Russia-Ukraine War has been going on for more than a month now and the conflict continues to rage on. Now, The West is probing the use of chemical weapons by Russia.

The West probes the use of chemical weapons, Russian defence ministry yet to respond

After over a month of relentless bombardment and an assault which left the city of Mariupol completely destroyed, Russian forces are on the brink of capturing the city completely.

Zelensky pleads for more weapons as Ukraine reports widespread deaths in Mariupol

Russia-Ukraine War has been going on for more than a month now and the conflict continues to rage on. Now Army rejigs on both sides are happening.

Russia-Ukraine War: Army rejigs on both sides as conflict continues for more than a month now

Weeks after Russia announced a change in its military strategy in Ukraine after which Russian troops withdrew from northern and western Ukraine and that Russia confirmed that it was focusing on liberation of the Donbass region, Kremlin has now appointed a new General in command of Moscow's special operations in Ukraine.

Watch | Putin appoints new General to lead Ukraine war. Is Kremlin changing its strategy?

The Bucha massacre in Ukraine has shocked the entire world. The West has pledged to punish Russia for Bucha killings but Russia called Bucha images 'Fake'.

Russia calls Bucha images 'Fake' as West prepares further sanctions against Moscow

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, President Zelensky addressed the United Nations Security Council, where both Ukraine & Russia faced off.

Ukraine & Russia face-off at the UNSC: Russia counters Zelensky's address

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, the West is imposing sanctions on Russia. Now, US sanctioned Putin's adult children.

The US sanctions Putin's adult children amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine

The European Union has imposed sanctions on those who are believed to be Vladimir Putin's daughters. This move came after the United States and the UK imposed strict restrictions on them earlier.

Russian President Vladimir Putin's daughters hit with EU sanctions

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russia has released a video of airstrikes where Ukrainian combat vehicles were targeted.

Russia-Ukraine conflict: Russia releases video of airstrikes, Ukrainian combat vehicles targeted

Top European leaders and diplomats have arrived in Kyiv to reassure membership. Europe will offer financial and moral support to Ukraine.

EU hints at giving membership to Ukraine amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine

After Patriot air defence system arrived in Slovakia amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. Slovakia has sent its older S-300 system to Ukraine.

Slovakia sends Russian-made S-300 missile system to Ukraine amid Russian invasion

It has been more than a month since the Russian invasion of Ukraine started, and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Armies of both countries have been involved in intense fights since Russian troops entered Ukraine. Now, Zelensky has stepped up pleas for help.

Zelensky steps up pleas for help as Ukraine steps up evacuations in East

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, The US has committed more weapons to Ukraine. The US has also ended normal trade with Russia.

The US commits more weapons to Ukraine & ends normal trade with Russia

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, NATO has pledged to step up military aid to Ukraine. Ukraine has also demanded an energy embargo on Russia.

NATO to step up military aid to Ukraine amid the ongoing Russian invasion

It has been more than a month since the Russian invasion of Ukraine started, and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Armies of both countries have been involved in intense fights since Russian troops entered Ukraine. Now, 26 bodies have been recovered from shelled apartments in Borodyanka.

Borodyanka: 26 bodies recovered from shelled apartments

Ukraine-Russia conflict: Joe Biden targets Russia's first family

Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, and a series of economic sanctions by the West, Russian Oligarchs are facing the heat. Now, does cash-strapped Russian Oligarch Abramovich seek help from celebrity friends? Watch this report.

Does cash-strapped Russian Oligarch Abramovich seek help from celebrity friends?

NATO Foreign Ministers have arrived for a 2-Day NATO summit. The leaders will address the Russian invasion and Bucha killings.

NATO Foreign Ministers arrive for 2-Day NATO summit to address Ukraine & Bucha killings

The US defence secretary Lloyd Austin was grilled over the US' response to the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.

US Defence secretary grilled over the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine

In response to Ukraine's invasion, the US slapped sanctions against Russian President Vladimir Putin's daughters, Maria Vorontsova and Katerina Tikhonova, on Wednesday.

Apart from Putin's daughter, the US is also targeting Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's wife and children, and members of Russia's Security Council, including former President and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev.

The United States is also toughening sanctions against Russian financial institutions.&nbsp;

The penalties cut off all of Putin’s close family members from the US financial system and freeze any assets they hold in the United States.

