From greeting foreign leaders to heading regional summits, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is taking over the reins from his elderly father and becoming Saudi Arabia's uncrowned king.On The West Asia Post, Ghadi Francis tells you what this means for the region.

The West Asia Post| Crown prince MBS holds the reins of power

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman may feel that the global pandemic and its economic fallout are the more immediate of his problems as the kingdom gradually lifts restrictions put in place to stymie the spread of the coronavirus.

However, looming large on the horizon is a potential rift with the United States as a result of the kingdom’s price war with Russia that contributed to the collapse of oil markets and an existential crisis for America’s shale industry.

US President Donald Trump is believed to be weighing a ban on import of Saudi oil in a bid to force the kingdom to reroute tankers carrying some 40 million barrels of crude to the United States.

More fundamentally, Prince Mohammed has put the kingdom’s relationship with the United States at risk without having any real alternative options at a time that an agreement among oil producers to cut production amounts to at best a timeout in a price war that is all about market share.

The price war has further strained Saudi Arabia’s ties to the US Congress, already troubled by the war in Yemen, the kingdom’s record of human rights abuse, and the killing and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018.

Saudi judiciary reforms in the past week, including abolishing flogging as a legal punishment and death sentences for people who committed crimes as minors, constituted an effort to respond to criticism but were unlikely to turn the tide.

Speaking for Congressmen representing US shale states, North Dakota Senator Kevin Cramer warned that “Saudi Arabia’s next steps will determine whether our strategic partnership is salvageable.”

Salvaging Saudi-US relations may be Prince Mohammed’s only option.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is unlikely to have taken kindly to a reported shouting match in a phone call with the crown prince at the outset of the price war.

Signalling that the production cuts are a ceasefire rather than an end to the war, Saudi Arabia and Russia continue to fight it out on oil markets with the kingdom undercutting Russia with discounts and special offers, according to a Reuters investigation.

Strained relations did not prevent the two countries from moving forward with an agreement on Russian wheat sales to the kingdom. A first Russian shipment of 60,000 tons set sail for Saudi Arabia earlier this month.

Irrespective of the state of Saudi-Russian relations, Russia’s call for replacing the US defence umbrella in the Gulf with a multi-lateral security arrangement that would involve the United States, as well as China, Europe, and India, is a skeleton with no flesh.

Russia has neither the wherewithal nor the will to shoulder responsibility for Gulf security. Nor do others, envisioned by Russia as a participant in a revised Gulf security arrangement.

The proposal, moreover, is a stillborn baby as long as Saudi Arabia refuses to engage with Iran with no pre-conditions. The kingdom has so far used the pandemic to harden fault lines with the Islamic Republic, casting aside opportunities to build bridges with goodwill gestures.

Similarly, China has no appetite for a major military role in the Middle East despite having established its first foreign military base in Djibouti and contributing to anti-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia.

Equally troubling for Prince Mohammed is the fact that he cannot be certain that China would be able to maintain its neutrality if US-Iranian tensions were to explode into an all-out war given that when the chips are down Iran may be of greater strategic significance to Beijing.

Iran’s geography, demography, and highly educated population give it a leg up in its competition with Saudi Arabia for Chinese favour. So does the fact that China and Iran see each other as bookends at both ends of Asia with a civilizational history that goes back thousands of years.

Iran, moreover, plays a pivotal role in Belt and Road-related efforts to link China to Europe by a rail that would traverse Central Asia and the Islamic Republic and end the expensive and time-consuming process of having to transfer goods to ships at one end of the Caspian Sea and loading them back onto a train on the Caspian’s opposite shore.

Prince Mohammed’s maneuvering to strike a balance in securing Saudi Arabia’s place in a world of contentious big power relationships is reflected in coverage by the kingdom’s tightly controlled media of Chinese and US efforts to combat the pandemic.

Andrew Leber, a student of Saudi policymaking, noted that “China’s mixed record in boosting its image in Riyadh is a reminder that soft-power competition is not a zero-sum game. Even as Saudi outlets have grown more willing to air criticisms of China, some have derided the efforts of President Donald Trump and his administration to blame COVID-19 on Beijing.”

Leber’s analysis of Saudi media coverage suggests that Prince Mohammed is seeking to keep all doors open.

