A video shared on Twitter of St Stephen's college triggered an old memory which I have not shared with many people. I saw students of the college participate in the current event of a protest. The students were sending a strong message that they remain committed to the values of the Constitution. It was a peaceful protest. Many people found the protest to be okay and peaceful but some politicians accused the college of inadequate response to larger political events in the past. It is in this context, I would like to recall a day’s protest which I staged my friend at St Stephen’s College. I did it with my childhood friend Archis Mohan in the first year of college in 1993. Obviously, we didn’t read the Constitution but did something which made us feel significant.

We both were pursuing History (Hons). We knew each other for a long time as both us were from Sardar Patel Vidyalaya. We decided to commemorate the first anniversary of Babri Masjid Demolition. We decided that we would wear a pathani suit and skull cap and would attend the classes with the attire. I managed to procure a pathano suit from my father’s wardrobe and a skull cap from a friend.

Archis also somehow managed to procure one skull cap but could not get his hands on a pathani suit. We created quite a scene at college. A lot of friends privately objected to our attire. We also faced a few sniggers but nothing serious to either upset our appetite or resolve. We even went around Kamala market with caps on.

I can proudly say that not a single person came to us and called names. Then there was no anti-national on the horizon so we felt pretty amused and proud at the same time. Not one person from the student community strongly objected and fought with us.

It was at the end of the first half that we were called by Dr Anil Wilson, the then principal of the college. He told both of us that we have made the point and its time we go back to the normal routine. He did not admonish us. He neither ridiculed us. He accepted our day’s protest but asked us to go back to the class. We did exactly what he said. We went back to our normal routine without getting stereotyped. The three years we spent in college not a single person called both of us a Muslim sympathiser. The cap did not stick with me. We were neither labelled as ‘liberal’s nor&nbsp;accused as anti-Hindu.

I must admit that I welcomed the decision to build a Ram Temple on the ground because the sentiment of Ram being born in Ayodhya is a reality today. But back then both I and Archis escaped social hounding which people can go through depending on the position they have taken on a political issue.

In the present context, if you ask me whether it was enough, I would say that it should be left to students and the institutions they go to. There exist&nbsp;a social contract between students and the institution they are part off. Every educational institution has a character and it needs to be respected. There has been a lot of name-calling on St Stephen’s and its political disconnect.

The college has produced brilliant minds who have contributed immensely to&nbsp;the world of politics, economy&nbsp;and business. The institution remains committed towards educational excellence.&nbsp;

Even if the institution is not connected with electoral politics directly, it has allowed space for students&nbsp;to express strong disagreement with political developments in a peaceful without disrupting the educational cycle.&nbsp;

It is not to say that what is happening in JNU is incorrect. JNU has its own tradition and needs to be respected while St Stephen’s has its own and needs to be respected too.

(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

A video shared on Twitter of St Stephen's college triggered an old memory which I have not shared with many people. I saw students of the college participate in the current event of a protest.

A video shared on Twitter of St Stephen's college triggered an old memory which I have not shared with many people. I saw students of the college participate in the current event of a protest. The students were sending a strong message that they remain committed to the values of the Constitution. It was a peaceful protest. Many people found the protest to be okay and peaceful but some politicians accused the college of inadequate response to larger political events in the past. It is in this context, I would like to recall a day’s protest which I staged my friend at St Stephen’s College. I did it with my childhood friend Archis Mohan in the first year of college in 1993. Obviously, we didn’t read the Constitution but did something which made us feel significant. We both were pursuing History (Hons). We knew each other for a long time as both us were from Sardar Patel Vidyalaya. We decided to commemorate the first anniversary of Babri Masjid Demolition. We decided that we would wear a pathani suit and skull cap and would attend the classes with the attire. I managed to procure a pathano suit from my father’s wardrobe and a skull cap from a friend. Archis also somehow managed to procure one skull cap but could not get his hands on a pathani suit. We created quite a scene at college. A lot of friends privately objected to our attire. We also faced a few sniggers but nothing serious to either upset our appetite or resolve. We even went around Kamala market with caps on. I can proudly say that not a single person came to us and called names. Then there was no anti-national on the horizon so we felt pretty amused and proud at the same time. Not one person from the student community strongly objected and fought with us. It was at the end of the first half that we were called by Dr Anil Wilson, the then principal of the college. He told both of us that we have made the point and its time we go back to the normal routine. He did not admonish us. He neither ridiculed us. He accepted our day’s protest but asked us to go back to the class. We did exactly what he said. We went back to our normal routine without getting stereotyped. The three years we spent in college not a single person called both of us a Muslim sympathiser. The cap did not stick with me. We were neither labelled as ‘liberal’s nor accused as anti-Hindu. I must admit that I welcomed the decision to build a Ram Temple on the ground because the sentiment of Ram being born in Ayodhya is a reality today. But back then both I and Archis escaped social hounding which people can go through depending on the position they have taken on a political issue. In the present context, if you ask me whether it was enough, I would say that it should be left to students and the institutions they go to. There exist a social contract between students and the institution they are part off. Every educational institution has a character and it needs to be respected. There has been a lot of name-calling on St Stephen’s and its political disconnect. The college has produced brilliant minds who have contributed immensely to the world of politics, economy and business. The institution remains committed towards educational excellence. Even if the institution is not connected with electoral politics directly, it has allowed space for students to express strong disagreement with political developments in a peaceful without disrupting the educational cycle. It is not to say that what is happening in JNU is incorrect. JNU has its own tradition and needs to be respected while St Stephen’s has its own and needs to be respected too. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Blog: When pathani suit became my symbol of protest