ALSO READ |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/zelensky-says-ukraine-had-no-option-but-to-negotiate-with-russia-to-end-war-but-will-putin-hold-talks-468562">Zelensky says Ukraine had 'no option but to negotiate' with Russia to end war. But will Putin hold talks?</a>

Who are Vladimir Putin's daughters, Katerina Tikhonova and Maria Vorontsova?

The Russian president's daughters, Maria Vorontsova, 37, and Katerina Tikhonova, 35, are the result of his marriage to former wife Lyudmila Putina.

Maria is said to have been born in St. Petersburg around 1985.

The following year, Katerina was born.

At the time of Katerina's birth, the family was based in Germany.

Putin was a foreign intelligence officer with the KGB, Russia's secret service.

Putin divorced Putina, a former Aeroflot flight attendant, in 2013.

Maria earned her bachelor's degree in biology from Saint Petersburg State University and her master's degree in biology from Moscow State University in 2011.

According to reports, she's a paediatric endocrinologist.

Maria and her Dutch businessman husband, Jorrit Faassen, divorced last month.

On the other hand, Katerina is said to be the deputy director of Moscow State University's Institute for Mathematical Research on Complex Systems.

She was also an acrobatic dancer in the past.Her personal life is largely unknown.

(With inputs from agencies)

ALSO READ |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ukrainian-mums-write-family-contacts-on-bodies-of-their-babies-and-europe-is-still-discussing-gas-468513">'Ukrainian mums write family contacts on bodies of their babies and Europe is still discussing gas'</a>

In response to Ukraine's invasion, the US slapped sanctions against Russian President Vladimir Putin's daughters, Maria Vorontsova and Katerina Tikhonova, on Wednesday.

In response to Ukraine's invasion, the US slapped sanctions against Russian President Vladimir Putin's daughters, Maria Vorontsova and Katerina Tikhonova, on Wednesday. Apart from Putin's daughter, the US is also targeting Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's wife and children, and members of Russia's Security Council, including former President and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. The United States is also toughening sanctions against Russian financial institutions. The penalties cut off all of Putin’s close family members from the US financial system and freeze any assets they hold in the United States. ALSO READ | Zelensky says Ukraine had 'no option but to negotiate' with Russia to end war. But will Putin hold talks? Who are Vladimir Putin's daughters, Katerina Tikhonova and Maria Vorontsova? The Russian president's daughters, Maria Vorontsova, 37, and Katerina Tikhonova, 35, are the result of his marriage to former wife Lyudmila Putina. Maria is said to have been born in St. Petersburg around 1985. The following year, Katerina was born. At the time of Katerina's birth, the family was based in Germany. Putin was a foreign intelligence officer with the KGB, Russia's secret service. Putin divorced Putina, a former Aeroflot flight attendant, in 2013. Maria earned her bachelor's degree in biology from Saint Petersburg State University and her master's degree in biology from Moscow State University in 2011. According to reports, she's a paediatric endocrinologist. Maria and her Dutch businessman husband, Jorrit Faassen, divorced last month. On the other hand, Katerina is said to be the deputy director of Moscow State University's Institute for Mathematical Research on Complex Systems. She was also an acrobatic dancer in the past.Her personal life is largely unknown. (With inputs from agencies) ALSO READ | 'Ukrainian mums write family contacts on bodies of their babies and Europe is still discussing gas'

Who are Katerina and Maria, the Russian President's daughters hit by US sanctions?

The West is all set to announce more sanctions on Russia amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. The US & Germany says that new sanctions will be announced soon.

Russia prepares to face more sanctions as the Russian invasion of Ukraine continues

Into the second month of Russian invasion of Ukraine, President Zelensky connected via video call with UNSC and questioned the purpose of the meet. However, Russia denied Bucha civilian killing allegations by Zelensky.

Russia denies Bucha killing allegations, calls it 'fake' amid uproar at UNSC

Into the second month of Russian invasion of Ukraine, President Zelensky connected via video call with UNSC and questioned the purpose of the meet.

Ukraine accuses Russia of War crimes as Bucha killings take centre stage at UNSC

The presidential race in France is heating up but this is an election that's also taking place at a time when Russia has invaded into Ukraine. The war risks becoming a key issue in in the French electoral politics, here's how!

