologies.</p>

<p>When socialism was raging through our campuses, even Bollywood was socialist. Raj Kapoor&rsquo;s classics, and Guru Dutt&rsquo;s Pyasa immediately spring to mind. When Nehru gifted JNU to the Left, it was a compact &ndash; we&rsquo;ll run the state, you run the universities. This is not to argue that Left has not produced stalwart scholars. But no good thing lasts forever.</p>

<p>Eventually the enforcement of a singularly predominant way of thinking begins to stultify questioning. Contrary positions are shut out, history misrepresented, and unproblematised self-perpetuating discourses are relentlessly propagated. The tragedy is that the Right has taken their exclusion to heart. And decided it must shut the Left out of our universities once it has assumed power. And now, it has. Unfortunately for the Right, it lacks the intellectual might to take on the Left. Ergo, the use of muscle, or what might be called the instruments of the hard state &ndash; courts, sedition charges, and so on.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Unfortunately for the Right, it lacks the intellectual might to take on the Left. Ergo, the use of muscle, or what might be called the instruments of the hard state</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In all of this the centrist, liberal and perhaps critical questions--often about one side, and at times about the other, and sometimes even about itself--get subsumed by either the Left or the Right. By liberal, I am attempting to identify those who do not wished to labelled either Left or Right, but often take positions that can touch and be inflected by one side of the political spectrum or the other.&nbsp;</p>

<p>I recall a wonderful book by Parth J Shah and Naveen Mandava called Law, Liberty and Livelihood - Making A Living On The Street. This was the work of a libertarian think tank. The basis question posed was this: &ldquo;After the 1991 liberalisation, the poor do not seem to have gained as much as the rich. How can you carry out liberalisation only for the rich and expect the poor to benefit? The truth is there has been hardly any liberalisation for the working poor.&rdquo;</p>

<p>The question posed above&nbsp;is significant. It clearly supports economic liberalisation, but wants more of it for the poor. Now this is the sort of position you will rarely find in universities, let alone in Indian public discourse. You will find either supporters of liberalisation, or its detractors. Few will ask the critical questions that can prise open the important spaces that lie in between.</p>

<p>Old ideologies often fail to define new positions. Bright young people with active and political imaginations are rethinking the way they wish to engage with the world. They pick and choose a bit of this and a bit of that. There is no defined slot you can push them into. The old way fears the emergence of a dystopian post-ideological world where politics is blunted and praxis is replaced by T shirt slogans.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But people who ask interesting new questions often find interesting new answers. Such questioning and such answers might not appear to be inflected with the type of ideological purity demanded by the Left and the Right, but they cannot be wished away. The older ideological positions continue to remain dominant, but their edges are frayed and crumbling.</p>

<p>The centre is crying out to be occupied. Wonder who&rsquo;ll get there first.&nbsp;</p>


Our universities are suffering because they have been entrapped by doctrinaire ideologies for far too long

I teach at Ramjas College, University of Delhi, the epicentre of an extremely visible clash of ideologies. This clash of ideas has been seen on television, as has been the physical fights that took place around the University last week. It is difficult to speak about the possibility of a centrist, liberal, democratic and rational voice, at a time when the shrill notes of the Left and the Right ideologues--television anchors included-- are overwhelming any attempt to articulate alternative positions. But precisely because it is difficult, it must be attempted. This moment of crisis can become a moment of rupture, leading to the emergence of fresh key words to help us imagine an India of the future. I have to begin with a technical caveat, and the assumption behind this caveat cannot be viewed as frivolous, since its basis draws from nothing less than the preamble to the Constitution of India. And here is the caveat: ‘Every political party in India is socialist.’ How? All political parties in India must swear by the Constitution. And what does the preamble, the ‘key’ to the Constitution, say? That we are--a ‘Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic’. Ergo, all parties are socialists. The centre was just a vacant space, perpetually suggested as a spatial anchor for Left and Right, but perpetually absent in practice × But the important caveat to the caveat is this: the words secular and socialist were added during the national Emergency, in what is known as the (in)famous 42nd Amendment(s) to the Constitution in 1976. Lots of things changed in the Constitution. Fundamental Duties were introduced. You had to preserve not just the unity, but also the integrity of India. So here it is, straight down the line. The emergency legitimised two polarised discourses, embracing Left and Right. One side got ‘secular’ and ‘socialist’, the other ‘integrity with unity’, and ‘fundamental duties’. The logical extention of this argument does not prove the obvious: that Mrs Gandhi was the Centre that held these two positions together. She could assume either side’s position to fit specific political goals. The centre was just a vacant space, perpetually suggested as a spatial anchor for Left and Right, but perpetually absent in practice. There was no Centre. There still is not! The absence of a centre in India presents a challenge. Whenever the Congress or the BJP is referred to as being centrist, it never is in a nice way. When the Congress fails to be Left enough, the Left accused it of being centrist. The same happens when the extreme Right finds the BJP testing liberal positions, especially with regard to the economy. The genesis of the problem lies in our universities. We have for too long been entrapped by doctrinaire ideologies. When socialism was raging through our campuses, even Bollywood was socialist. Raj Kapoor’s classics, and Guru Dutt’s Pyasa immediately spring to mind. When Nehru gifted JNU to the Left, it was a compact – we’ll run the state, you run the universities. This is not to argue that Left has not produced stalwart scholars. But no good thing lasts forever. Eventually the enforcement of a singularly predominant way of thinking begins to stultify questioning. Contrary positions are shut out, history misrepresented, and unproblematised self-perpetuating discourses are relentlessly propagated. The tragedy is that the Right has taken their exclusion to heart. And decided it must shut the Left out of our universities once it has assumed power. And now, it has. Unfortunately for the Right, it lacks the intellectual might to take on the Left. Ergo, the use of muscle, or what might be called the instruments of the hard state – courts, sedition charges, and so on. Unfortunately for the Right, it lacks the intellectual might to take on the Left. Ergo, the use of muscle, or what might be called the instruments of the hard state × In all of this the centrist, liberal and perhaps critical questions--often about one side, and at times about the other, and sometimes even about itself--get subsumed by either the Left or the Right. By liberal, I am attempting to identify those who do not wished to labelled either Left or Right, but often take positions that can touch and be inflected by one side of the political spectrum or the other. I recall a wonderful book by Parth J Shah and Naveen Mandava called Law, Liberty and Livelihood - Making A Living On The Street. This was the work of a libertarian think tank. The basis question posed was this: “After the 1991 liberalisation, the poor do not seem to have gained as much as the rich. How can you carry out liberalisation only for the rich and expect the poor to benefit? The truth is there has been hardly any liberalisation for the working poor.” The question posed above is significant. It clearly supports economic liberalisation, but wants more of it for the poor. Now this is the sort of position you will rarely find in universities, let alone in Indian public discourse. You will find either supporters of liberalisation, or its detractors. Few will ask the critical questions that can prise open the important spaces that lie in between. Old ideologies often fail to define new positions. Bright young people with active and political imaginations are rethinking the way they wish to engage with the world. They pick and choose a bit of this and a bit of that. There is no defined slot you can push them into. The old way fears the emergence of a dystopian post-ideological world where politics is blunted and praxis is replaced by T shirt slogans. But people who ask interesting new questions often find interesting new answers. Such questioning and such answers might not appear to be inflected with the type of ideological purity demanded by the Left and the Right, but they cannot be wished away. The older ideological positions continue to remain dominant, but their edges are frayed and crumbling. The centre is crying out to be occupied. Wonder who’ll get there first.

Ramjas College: Indefinite struggle of the Left, Right and the 'Centre'

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