Like 2019, the new year and perhaps the new decade is likely to be pockmarked by popular protest, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa.

The question is what the protests that last year toppled the leaders of Sudan, Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq but only led to a genuine transition process in Sudan will produce.

The protests’ outcome so far suggests that there may not be a clear-cut answer.

What is clear is that protesters have learnt not to surrender the street when a leader agrees to resign but to maintain the pressure until a process of transition to a more transparent, accountable and open political system has been agreed.

Protesters in Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq, demanding appointment of a leader untainted by association with the old regime, have stood their ground as governments and vested interests have sought to salvage what they can by attempting to replace one leader by another with close ties to ruling elites.

Equally clear is the fact that repression at best buys embattled regimes time and more often than not reinforces protesters’ resolve.

Harsh repression enabled the government of Egyptian general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, one of the Middle East and North Africa’s most brutal leaders, to squash last year’s protests. The question is for how long.

The question is all the more relevant given that by and large protesters in the Middle East and North Africa, like in Hong Kong, are driven by a sense of now or never, a sense of having nothing more to lose.

The killing of more than 100 protesters in Sudan did not stop them from sticking to their guns until a transition process was put in place. The death of hundreds of protesters in Iraq and injuring of thousands more has failed to weaken their resolve.

The resilience suggests a more fundamental shift in attitudes that goes beyond the sense of desperation associated with having nothing more to lose.

It reflects the evolution of a new assertiveness, sense of empowerment, and rejection of submissive adherence to authority that first emerged in the 2011 popular Arab uprisings that toppled the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen.

Vested interests backed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates rolled back the achievements of those revolts, with the exception of Tunisia, leading to the rise of Al-Sisi and brutal civil wars in Libya and Yemen.

In some ways, the counterrevolution has backfired. The war in Yemen has severely tarnished Saudi Arabia’s image, focused attention on the dark side of UAE rulers, and fuelled the resolve of the 2019 protesters.

The last decade’s change in attitudes is also evident in Lebanon and Iraq where protesters are demanding political and social structures that emphasise national rather than ethnic or sectarian religious identities in a world in which civilizational leaders advocate some form of racial, ethnic or religious supremacy.

This weekend’s US military strikes targetting Iraqi militias associated with Iran suggest that world leaders ignore the protests at their peril.

If protesters focussed their demand for a withdrawal of foreign forces primarily on Iranian influence prior to the strikes, it now focuses equally on the presence of US forces.

The strikes also put at risk a stalling effort by Saudi Arabia to dial down tension with Iran in the wake of attacks in September on two key Saudi oil facilities and US reluctance to respond.

Reduced Saudi-Iranian tension, coupled with changing youth attitudes towards religion, facilitates moves away from debilitating sectarian politics that have long served to keep autocratic leaders and ruling elites in power.

Even so, fragile protest outcomes are likely to co-shape the Middle East and North Africa in the coming decade.