French Elections: Marine Le Pen targeted over Russian ties, accused of being close to Putin

The negotiations between Ukraine and Russia in Istanbul could possibly pave the way for a meeting between the Russian president Vladimir Putin and his Ukrainian counterpart Zelensky.

Russia to 'drastically reduce' assault, Kyiv sets condition for 'neutral status'

It has been more than a month since the Russian invasion of Ukraine started, and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Armies of both countries have been involved in intense fights since Russian troops entered Ukraine.

Ukraine FM Dmytro Kuleba: Russia is worse than ISIS

Mass graves, corpses in bags, these are the gruesome discoveries reported from the town of Bucha prompting Ukraine to once again accuse Russia of carrying out war crimes. global outrage grew over the images coming out of towns near Kyiv.

Pro-Ukraine demonstrations begin in the West over Bucha mass killings

West prepares more sanctions on Russia as Bucha killings in Ukraine shock the world

The Biden administration has done an admirable job checking Russian disinformation efforts by disclosing U.S. intelligence assessments of Moscow’s intentions and marshaling unified political support for Ukrainian sovereignty and indirect military support for its defense.

But the administration has spoken out when it might have kept silent about Russia’s implicit threat to use nuclear weapons. In President Vladimir Putin’s speech announcing the invasion, he stated that anyone who “tries to stand in our way” will face consequences “such as you have never seen in your entire history.” He ordered his defense minister to put Russia’s nuclear forces on alert. It may have been implicit, but the threat was clear.

In response to Mr. Putin’s threat, the president and his advisers have said repeatedly and emphatically that the United States is deterred from acting in ways that might bring U.S. or other NATO forces into contact with Russian troops. President Biden himself has said that “we will not fight the third world war in Ukraine.”

The United States and NATO should be less deferential to Mr. Putin’s attempt to wield the threat of nuclear weapons — not only for the sake of supporting Ukraine but also to ensure global geopolitical stability in the future.

Mr. Putin has presented strategists with a situation they haven’t really confronted: a rogue actor employing the threat of nuclear weapons for conquest rather than regime survival — the latter being a primary reason for countries like Iran, North Korea and Pakistan to build or deploy nuclear weapons.

In turn, the United States’ posture of restraint with respect to Ukraine may compromise its position elsewhere. For example, a nuclear agreement with Iran, which appears within reach, might be undone if Iran and Israel infer from Washington’s stance that great powers would refrain from exercising conventional military capabilities when their adversaries have nuclear weapons, or if Iran calculates — correctly or not — that Israel would be deterred from resisting a nuclear-armed Iran’s regional projections of conventional power.

During the Cold War, the United States and its allies — most prominently through NATO — developed a framework for conventional and nuclear deterrence. In the 1960s, one of the nation’s leading thinkers on nuclear strategies, Herman Kahn, devised an “escalation ladder” that defined specific levels of military enlargement. The key was to maintain, through perceived military superiority, the capacity to deter an enemy at each level.

What Mr. Putin likely fears is U.S. and NATO conventional military superiority at every level of war except for the nuclear one. Hence his premature nuclear threat, which seems to rule out even limited NATO military options.

As a matter of doctrine, Russia has several conditions for nuclear use, four of which were recently enunciated by Dmitri Medvedev, deputy chairman of the country’s security council: a nuclear weapon is launched against Russia; such a weapon is used against its allies; an actual or impending attack on critical infrastructure to disable Russia’s deterrent nuclear forces; and military aggression of any kind against Russia or its allies that would jeopardize the existence of the Russian state. These scenarios likely involve strategic retaliation against enemy cities or nuclear assets from high-yield weapons launched from long distances.

Like the United States, Russia surely possesses tactical nuclear weapons, which have exponentially less power but could each still yield an explosion of 10 kilotons and potentially up to 50 kilotons of TNT (the Hiroshima bomb’s yield was about 15 kilotons) and would cover relatively short battlefield ranges. It has reportedly been building up its stockpile of these weapons. In issuing the nuclear threat, Mr. Putin implicitly raised a principle, known as “escalate to de-escalate,” under which Russian forces would use low-yield tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to pre-empt large-scale conventional action by NATO. The principle does not fit with any of the doctrinal scenarios above, but it is consistent with Moscow’s capabilities.