It will, however, take a lot more than vacillating media coverage and reform of the kingdom’s penal code to polish Saudi Arabia’s tarnished image in the United States and level the playing field with Iran when it comes to China.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

(First Published on <a href="https://insidearabia.com/saudi-arabias-problems-not-just-a-pandemic-and-economics-but-geopolitics-too/">The Inside Arabia)</a>

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman may feel that the global pandemic and its economic fallout are the more immediate of his problems as the kingdom gradually lifts restrictions put in place to stymie the spread of the coronavirus.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman may feel that the global pandemic and its economic fallout are the more immediate of his problems as the kingdom gradually lifts restrictions put in place to stymie the spread of the coronavirus. However, looming large on the horizon is a potential rift with the United States as a result of the kingdom’s price war with Russia that contributed to the collapse of oil markets and an existential crisis for America’s shale industry. US President Donald Trump is believed to be weighing a ban on import of Saudi oil in a bid to force the kingdom to reroute tankers carrying some 40 million barrels of crude to the United States. More fundamentally, Prince Mohammed has put the kingdom’s relationship with the United States at risk without having any real alternative options at a time that an agreement among oil producers to cut production amounts to at best a timeout in a price war that is all about market share. The price war has further strained Saudi Arabia’s ties to the US Congress, already troubled by the war in Yemen, the kingdom’s record of human rights abuse, and the killing and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. Saudi judiciary reforms in the past week, including abolishing flogging as a legal punishment and death sentences for people who committed crimes as minors, constituted an effort to respond to criticism but were unlikely to turn the tide. Speaking for Congressmen representing US shale states, North Dakota Senator Kevin Cramer warned that “Saudi Arabia’s next steps will determine whether our strategic partnership is salvageable.” Salvaging Saudi-US relations may be Prince Mohammed’s only option. Russian President Vladimir Putin is unlikely to have taken kindly to a reported shouting match in a phone call with the crown prince at the outset of the price war. Signalling that the production cuts are a ceasefire rather than an end to the war, Saudi Arabia and Russia continue to fight it out on oil markets with the kingdom undercutting Russia with discounts and special offers, according to a Reuters investigation. Strained relations did not prevent the two countries from moving forward with an agreement on Russian wheat sales to the kingdom. A first Russian shipment of 60,000 tons set sail for Saudi Arabia earlier this month. Irrespective of the state of Saudi-Russian relations, Russia’s call for replacing the US defence umbrella in the Gulf with a multi-lateral security arrangement that would involve the United States, as well as China, Europe, and India, is a skeleton with no flesh. Russia has neither the wherewithal nor the will to shoulder responsibility for Gulf security. Nor do others, envisioned by Russia as a participant in a revised Gulf security arrangement. The proposal, moreover, is a stillborn baby as long as Saudi Arabia refuses to engage with Iran with no pre-conditions. The kingdom has so far used the pandemic to harden fault lines with the Islamic Republic, casting aside opportunities to build bridges with goodwill gestures. Similarly, China has no appetite for a major military role in the Middle East despite having established its first foreign military base in Djibouti and contributing to anti-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia. Equally troubling for Prince Mohammed is the fact that he cannot be certain that China would be able to maintain its neutrality if US-Iranian tensions were to explode into an all-out war given that when the chips are down Iran may be of greater strategic significance to Beijing. Iran’s geography, demography, and highly educated population give it a leg up in its competition with Saudi Arabia for Chinese favour. So does the fact that China and Iran see each other as bookends at both ends of Asia with a civilizational history that goes back thousands of years. Iran, moreover, plays a pivotal role in Belt and Road-related efforts to link China to Europe by a rail that would traverse Central Asia and the Islamic Republic and end the expensive and time-consuming process of having to transfer goods to ships at one end of the Caspian Sea and loading them back onto a train on the Caspian’s opposite shore. Prince Mohammed’s maneuvering to strike a balance in securing Saudi Arabia’s place in a world of contentious big power relationships is reflected in coverage by the kingdom’s tightly controlled media of Chinese and US efforts to combat the pandemic. Andrew Leber, a student of Saudi policymaking, noted that “China’s mixed record in boosting its image in Riyadh is a reminder that soft-power competition is not a zero-sum game. Even as Saudi outlets have grown more willing to air criticisms of China, some have derided the efforts of President Donald Trump and his administration to blame COVID-19 on Beijing.” Leber’s analysis of Saudi media coverage suggests that Prince Mohammed is seeking to keep all doors open. It will, however, take a lot more than vacillating media coverage and reform of the kingdom’s penal code to polish Saudi Arabia’s tarnished image in the United States and level the playing field with Iran when it comes to China. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) (First Published on The Inside Arabia)

Saudi Arabia is coping with not just coronavirus pandemic’s economic fallout but geopolitical issues too

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change.

Saudi Arabia, despite a primary focus on close ties to the United States, has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets by initially forging closer military and economic relations with Britain, France, and Germany, and more recently with Russia and China.

Saudi Arabia has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets, forging closer military and economic relations with Russia and China.

The Saudi strategy, stemming from mounting doubts about the reliability of the United States as an ally and protector of last resort, was showcased when China opened its first overseas defence production facility in Saudi Arabia for the manufacturing of the CH-4 Caihong or Rainbow drone, as well as associated equipment.

The CH-4 is comparable to the US armed MQ-9 Reaper drone that Washington has refused to sell to the Kingdom.