Both successful uprisings like in Sudan and stalemated ones as in Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq run a continuous risk of being thwarted by power grabs by militaries and other vested interests that produce harsh repression and potentially civil wars.

“While protesters have the power to force a change of prime minister and can remain in the streets, they do not seem to have the means to realise their broader goals. The country’s politicians and parties have grown rich off the current system and will do everything to defend it, but they do not have an answer for the protests,” said political analyst Stephen A, Cook.

The lesson of the last decade for the coming one is that waves of protest are not a matter of days, months or even a year. They are long drawn out processes that often play out over decades.

2011 ushered in a global era of defiance and dissent with the Arab uprisings as its most dramatic centrepiece.

The decade of the 2020s is likely to be one in which protests may produce at best uncertain and fragile outcomes, irrespective of whether protesters or vested interests gain an immediate upper hand.

Fragility at best, instability at worst, is likely to be the norm. To change that protesters and governments would have to agree on economic, political and social systems that are truly inclusive and ensure that all have a stake. No doubt, that is a tall order.

(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Like 2019, the new year and perhaps the new decade is likely to be pockmarked by popular protest, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa. The question is what the protests that last year toppled the leaders of Sudan, Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq but only led to a genuine transition process in Sudan will produce.

Like 2019, the new year and perhaps the new decade is likely to be pockmarked by popular protest, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa. The question is what the protests that last year toppled the leaders of Sudan, Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq but only led to a genuine transition process in Sudan will produce. The protests’ outcome so far suggests that there may not be a clear-cut answer. What is clear is that protesters have learnt not to surrender the street when a leader agrees to resign but to maintain the pressure until a process of transition to a more transparent, accountable and open political system has been agreed. Protesters in Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq, demanding appointment of a leader untainted by association with the old regime, have stood their ground as governments and vested interests have sought to salvage what they can by attempting to replace one leader by another with close ties to ruling elites. Equally clear is the fact that repression at best buys embattled regimes time and more often than not reinforces protesters’ resolve. Harsh repression enabled the government of Egyptian general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, one of the Middle East and North Africa’s most brutal leaders, to squash last year’s protests. The question is for how long. The question is all the more relevant given that by and large protesters in the Middle East and North Africa, like in Hong Kong, are driven by a sense of now or never, a sense of having nothing more to lose. The killing of more than 100 protesters in Sudan did not stop them from sticking to their guns until a transition process was put in place. The death of hundreds of protesters in Iraq and injuring of thousands more has failed to weaken their resolve. The resilience suggests a more fundamental shift in attitudes that goes beyond the sense of desperation associated with having nothing more to lose. It reflects the evolution of a new assertiveness, sense of empowerment, and rejection of submissive adherence to authority that first emerged in the 2011 popular Arab uprisings that toppled the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. Vested interests backed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates rolled back the achievements of those revolts, with the exception of Tunisia, leading to the rise of Al-Sisi and brutal civil wars in Libya and Yemen. In some ways, the counterrevolution has backfired. The war in Yemen has severely tarnished Saudi Arabia’s image, focused attention on the dark side of UAE rulers, and fuelled the resolve of the 2019 protesters. The last decade’s change in attitudes is also evident in Lebanon and Iraq where protesters are demanding political and social structures that emphasise national rather than ethnic or sectarian religious identities in a world in which civilizational leaders advocate some form of racial, ethnic or religious supremacy. This weekend’s US military strikes targetting Iraqi militias associated with Iran suggest that world leaders ignore the protests at their peril. If protesters focussed their demand for a withdrawal of foreign forces primarily on Iranian influence prior to the strikes, it now focuses equally on the presence of US forces. The strikes also put at risk a stalling effort by Saudi Arabia to dial down tension with Iran in the wake of attacks in September on two key Saudi oil facilities and US reluctance to respond. Reduced Saudi-Iranian tension, coupled with changing youth attitudes towards religion, facilitates moves away from debilitating sectarian politics that have long served to keep autocratic leaders and ruling elites in power. Even so, fragile protest outcomes are likely to co-shape the Middle East and North Africa in the coming decade. Both successful uprisings like in Sudan and stalemated ones as in Algeria, Lebanon and Iraq run a continuous risk of being thwarted by power grabs by militaries and other vested interests that produce harsh repression and potentially civil wars. “While protesters have the power to force a change of prime minister and can remain in the streets, they do not seem to have the means to realise their broader goals. The country’s politicians and parties have grown rich off the current system and will do everything to defend it, but they do not have an answer for the protests,” said political analyst Stephen A, Cook. The lesson of the last decade for the coming one is that waves of protest are not a matter of days, months or even a year. They are long drawn out processes that often play out over decades. 2011 ushered in a global era of defiance and dissent with the Arab uprisings as its most dramatic centrepiece. The decade of the 2020s is likely to be one in which protests may produce at best uncertain and fragile outcomes, irrespective of whether protesters or vested interests gain an immediate upper hand. Fragility at best, instability at worst, is likely to be the norm. To change that protesters and governments would have to agree on economic, political and social systems that are truly inclusive and ensure that all have a stake. No doubt, that is a tall order. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Last year was marked by defiance & dissent, 2020 is likely to be no different