Tactical nuclear weapons are destabilizing to the delicate balance of deterrence. They reduce the barrier to nuclear use and blur the boundary between conventional and nuclear war. Russia’s nuclear threat is also most likely imparting additional momentum to the most troubling aspect of U.S. nuclear modernization plans: its own focus on tactical nuclear weapons. Abandoning the Obama administration’s apprehensiveness about such weapons because of their destabilizing effects, the Trump administration’s Nuclear Posture Review contemplated their development in response to the possibility of local and limited aggression — to some extent in response to Russian intimations that it would use the weapons pre-emptively.

If the United States doubled down on tactical nuclear weapons in response to Russia’s threat, it would return the world to a state of nuclear dread similar to what it experienced in the early 1980s. Instead, the United States should reassert confidence in conventional deterrence by emphasizing its adherence to the established framework.

The effort might start with a refutation of Mr. Putin’s narrative, which includes the idea that the invasion of Ukraine was undertaken to pre-empt NATO aggression against Russia staged from Ukraine. This is not credible. NATO’s posture is clearly defensive, involving small forward-positioned NATO deployments that function essentially as a tripwire and a multinational backup force for quick reinforcement to hold the line.

The Biden administration should dial back public disclosures of what it will not do militarily. Such talk implies that the United States and NATO do not believe in the alliance’s deterrence and buy into Mr. Putin’s suggestion that any level of NATO support for Ukraine would risk nuclear war. Putin’s own conduct implies that this isn’t true. Mr. Putin has drawn his red lines: no interference with Russia’s attempted absorption of Ukraine and no arms convoys. Yet the United States and NATO have trespassed over both red lines without facing a Russian riposte. Perpetuating a false sense of Russia’s readiness to use extreme measures only helps Mr. Putin.

Owing to Ukrainian forces’ stiff resistance and the West’s broad support for Ukraine, Russia may be cooling on military conquest and considering a negotiated political solution. Caution is still warranted: Mr. Putin’s true limits remain unclear. The United States should continue to send Ukraine military equipment, especially antiaircraft systems and antitank munitions.

At the same time, the United States and its allies should continue to firm up NATO’s conventional readiness to respond to Russian aggression against a NATO member or on NATO territory, whether it is a result of a deliberate decision or spillover from operations in Ukraine. The message to Mr. Putin is that the United States and NATO emphatically reject his attempt to raze the architecture of deterrence.

The Biden administration has done an admirable job checking Russian disinformation efforts by disclosing U.S. intelligence assessments of Moscow’s intentions and marshaling unified political support for Ukrainian sovereignty and indirect military support for its defense.