Saudi Arabia’s willingness to undermine its hedging strategy by challenging Russia’s refusal to continue to align its production levels with that of the Organisation of Oil Exporting Countries (OPEC) follows the Kingdom’s bowing to US pressure to acquire Lockheed Martin’s Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system rather than Russia’s S-400 anti-aircraft and anti-missile weapon.

Putin made a last-ditch sales pitch last September after the Kingdom’s six battalions of US-made Patriot batteries failed to detect drone and missile attacks on two of the country’s key oil facilities that knocked out half of its production capacity.

The decision by Mohammed bin Salman, known by his initials MBS, to confront Russia stemmed from a stark choice confronting the Crown Prince: endanger relations with the only power to have put forward a regional security plan that would have allowed the Kingdom to hedge its bets while maintaining close ties to the United States, or drive oil prices down in a bid to force Russia to coordinate production levels that would ensure a higher price.

Ultimately, the Crown Prince’s choice was driven by economics rather than long-term security.

Low oil prices have already forced the Kingdom to borrow from international financial markets. $80 per barrel is the price it needs to balance its budget. It is also the price MBS needs for his ambitious plans to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy and turn it into a cutting edge 21st-century knowledge hub.

MBS may in some respects have shot himself in the foot even if his assumption proves correct that the Kingdom could win a price and production war and that Russian President Vladimir Putin would see a longer-term move from a unipolar to a multilateral security arrangement in the Gulf as too big a prize to lose.

Last year’s limited initial public offering (IPO) on the Saudi stock exchange by Aramco, the Kingdom’s national oil company, that constituted a crown jewel in MBS’ economic reform plans, failed to convincingly address fears that it was subject to the whims of the Kingdom’s ruling elite.

The oil war with Russia may have convinced investors’ worst fears with Aramco raising capacity and production to help MBS with his gamble.

“This has proved to investors that their worst fears about Aramco were a reality. The company’s plans and its output decisions are based on MBS’ erratic behaviour,” said a Saudi official familiar with Aramco’s offering.

MBS may not be the only one to suffer consequences of the oil war, but his&nbsp;may be a tougher struggle because it involves restoration of trust.

The setback for US Shale oil companies that need a relatively high oil price to break even, the reason Russia was willing to go to war with Saudi Arabia, is likely to be temporary as was evident in 2014 when Saudi Arabia gunned for market share rather than price to drive American producers out of business.

“A protracted crude oil price war on the supply side, combined with the simultaneous demand shock caused by Covid-19’s impact on economic activity, will hurt oil producers everywhere,” said Tilak K Doshi, an energy scholar at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute.

If the Crown Prince’s decision was driven by domestic considerations, so was Putin’s.

Yet, despite believing that OPEC had outlived its utility, Putin was taken aback by the ferocity of Saudi Arabia’s response to the Russian cancellation of its earlier production level agreement with OPEC, prompting Moscow to call for a return to the agreed levels for the first quarter of this year.

“OPEC is finished, so is any attempt to ‘manage’ the oil market. US shale (as a fully privately owned industry) operates on aggressive free-market principals. The Russians understand that and so does Saudi. The energy game (including alternatives) is now a survival of the fittest,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, a banker-turned-pro-Saudi-political commentator.

In Russia, MBS is up against an opponent that could prove to have a long breath.

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change.