The Most Overwhelming Story Of 2019 Was Unrest & Protests It won't be an exaggeration to say that 2019 was a year of protests. Across all the continents, protest was the common theme. Take a look.

Gravitas: 2019: A Year Of Protests

By Feyzi Ismail

The first two decades of the 21st century saw the return of mass movements to streets around the world. Partly a product of sinking confidence in mainstream politics, mass mobilisation has had a huge impact on both official politics and wider society, and protest has become the form of political expression to which millions of people turn.

2019 has ended with protests on a global scale, most notably in Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa, Hong Kong and across India, which has recently flared up against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Citizenship Amendment Act. In some cases, protests are explicitly against neoliberal reforms, or against legal changes that threaten civil liberties. In others, they are against inaction over the climate crisis, now driven by a generation of young people new to politics in dozens of countries.

As we end a turbulent two decades of protest – the subject of much of my own teaching and ongoing research – what will be the shape of protest in the 2020s?

What’s changed in the 21st century

Following moments of open class warfare in the late 1960s and early 1970s, battles against the political and economic order became fragmented, trade unions were attacked, the legacy of the anti-colonial struggles was eroded and the history of the period was recast by the establishment to undermine its potency. In the post-Cold War era, a new phase of protest finally began to overcome these defeats.

This revival of protest exploded onto the political scene most visibly in Seattle outside the World Trade Organization summit in 1999. If 1968 was one of the high points of radical struggle in the 20th century, protest in the early 2000s once again began to reflect a general critique of the capitalist system, with solidarity forged across different sections of society.

The birth of the anti-globalisation movement in Seattle was followed by extraordinary mobilisations outside gatherings of the global economic elite. Alternative spaces were also created for the global justice movement to connect, most notably the World Social Forums (WSFs), starting with Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2001. It was here that questions over what position the anti-globalisation movement should take over the Iraq War, for example, were discussed and debated. Though the WSFs provided an important rallying point for a time, they ultimately evaded politics.

The global anti-war movement led to the biggest co-ordinated demonstrations in the history of protest on February 15 2003, in which millions of people demonstrated in over 800 cities, creating a crisis of democracy around the US and UK-led intervention in Iraq.

In the years leading up to and following the banking crisis of 2008, food riots and anti-austerity protests escalated around the world. In parts of the Middle East and North Africa, protests achieved insurrectionary proportions, with the overthrow of one dictator after another. After the Arab Spring was thwarted by counter-revolution, the Occupy movement and then Black Lives Matter gained global attention. While the public, urban square became a central focus for protest, social media became an important – but by no means exclusive – organising tool.

To varying degrees, these movements sharply raised the question of political transformation but didn’t find new ways of institutionalising popular power. The result was that in a number of situations, protest movements fell back on widely distrusted parliamentary processes to try and pursue their political aims. The results of this parliamentary turn have not been impressive.

Crisis of representation 
​​​​​​​ 
On the one hand, the first two decades of the 21st century have seen soaring inequality, accompanied by debt and the neglect of working people. On the other, there have been poor results from purely parliamentary attempts to challenge it. There is, in other words, a deep crisis of representation.

The inability of modern capitalism to deliver more than survival for many has combined with a general critique of neoliberal capitalism to create a situation in which wider and wider sections of society are being drawn into protest. More than a million people have poured onto the streets of Lebanon since mid-October and protests continue despite a violent crackdown by security forces.