The Biden administration has done an admirable job checking Russian disinformation efforts by disclosing U.S. intelligence assessments of Moscow’s intentions and marshaling unified political support for Ukrainian sovereignty and indirect military support for its defense. But the administration has spoken out when it might have kept silent about Russia’s implicit threat to use nuclear weapons. In President Vladimir Putin’s speech announcing the invasion, he stated that anyone who “tries to stand in our way” will face consequences “such as you have never seen in your entire history.” He ordered his defense minister to put Russia’s nuclear forces on alert. It may have been implicit, but the threat was clear. In response to Mr. Putin’s threat, the president and his advisers have said repeatedly and emphatically that the United States is deterred from acting in ways that might bring U.S. or other NATO forces into contact with Russian troops. President Biden himself has said that “we will not fight the third world war in Ukraine.” The United States and NATO should be less deferential to Mr. Putin’s attempt to wield the threat of nuclear weapons — not only for the sake of supporting Ukraine but also to ensure global geopolitical stability in the future. Mr. Putin has presented strategists with a situation they haven’t really confronted: a rogue actor employing the threat of nuclear weapons for conquest rather than regime survival — the latter being a primary reason for countries like Iran, North Korea and Pakistan to build or deploy nuclear weapons. In turn, the United States’ posture of restraint with respect to Ukraine may compromise its position elsewhere. For example, a nuclear agreement with Iran, which appears within reach, might be undone if Iran and Israel infer from Washington’s stance that great powers would refrain from exercising conventional military capabilities when their adversaries have nuclear weapons, or if Iran calculates — correctly or not — that Israel would be deterred from resisting a nuclear-armed Iran’s regional projections of conventional power. During the Cold War, the United States and its allies — most prominently through NATO — developed a framework for conventional and nuclear deterrence. In the 1960s, one of the nation’s leading thinkers on nuclear strategies, Herman Kahn, devised an “escalation ladder” that defined specific levels of military enlargement. The key was to maintain, through perceived military superiority, the capacity to deter an enemy at each level. What Mr. Putin likely fears is U.S. and NATO conventional military superiority at every level of war except for the nuclear one. Hence his premature nuclear threat, which seems to rule out even limited NATO military options. As a matter of doctrine, Russia has several conditions for nuclear use, four of which were recently enunciated by Dmitri Medvedev, deputy chairman of the country’s security council: a nuclear weapon is launched against Russia; such a weapon is used against its allies; an actual or impending attack on critical infrastructure to disable Russia’s deterrent nuclear forces; and military aggression of any kind against Russia or its allies that would jeopardize the existence of the Russian state. These scenarios likely involve strategic retaliation against enemy cities or nuclear assets from high-yield weapons launched from long distances. Like the United States, Russia surely possesses tactical nuclear weapons, which have exponentially less power but could each still yield an explosion of 10 kilotons and potentially up to 50 kilotons of TNT (the Hiroshima bomb’s yield was about 15 kilotons) and would cover relatively short battlefield ranges. It has reportedly been building up its stockpile of these weapons. In issuing the nuclear threat, Mr. Putin implicitly raised a principle, known as “escalate to de-escalate,” under which Russian forces would use low-yield tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to pre-empt large-scale conventional action by NATO. The principle does not fit with any of the doctrinal scenarios above, but it is consistent with Moscow’s capabilities. Tactical nuclear weapons are destabilizing to the delicate balance of deterrence. They reduce the barrier to nuclear use and blur the boundary between conventional and nuclear war. Russia’s nuclear threat is also most likely imparting additional momentum to the most troubling aspect of U.S. nuclear modernization plans: its own focus on tactical nuclear weapons. Abandoning the Obama administration’s apprehensiveness about such weapons because of their destabilizing effects, the Trump administration’s Nuclear Posture Review contemplated their development in response to the possibility of local and limited aggression — to some extent in response to Russian intimations that it would use the weapons pre-emptively. If the United States doubled down on tactical nuclear weapons in response to Russia’s threat, it would return the world to a state of nuclear dread similar to what it experienced in the early 1980s. Instead, the United States should reassert confidence in conventional deterrence by emphasizing its adherence to the established framework. The effort might start with a refutation of Mr. Putin’s narrative, which includes the idea that the invasion of Ukraine was undertaken to pre-empt NATO aggression against Russia staged from Ukraine. This is not credible. NATO’s posture is clearly defensive, involving small forward-positioned NATO deployments that function essentially as a tripwire and a multinational backup force for quick reinforcement to hold the line. The Biden administration should dial back public disclosures of what it will not do militarily. Such talk implies that the United States and NATO do not believe in the alliance’s deterrence and buy into Mr. Putin’s suggestion that any level of NATO support for Ukraine would risk nuclear war. Putin’s own conduct implies that this isn’t true. Mr. Putin has drawn his red lines: no interference with Russia’s attempted absorption of Ukraine and no arms convoys. Yet the United States and NATO have trespassed over both red lines without facing a Russian riposte. Perpetuating a false sense of Russia’s readiness to use extreme measures only helps Mr. Putin. Owing to Ukrainian forces’ stiff resistance and the West’s broad support for Ukraine, Russia may be cooling on military conquest and considering a negotiated political solution. Caution is still warranted: Mr. Putin’s true limits remain unclear. The United States should continue to send Ukraine military equipment, especially antiaircraft systems and antitank munitions. At the same time, the United States and its allies should continue to firm up NATO’s conventional readiness to respond to Russian aggression against a NATO member or on NATO territory, whether it is a result of a deliberate decision or spillover from operations in Ukraine. The message to Mr. Putin is that the United States and NATO emphatically reject his attempt to raze the architecture of deterrence.

Why Putin went straight for the nuclear threat

It has been more than a month since Russian invasion of Ukraine started, and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Armies of both countries have been involved in intense fights since Russian troops entered Ukraine. Now, Moscow reported air raids on Russian soil.

Russia-Ukraine conflict rages on as Moscow reports air raids on Russian soil

It has been more than a month since Russian invasion of Ukraine started, and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Armies of both countries have been involved in intense fights since Russian troops entered Ukraine.

Zelensky says 3,000 rescued from Mariupol amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine

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