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change. Saudi Arabia, despite a primary focus on close ties to the United States, has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets by initially forging closer military and economic relations with Britain, France, and Germany, and more recently with Russia and China. Saudi Arabia has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets, forging closer military and economic relations with Russia and China. The Saudi strategy, stemming from mounting doubts about the reliability of the United States as an ally and protector of last resort, was showcased when China opened its first overseas defence production facility in Saudi Arabia for the manufacturing of the CH-4 Caihong or Rainbow drone, as well as associated equipment. The CH-4 is comparable to the US armed MQ-9 Reaper drone that Washington has refused to sell to the Kingdom. Saudi Arabia’s willingness to undermine its hedging strategy by challenging Russia’s refusal to continue to align its production levels with that of the Organisation of Oil Exporting Countries (OPEC) follows the Kingdom’s bowing to US pressure to acquire Lockheed Martin’s Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system rather than Russia’s S-400 anti-aircraft and anti-missile weapon. Putin made a last-ditch sales pitch last September after the Kingdom’s six battalions of US-made Patriot batteries failed to detect drone and missile attacks on two of the country’s key oil facilities that knocked out half of its production capacity. The decision by Mohammed bin Salman, known by his initials MBS, to confront Russia stemmed from a stark choice confronting the Crown Prince: endanger relations with the only power to have put forward a regional security plan that would have allowed the Kingdom to hedge its bets while maintaining close ties to the United States, or drive oil prices down in a bid to force Russia to coordinate production levels that would ensure a higher price. Ultimately, the Crown Prince’s choice was driven by economics rather than long-term security. Low oil prices have already forced the Kingdom to borrow from international financial markets. $80 per barrel is the price it needs to balance its budget. It is also the price MBS needs for his ambitious plans to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy and turn it into a cutting edge 21st-century knowledge hub. MBS may in some respects have shot himself in the foot even if his assumption proves correct that the Kingdom could win a price and production war and that Russian President Vladimir Putin would see a longer-term move from a unipolar to a multilateral security arrangement in the Gulf as too big a prize to lose. Last year’s limited initial public offering (IPO) on the Saudi stock exchange by Aramco, the Kingdom’s national oil company, that constituted a crown jewel in MBS’ economic reform plans, failed to convincingly address fears that it was subject to the whims of the Kingdom’s ruling elite. The oil war with Russia may have convinced investors’ worst fears with Aramco raising capacity and production to help MBS with his gamble. “This has proved to investors that their worst fears about Aramco were a reality. The company’s plans and its output decisions are based on MBS’ erratic behaviour,” said a Saudi official familiar with Aramco’s offering. MBS may not be the only one to suffer consequences of the oil war, but his may be a tougher struggle because it involves restoration of trust. The setback for US Shale oil companies that need a relatively high oil price to break even, the reason Russia was willing to go to war with Saudi Arabia, is likely to be temporary as was evident in 2014 when Saudi Arabia gunned for market share rather than price to drive American producers out of business. “A protracted crude oil price war on the supply side, combined with the simultaneous demand shock caused by Covid-19’s impact on economic activity, will hurt oil producers everywhere,” said Tilak K Doshi, an energy scholar at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute. If the Crown Prince’s decision was driven by domestic considerations, so was Putin’s. Yet, despite believing that OPEC had outlived its utility, Putin was taken aback by the ferocity of Saudi Arabia’s response to the Russian cancellation of its earlier production level agreement with OPEC, prompting Moscow to call for a return to the agreed levels for the first quarter of this year. “OPEC is finished, so is any attempt to ‘manage’ the oil market. US shale (as a fully privately owned industry) operates on aggressive free-market principals. The Russians understand that and so does Saudi. The energy game (including alternatives) is now a survival of the fittest,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, a banker-turned-pro-Saudi-political commentator. In Russia, MBS is up against an opponent that could prove to have a long breath.

Playing for higher stakes: Saudi Arabia gambles on oil war with Russia

In recent months, international media has reported the flight of a good number of Saudi female youngsters. The number, according to various reports, runs into at least a thousand. The actual number would be much more as many a times families do not report runaways for fear of social stigma.&nbsp;

The case of Rahaf al-Qunun, who was put under UN custody after she fled from Saudi Arabia and was later granted asylum by the Canadian government, raised an important question as to why women are running from Saudi Arabia.&nbsp;

This is most surprising and paradoxical that a time when Saudi Arabia is bringing&nbsp;liberal reforms, relaxing social mores related to women, a large number of women are fleeing the country in search of dignified and free life.&nbsp;

What are the reasons for this emerging paradox?

While Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, popularly known as MBS, has initiated a few liberal reforms including allowing women to drive, reopening of cinemas for them and allowing both sexes to attend concerts, watch games in the stadium. Crown Prince has also relaxed laws that required women to have male consent for availing several government services etc. In spite of these changes, women are still suffering under the intermingling of the institutions of patriarchy, religion, state, culture etc.

In Saudi Arabia, women lives are governed by the guardianship or wilaya system. Under this, a woman must have her male guardian's (father, brother, husband or son) permission to obtain a passport, travel abroad or marry.

Permission of a guardian is required when a woman tries to rent an apartment, undergo elective medical procedures, seek a job, or to get married.&nbsp;

The Saudi system is such that even if the woman is tortured, beaten, abused at home by her male relatives she still needs their permission in her daily life. Women can't afford to ignore their male guardian in Saudi Arabia. Running away from an abusive family is a crime, punishable by detention which is enforced by state agencies, and sanctioned by strict religious interpretations of Islamic law. &nbsp;

Dissent is not accepted. A large number of women activists who advocate for women rights are put behind the bars. Several women, ranging from age of 20 to 70, were arrested in June 2018&nbsp;on suspicion of harming the country’s interests. Their trial is about to begin soon.&nbsp;

At the same time, MBS wants to give an impression that he is the architect of “Liberal restructuring of Saudi Arabia” as contained in his “VISION 2030” without recognising any contribution from any segments including women in the Saudi society.

He is carefully trying to build his image of a visionary leader during the phase of Saudi transition from oil to a non-oil economy.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
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In recent months, international media has reported the flight of a good number of Saudi female youngsters. The number, according to various reports, runs into at least a thousand.