At the same time, people are less and less willing to accept unrepresentative politicians – and this is likely to continue in the future. From Lebanon and Iraq to Chile and Hong Kong, mass mobilisations continue despite resignations and concessions.

In Britain, the Labour Party’s defeat in the recent general election is attributed largely to its failure to accept the 2016 referendum result over EU membership. Decades of loyalty to the Labour Party for many and a socialist leader in Jeremy Corbyn calling for an end to austerity couldn’t cut through to enough of the millions who voted for Brexit.

In France, a general strike in December 2019 over President Emmanuel Macron’s proposed pension reforms has revealed the extent of opposition that people feel towards his government. This comes barely a year after the start of the Yellow Vest movement, in which people have protested against fuel price hikes and the precariousness of their lives.

The tendency towards street protest will be encouraged too by the climate crisis, whose effects mean that the most heavily exploited, including along race and gender lines, have the most to lose. When the protests in Lebanon broke out, they were taking place alongside rampant wildfires.

Thinking strategically

As protesters gain experience, they consciously bring to the fore questions of leadership and organisation. In Lebanon and Iraq there has already been a conscious effort to overcome traditional sectarian divides. Debates are also raging in protest movements from Algeria to Chile about how to fuse economic and political demands in a more strategic manner. The goal is to make political and economic demands inseparable, such that it’s impossible for a government to make political concessions without making economic ones too.

As the 2020s begin, it’s clear we’re living in an unprecedented moment: a climate emergency and ecological breakdown, a brewing global financial crisis, deepening inequality, trade wars, and growing threats of more imperialist wars and militarisation.

There has also been a resurgence of the far right in many countries, emboldened most visibly by parties and politicians in the US, Brazil, India and many parts of Europe. This resurgence, however, has not gone unchallenged.

The convergence of crisis on these multiple fronts will reach breaking point, creating conditions that will become intolerable for most people. This will galvanise more protest and more polarisation. As governments respond with reforms, such measures on their own will be unlikely to meet the combination of political and economic demands. The question of how to create new vehicles of representation to assert popular control over the economy will keep emerging. The fortunes of popular protest may well depend on whether the collective leadership of the movements can provide answers to it.

(Feyzi Ismail is Senior Teaching Fellow, SOAS, University of London)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the<a href="https://theconversation.com/protest-has-helped-define-the-first-two-decades-of-the-21st-century-heres-whats-next-128745"> original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

By Feyzi Ismail The first two decades of the 21st century saw the return of mass movements to streets around the world. Partly a product of sinking confidence in mainstream politics, mass mobilisation has had a huge impact on both official politics and wider society, and protest has become the form of political expression to which millions of people turn.