In recent months, international media has reported the flight of a good number of Saudi female youngsters. The number, according to various reports, runs into at least a thousand. The actual number would be much more as many a times families do not report runaways for fear of social stigma. The case of Rahaf al-Qunun, who was put under UN custody after she fled from Saudi Arabia and was later granted asylum by the Canadian government, raised an important question as to why women are running from Saudi Arabia. This is most surprising and paradoxical that a time when Saudi Arabia is bringing liberal reforms, relaxing social mores related to women, a large number of women are fleeing the country in search of dignified and free life. What are the reasons for this emerging paradox? While Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, popularly known as MBS, has initiated a few liberal reforms including allowing women to drive, reopening of cinemas for them and allowing both sexes to attend concerts, watch games in the stadium. Crown Prince has also relaxed laws that required women to have male consent for availing several government services etc. In spite of these changes, women are still suffering under the intermingling of the institutions of patriarchy, religion, state, culture etc. In Saudi Arabia, women lives are governed by the guardianship or wilaya system. Under this, a woman must have her male guardian's (father, brother, husband or son) permission to obtain a passport, travel abroad or marry. Permission of a guardian is required when a woman tries to rent an apartment, undergo elective medical procedures, seek a job, or to get married. The Saudi system is such that even if the woman is tortured, beaten, abused at home by her male relatives she still needs their permission in her daily life. Women can't afford to ignore their male guardian in Saudi Arabia. Running away from an abusive family is a crime, punishable by detention which is enforced by state agencies, and sanctioned by strict religious interpretations of Islamic law. Dissent is not accepted. A large number of women activists who advocate for women rights are put behind the bars. Several women, ranging from age of 20 to 70, were arrested in June 2018 on suspicion of harming the country’s interests. Their trial is about to begin soon. At the same time, MBS wants to give an impression that he is the architect of “Liberal restructuring of Saudi Arabia” as contained in his “VISION 2030” without recognising any contribution from any segments including women in the Saudi society. He is carefully trying to build his image of a visionary leader during the phase of Saudi transition from oil to a non-oil economy. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Women woes: Saudi Arabia continues to stifle dissent

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia.

The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War.

Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis.

It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada.

The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015.

To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest.

The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians.&nbsp;

The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia.

On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose.

In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family.

Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon.

Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran.

And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete.

Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East.

Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments.

If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war.

Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point.

The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that.

Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton.

It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention.

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War. Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis. It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada. The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015. To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest. The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians. The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia. On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose. In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family. Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon. Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran. And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete. Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East. Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments. If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war. Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point. The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that. Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton. It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could be nearing the inflection point

Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, who is in India on a two-day visit, has said India-Saudi ties are "in our DNA" and lauded the role played by Indians in building the West Asian country.&nbsp;

Speaking after the ceremonial reception at the forecourt of the Rashtrapati Bhawan, Salman said, "The relationship between India and the Arabian peninsula, which Saudi Arabia represents, about 80%, goes back thousands of years. Even before history is written. The relationship between India and the Arabian peninsula is in our DNA."

Standing alongside President Ram Nath Kovind and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added, "Today we want to be sure this relation is maintained and improved for the sake of both countries. With the leadership of president and PM, I am are sure we can create good things for India and Saudi Arabia."

Highlighting the role of the Indian diaspora in building the country, the crown prince said, ''Since we remember ourselves, Indian people are friends and part of building Saudi Arabia in past 70 years. Lot of Saudis work and develop a lot of things in India for hundreds of years."

Salman will be meeting PM Modi at Hyderabad House for bilateral talks. This will be the second meeting between them in the last 3 months.&nbsp;

They met last on the sidelines of G20 summit in Argentina on November 30. Both sides are expected to sign Five MoUs/ Agreements in areas of investment, tourism, housing and information and broadcasting.

Mohammed bin Salman, known famously by his initials MBS arrived in India on Tuesday evening with Modi breaking the protocol to receive him.

Indian prime minister has in the past broken protocol for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (2018), Jordan's King Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein(2018), United Arab Emirates’ Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (2017) and Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina (2015).

The focus will be on terror in the aftermath of the Pulwama terror attack last week in which 40 CRPF personnel were killed. New Delhi will be keen that Riyadh mounts pressure on its traditional ally Pakistan. With Pakistan backed terror group Jaish e Mohammad claiming responsibility for the attack, India will be hoping that Saudi Arabia comes hard on Pakistan especially by way of tightening the purse strings.&nbsp;

MBS comes to India, a day after his 2-day visit to Pakistan. It is interesting to note that the Saudi prince went back to Riyadh after his Pakistan visit, and came back again to New Delhi, a development which many will see de-hyphenation by Saudi Arabia between Pakistan and India and something New Delhi will prefer in the aftermath of Pulwama terror attack.&nbsp;

During Crown Prince's Pakistan visit, he announced&nbsp;$20 billion dollar investment. Reacting to the development, sources in Delhi said, "When they invest in India, they invest in a robust economy, in Pakistan they bailout."

India is one of the eight strategic partners of Saudi Arabia with which the West Asian country intends to deepen partnership in areas of political, security, trade and investment and culture. Both countries are finalizing the setting up of ‘Strategic Partnership Council’ at the Ministerial level. &nbsp;Bilateral trade between both the countries stood at $27.48 billion in the financial year 2017-18. Saudi Arabia is India's 4th largest trading partner with New Delhi get 17% of its oil imports from the country. Oil prices are something that India has been consistently raising with Saudi Arabia, an OPEC country. Saudi ARAMCO along with ADNOC of UAE in 2018 agreed to partner in Ratnagiri Refinery.

Saudi Arabia will soon be joining the International Solar Alliance initiative. The country hosts 2.7 million strong Indian community, one of the largest in west Asia, sending remittance of over $11 billion annually. Last year, Saudi Arabia increased the Indian Haj quota by 5,000, enabling 1,75,025 Indians to undertake the pilgrimage last year. India is also in touch with the west Asian country when it comes to Afghan Peace process.

Modi had visited Riyadh in April 2016. Saudi Arabia's King Salman had honoured him then with the "Sash of King Abdulaziz", the highest civilian decoration awarded by the West Asian country.&nbsp;

Crown Prince Salman is Saudi Arabia's second-most important person after the king and his designated successor. Saudi Arabia is one of the world's largest oil producers.

Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, who is in India on a two-day visit, has said India-Saudi ties are "in our DNA" and lauded the role played by Indians in building the West Asian country.

Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, who is in India on a two-day visit, has said India-Saudi ties are "in our DNA" and lauded the role played by Indians in building the West Asian country. Speaking after the ceremonial reception at the forecourt of the Rashtrapati Bhawan, Salman said, "The relationship between India and the Arabian peninsula, which Saudi Arabia represents, about 80%, goes back thousands of years. Even before history is written. The relationship between India and the Arabian peninsula is in our DNA." Standing alongside President Ram Nath Kovind and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he added, "Today we want to be sure this relation is maintained and improved for the sake of both countries. With the leadership of president and PM, I am are sure we can create good things for India and Saudi Arabia." Highlighting the role of the Indian diaspora in building the country, the crown prince said, ''Since we remember ourselves, Indian people are friends and part of building Saudi Arabia in past 70 years. Lot of Saudis work and develop a lot of things in India for hundreds of years." Salman will be meeting PM Modi at Hyderabad House for bilateral talks. This will be the second meeting between them in the last 3 months. They met last on the sidelines of G20 summit in Argentina on November 30. Both sides are expected to sign Five MoUs/ Agreements in areas of investment, tourism, housing and information and broadcasting. Mohammed bin Salman, known famously by his initials MBS arrived in India on Tuesday evening with Modi breaking the protocol to receive him. Indian prime minister has in the past broken protocol for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (2018), Jordan's King Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein(2018), United Arab Emirates’ Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan (2017) and Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina (2015). The focus will be on terror in the aftermath of the Pulwama terror attack last week in which 40 CRPF personnel were killed. New Delhi will be keen that Riyadh mounts pressure on its traditional ally Pakistan. With Pakistan backed terror group Jaish e Mohammad claiming responsibility for the attack, India will be hoping that Saudi Arabia comes hard on Pakistan especially by way of tightening the purse strings. MBS comes to India, a day after his 2-day visit to Pakistan. It is interesting to note that the Saudi prince went back to Riyadh after his Pakistan visit, and came back again to New Delhi, a development which many will see de-hyphenation by Saudi Arabia between Pakistan and India and something New Delhi will prefer in the aftermath of Pulwama terror attack. During Crown Prince's Pakistan visit, he announced $20 billion dollar investment. Reacting to the development, sources in Delhi said, "When they invest in India, they invest in a robust economy, in Pakistan they bailout." India is one of the eight strategic partners of Saudi Arabia with which the West Asian country intends to deepen partnership in areas of political, security, trade and investment and culture. Both countries are finalizing the setting up of ‘Strategic Partnership Council’ at the Ministerial level. Bilateral trade between both the countries stood at $27.48 billion in the financial year 2017-18. Saudi Arabia is India's 4th largest trading partner with New Delhi get 17% of its oil imports from the country. Oil prices are something that India has been consistently raising with Saudi Arabia, an OPEC country. Saudi ARAMCO along with ADNOC of UAE in 2018 agreed to partner in Ratnagiri Refinery. Saudi Arabia will soon be joining the International Solar Alliance initiative. The country hosts 2.7 million strong Indian community, one of the largest in west Asia, sending remittance of over $11 billion annually. Last year, Saudi Arabia increased the Indian Haj quota by 5,000, enabling 1,75,025 Indians to undertake the pilgrimage last year. India is also in touch with the west Asian country when it comes to Afghan Peace process. Modi had visited Riyadh in April 2016. Saudi Arabia's King Salman had honoured him then with the "Sash of King Abdulaziz", the highest civilian decoration awarded by the West Asian country. Crown Prince Salman is Saudi Arabia's second-most important person after the king and his designated successor. Saudi Arabia is one of the world's largest oil producers.