By Feyzi Ismail The first two decades of the 21st century saw the return of mass movements to streets around the world. Partly a product of sinking confidence in mainstream politics, mass mobilisation has had a huge impact on both official politics and wider society, and protest has become the form of political expression to which millions of people turn. 2019 has ended with protests on a global scale, most notably in Latin America, the Middle East and North Africa, Hong Kong and across India, which has recently flared up against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Citizenship Amendment Act. In some cases, protests are explicitly against neoliberal reforms, or against legal changes that threaten civil liberties. In others, they are against inaction over the climate crisis, now driven by a generation of young people new to politics in dozens of countries. As we end a turbulent two decades of protest – the subject of much of my own teaching and ongoing research – what will be the shape of protest in the 2020s? What’s changed in the 21st century Following moments of open class warfare in the late 1960s and early 1970s, battles against the political and economic order became fragmented, trade unions were attacked, the legacy of the anti-colonial struggles was eroded and the history of the period was recast by the establishment to undermine its potency. In the post-Cold War era, a new phase of protest finally began to overcome these defeats. This revival of protest exploded onto the political scene most visibly in Seattle outside the World Trade Organization summit in 1999. If 1968 was one of the high points of radical struggle in the 20th century, protest in the early 2000s once again began to reflect a general critique of the capitalist system, with solidarity forged across different sections of society. The birth of the anti-globalisation movement in Seattle was followed by extraordinary mobilisations outside gatherings of the global economic elite. Alternative spaces were also created for the global justice movement to connect, most notably the World Social Forums (WSFs), starting with Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2001. It was here that questions over what position the anti-globalisation movement should take over the Iraq War, for example, were discussed and debated. Though the WSFs provided an important rallying point for a time, they ultimately evaded politics. The global anti-war movement led to the biggest co-ordinated demonstrations in the history of protest on February 15 2003, in which millions of people demonstrated in over 800 cities, creating a crisis of democracy around the US and UK-led intervention in Iraq. In the years leading up to and following the banking crisis of 2008, food riots and anti-austerity protests escalated around the world. In parts of the Middle East and North Africa, protests achieved insurrectionary proportions, with the overthrow of one dictator after another. After the Arab Spring was thwarted by counter-revolution, the Occupy movement and then Black Lives Matter gained global attention. While the public, urban square became a central focus for protest, social media became an important – but by no means exclusive – organising tool. To varying degrees, these movements sharply raised the question of political transformation but didn’t find new ways of institutionalising popular power. The result was that in a number of situations, protest movements fell back on widely distrusted parliamentary processes to try and pursue their political aims. The results of this parliamentary turn have not been impressive. Crisis of representation On the one hand, the first two decades of the 21st century have seen soaring inequality, accompanied by debt and the neglect of working people. On the other, there have been poor results from purely parliamentary attempts to challenge it. There is, in other words, a deep crisis of representation. The inability of modern capitalism to deliver more than survival for many has combined with a general critique of neoliberal capitalism to create a situation in which wider and wider sections of society are being drawn into protest. More than a million people have poured onto the streets of Lebanon since mid-October and protests continue despite a violent crackdown by security forces. At the same time, people are less and less willing to accept unrepresentative politicians – and this is likely to continue in the future. From Lebanon and Iraq to Chile and Hong Kong, mass mobilisations continue despite resignations and concessions. In Britain, the Labour Party’s defeat in the recent general election is attributed largely to its failure to accept the 2016 referendum result over EU membership. Decades of loyalty to the Labour Party for many and a socialist leader in Jeremy Corbyn calling for an end to austerity couldn’t cut through to enough of the millions who voted for Brexit. In France, a general strike in December 2019 over President Emmanuel Macron’s proposed pension reforms has revealed the extent of opposition that people feel towards his government. This comes barely a year after the start of the Yellow Vest movement, in which people have protested against fuel price hikes and the precariousness of their lives. The tendency towards street protest will be encouraged too by the climate crisis, whose effects mean that the most heavily exploited, including along race and gender lines, have the most to lose. When the protests in Lebanon broke out, they were taking place alongside rampant wildfires. Thinking strategically As protesters gain experience, they consciously bring to the fore questions of leadership and organisation. In Lebanon and Iraq there has already been a conscious effort to overcome traditional sectarian divides. Debates are also raging in protest movements from Algeria to Chile about how to fuse economic and political demands in a more strategic manner. The goal is to make political and economic demands inseparable, such that it’s impossible for a government to make political concessions without making economic ones too. As the 2020s begin, it’s clear we’re living in an unprecedented moment: a climate emergency and ecological breakdown, a brewing global financial crisis, deepening inequality, trade wars, and growing threats of more imperialist wars and militarisation. There has also been a resurgence of the far right in many countries, emboldened most visibly by parties and politicians in the US, Brazil, India and many parts of Europe. This resurgence, however, has not gone unchallenged. The convergence of crisis on these multiple fronts will reach breaking point, creating conditions that will become intolerable for most people. This will galvanise more protest and more polarisation. As governments respond with reforms, such measures on their own will be unlikely to meet the combination of political and economic demands. The question of how to create new vehicles of representation to assert popular control over the economy will keep emerging. The fortunes of popular protest may well depend on whether the collective leadership of the movements can provide answers to it. (Feyzi Ismail is Senior Teaching Fellow, SOAS, University of London) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Protests have helped define first two decades of 21st century – here’s what’s next

Not so merry! When Christmas festivities turn into 'protests'

protests-2019

Protests 2019, News on Protests 2019, stories on Protests 2019, articles on Protests 2019, Protests 2019 stories at Wion, Protests 2019 news, Protests 2019 latest news

protests 2019

Blog: When pathani suit became my symbol of protest

Last year was marked by defiance & dissent, 2020 is likely to be no different

Gravitas: 2019: A Year Of Protests

Protests have helped define first two decades of 21st century – here’s what’s next

Not so merry! When Christmas festivities turn into 'protests'