In India, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman says India-Saudi ties 'in our DNA'

Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the sidelines of the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/g20-summit-a-day-of-trilaterals-for-india-180323">G20 summit</a> here on Friday and they discussed ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties.

The two sides also held discussions on enhancing investment in technology, renewable energy and food security.

"Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties," the prime minister wrote on Twitter.

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Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties. <a href="https://t.co/KYeIiG2FET">pic.twitter.com/KYeIiG2FET</a>
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/1068274451286880256?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 29, 2018</a></blockquote>
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"Deepening strategic ties. PM @narendramodi met with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud on sidelines of #G20Argentina. Discussed enhancing Saudi investment in technology, infrastructure, petroleum, renewable energy, food security, fintech &amp; defence sectors," External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Ravish Kumar tweeted.

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Foreign Secy:Crown Prince informed PM that Saudi will be finalising an initial investment into national infrastructure fund.He referred to future prospects for investment in tech,agricultural&amp;energy sectors. PM,in particular,stressed upon importance of having stable energy prices <a href="https://t.co/A1TXQp5z2Y">pic.twitter.com/A1TXQp5z2Y</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1068298727423655936?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 30, 2018</a></blockquote>
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"In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed," PMO sources said.

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PM Narendra Modi held bilateral meeting with Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia in Buenos Aires, Argentina. PM Modi is in Argentina to attend the <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/G20Summit?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#G20Summit</a>. <a href="https://t.co/hKV9HZQhH8">pic.twitter.com/hKV9HZQhH8</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1068279688001282048?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 29, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Later, the prime minister will meet UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. According to the sources, the UN Secretary-General has reached out to the PM for the second time in two months.

They said the meeting signifies the importance that both leaders attach to the issue of climate change. This outreach comes just a week before the COP24 meeting in Katowice, Poland.

"It reflects the respect in which the prime minister and his initiatives are held globally to take the lead on issues of global importance," the sources said.

On the sidelines of the two-day 13th <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/g20-begins-today-pm-modi-says-focus-on-fugitive-economic-offenders-strengthening-global-economy-180324">G-20 summit</a>, Modi, Trump and Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe will hold a trilateral meeting amidst China flexing its muscles in the strategic Indo-Pacific region.

The trilateral, which would be an expansion of the bilateral meeting between Trump and Abe, is part of the series of meetings the US president would have on the sidelines of the G-20 summit on November 30 and December 1.

White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said on Thursday the trilateral meeting with Prime Minister Modi will be held towards the end of the Trump-Abe talks.

"Looking forward to a wide range of interactions at the G-20 Summit, aimed at furthering sustainable development," Prime Minister Modi tweeted soon after he landed here.

Modi will also meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the sidelines of the event, the Ministry of External Affairs had said on the eve of his departure.

He will be in Buenos Aires from November 29 to December 1.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the sidelines of the G20 summit here on Friday and they discussed ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on the sidelines of the G20 summit here on Friday and they discussed ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties. The two sides also held discussions on enhancing investment in technology, renewable energy and food security. "Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties," the prime minister wrote on Twitter. Had a fruitful interaction with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. We discussed multiple aspects of India-Saudi Arabia relations and ways to further boost economic, cultural and energy ties. pic.twitter.com/KYeIiG2FET — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) November 29, 2018 × "Deepening strategic ties. PM @narendramodi met with Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud on sidelines of #G20Argentina. Discussed enhancing Saudi investment in technology, infrastructure, petroleum, renewable energy, food security, fintech & defence sectors," External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Ravish Kumar tweeted. Foreign Secy:Crown Prince informed PM that Saudi will be finalising an initial investment into national infrastructure fund.He referred to future prospects for investment in tech,agricultural&energy sectors. PM,in particular,stressed upon importance of having stable energy prices pic.twitter.com/A1TXQp5z2Y — ANI (@ANI) November 30, 2018 × "In recent years, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner. The relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. All issues of bilateral and regional interest will be discussed," PMO sources said. PM Narendra Modi held bilateral meeting with Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia in Buenos Aires, Argentina. PM Modi is in Argentina to attend the #G20Summit. pic.twitter.com/hKV9HZQhH8 — ANI (@ANI) November 29, 2018 × Later, the prime minister will meet UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. According to the sources, the UN Secretary-General has reached out to the PM for the second time in two months. They said the meeting signifies the importance that both leaders attach to the issue of climate change. This outreach comes just a week before the COP24 meeting in Katowice, Poland. "It reflects the respect in which the prime minister and his initiatives are held globally to take the lead on issues of global importance," the sources said. On the sidelines of the two-day 13th G-20 summit, Modi, Trump and Japanese Premier Shinzo Abe will hold a trilateral meeting amidst China flexing its muscles in the strategic Indo-Pacific region. The trilateral, which would be an expansion of the bilateral meeting between Trump and Abe, is part of the series of meetings the US president would have on the sidelines of the G-20 summit on November 30 and December 1. White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said on Thursday the trilateral meeting with Prime Minister Modi will be held towards the end of the Trump-Abe talks. "Looking forward to a wide range of interactions at the G-20 Summit, aimed at furthering sustainable development," Prime Minister Modi tweeted soon after he landed here. Modi will also meet Chinese President Xi Jinping and German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the sidelines of the event, the Ministry of External Affairs had said on the eve of his departure. He will be in Buenos Aires from November 29 to December 1.

Discussed ways to further boost ties: PM Modi after meeting Saudi Crown Prince on G20 sidelines

Let&#39;s try to understand the Saudi graft purge in numbers. The target was 800 billion dollars. That&#39;s right!, that&#39;s the kind of money that the Saudi elite amassed through unfair means according to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Why was this anti-corruption drive so urgent? Because the economy of one of the world&#39;s biggest oil producers was running a budget deficit of 185 billion dollars. Sure enough, the crown prince blamed this gap on corruption. 
&nbsp; 
So much money has been made? Understandably, there&#39;s no official word on it but most reports estimate a haul of more than 100 billion dollars.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Almost 2000 bank accounts of princes, top bureaucrats and businessmen have been frozen to prevent the individuals under scrutiny from transferring their funds offshore. &nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
The government is also eyeing their assets. Anti-corruption officials say that assets worth almost 300-400 billion dollars have been created through corrupt means.

The anti-corruption drive was so urgent because the economy of one of the world's biggest oil producers was running a budget deficit of 185 billion dollars

Let's try to understand the Saudi graft purge in numbers. The target was 800 billion dollars. That's right!, that's the kind of money that the Saudi elite amassed through unfair means according to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Why was this anti-corruption drive so urgent? Because the economy of one of the world's biggest oil producers was running a budget deficit of 185 billion dollars. Sure enough, the crown prince blamed this gap on corruption. So much money has been made? Understandably, there's no official word on it but most reports estimate a haul of more than 100 billion dollars. Almost 2000 bank accounts of princes, top bureaucrats and businessmen have been frozen to prevent the individuals under scrutiny from transferring their funds offshore. The government is also eyeing their assets. Anti-corruption officials say that assets worth almost 300-400 billion dollars have been created through corrupt means.

Saudi government recovers $100 billion as part of anti corruption purge

Saudi King Salman on Wednesday named his son Mohammed bin Salman as crown prince, completing a gradual removal of powers from the previous prince Mohammed bin Nayef, 57, who has been fired.

According to a royal decree issued by the official Saudi Press Agency, Mohammed bin Salman, 31, was also named deputy prime minister, and maintains his post as minister of defence.

Mohammed bin Nayef, a veteran law enforcer well-regarded in the West for his efforts to combat al-Qaeda, was also fired from his post as interior minister, the decree said.

The appointment of Mohammed bin Salman caps a tumultuous two years since Salman, 81, ascended the throne and named the thick-bearded Mohammed bin Salman deputy crown prince, or second in line to the throne.

In a conservative kingdom used to ageing leaders, the rise of the young prince symbolises the hopes of a youthful local population, more than half of which is under 25.

The hard-charging Mohammed bin Salman&#39;s public profile rapidly eclipsed that of the crown prince.

Mohammed bin Salman will take over from previous prince Mohammed bin Nayef, who has been fired

Saudi King Salman on Wednesday named his son Mohammed bin Salman as crown prince, completing a gradual removal of powers from the previous prince Mohammed bin Nayef, 57, who has been fired. According to a royal decree issued by the official Saudi Press Agency, Mohammed bin Salman, 31, was also named deputy prime minister, and maintains his post as minister of defence. Mohammed bin Nayef, a veteran law enforcer well-regarded in the West for his efforts to combat al-Qaeda, was also fired from his post as interior minister, the decree said. The appointment of Mohammed bin Salman caps a tumultuous two years since Salman, 81, ascended the throne and named the thick-bearded Mohammed bin Salman deputy crown prince, or second in line to the throne. In a conservative kingdom used to ageing leaders, the rise of the young prince symbolises the hopes of a youthful local population, more than half of which is under 25. The hard-charging Mohammed bin Salman's public profile rapidly eclipsed that of the crown prince.

Saudi King's son named new Crown Prince