India's defence minister Rajnath Singh and US defence secretary Mark T Esper on Friday evening spoke to each other and discussed the ongoing <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/chinese-defence-ministry-reiterates-india-border-issue-stable-and-controllable-301817">India-China</a> border row and the Chinese build-up on its side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC).&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/beijing-rejects-trumps-offer-to-mediate-in-india-china-border-standoff-301794">Also Read:&nbsp;Beijing rejects Trump's offer to mediate in India-China border standoff</a>

The call happened at the request of the American side and comes even as US president has said that he is willing to mediate between India and China, something both New Delhi and Beijing have rejected.&nbsp;

The American read out of the talks said, "Secretary Esper and Minister Singh discussed a range of regional security issues and the secretary expressed his firm commitment to India’s leadership across the Indo-Pacific".

The Pentagon read out added,"Secretary&nbsp;Esper reiterated his support for a strong and enduring US-India defense partnership and the two leaders discussed ways to advance several important bilateral initiatives."

Defence ministry readout of the meet said COVID-19 crisis was also discussed with both side briefing "each other on the respective experience of fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and vowed to continue the excellent bilateral cooperation in this regard."

Cyclone Amphan which struck West Bengal earlier this month was also mentioned with defence minister briefing about India’s relief efforts to his counterpart.

Defence secretary Esper was to visit earlier this year but could not due to the COVID-19 crisis. &nbsp;

Both ministers spoke to each other last in March. Each year, both meet each other usually at the sidelines of the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus) and the annual 2+2 India-US foreign and defence minister meet that alternates between the two&nbsp;capitals.

India's defence minister Rajnath Singh and US defence secretary Mark T Esper on Friday evening spoke to each other and discussed the ongoing India-China border row and the Chinese build-up on its side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

India's defence minister Rajnath Singh and US defence secretary Mark T Esper on Friday evening spoke to each other and discussed the ongoing India-China border row and the Chinese build-up on its side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Also Read: Beijing rejects Trump's offer to mediate in India-China border standoff The call happened at the request of the American side and comes even as US president has said that he is willing to mediate between India and China, something both New Delhi and Beijing have rejected. The American read out of the talks said, "Secretary Esper and Minister Singh discussed a range of regional security issues and the secretary expressed his firm commitment to India’s leadership across the Indo-Pacific". The Pentagon read out added,"Secretary Esper reiterated his support for a strong and enduring US-India defense partnership and the two leaders discussed ways to advance several important bilateral initiatives." Defence ministry readout of the meet said COVID-19 crisis was also discussed with both side briefing "each other on the respective experience of fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and vowed to continue the excellent bilateral cooperation in this regard." Cyclone Amphan which struck West Bengal earlier this month was also mentioned with defence minister briefing about India’s relief efforts to his counterpart. Defence secretary Esper was to visit earlier this year but could not due to the COVID-19 crisis. Both ministers spoke to each other last in March. Each year, both meet each other usually at the sidelines of the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus (ADMM-Plus) and the annual 2+2 India-US foreign and defence minister meet that alternates between the two capitals.

Rajanth Singh, US defence secretary Mark Esper discuss China build-up

Indian government sources have dismissed reports of Indian patrol being detailed by the Chinese at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh calling them "inaccurate" The Ministry of external affairs last week said the Chinese side "hindering India’s normal patrolling patterns" after China alleged that Indian side had tried to build a structure in Galwan valley.

Indian government sources have dismissed reports of Indian patrol being detailed by the Chinese at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh calling them "inaccurate" The Ministry of external affairs last week said the Chinese side "hindering India’s normal patrolling patterns" after China alleged that Indian side had tried to build a structure in Galwan valley. The location of present India China face-off is in Galwan Valley in China occupied Ladakh. The MEA explained, "Any suggestion that Indian troops had undertaken activity across the LAC in the Western Sector or the Sikkim sector is not accurate" and the "Indian troops are fully familiar with the alignment of the Line of Actual Control in the India-China border areas and abide by it scrupulously. " Earlier this month speaking to WION, Army chief Gen MM Naravane on India China Faceoffs in Ladakh and Sikkim said, "I would rather say it is face-offs and these faces-offs have been happening in the past also, nothing new about it." "Different perceptions on where the Line of Actual Control(LAC) runs in these areas, we patrol up to where we believe LAC is, PLA comes were they think LAC comes. When we come face-to-face, when we come at the same place at the same time, that is when such face-offs occur, " he added.

Indian patrol being detained by China is inaccurate, says government sources

There is no commonly delineated Line of Actual Control (LAC) and there are areas along LAC where India and China have differing perception of LAC, while 1,025 incidents of transgression were reported during the past three years, the Lok Sabha was informed on Wednesday.

In a written reply, the Ministry of Defence said,&nbsp;"There is no commonly delineated Line of Actual Control (LAC) and there are areas along LAC where both sides have differing perception of LAC."

Sharing details about the transgression, the ministry said that in 2016, there were 273 incidents of transgression, 426 in 2017, 326 in 2018 and for the current year, the information is being collected, "Due to both (India and China) sides undertaking patrolling up to their respective perception of the LAC, transgressions do occur," said the ministry.

In reply to the question, if the matter of such incursions and transgressions has been discussed with the Chinese President during his visit to India in the recent past, the ministry said, "During the recent visit of Chinese President (Xi Jinping) to India, views were exchanged on outstanding issues including on the boundary question."

"Issues discussed also included efforts to arrive at a mutually-agreed framework for a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable settlement based on political parameters and guiding principles agreed by two sides in 2005. There were talks on continued efforts to ensure peace and tranquillity in the border areas and additional confidence-building measures," added the ministry.&nbsp;

There is no commonly delineated Line of Actual Control (LAC) and there are areas along LAC where India and China have differing perception of LAC, while 1,025 incidents of transgression were reported during the past three years, the Lok Sabha was informed on Wednesday.

There is no commonly delineated Line of Actual Control (LAC) and there are areas along LAC where India and China have differing perception of LAC, while 1,025 incidents of transgression were reported during the past three years, the Lok Sabha was informed on Wednesday. In a written reply, the Ministry of Defence said, "There is no commonly delineated Line of Actual Control (LAC) and there are areas along LAC where both sides have differing perception of LAC." Sharing details about the transgression, the ministry said that in 2016, there were 273 incidents of transgression, 426 in 2017, 326 in 2018 and for the current year, the information is being collected, "Due to both (India and China) sides undertaking patrolling up to their respective perception of the LAC, transgressions do occur," said the ministry. In reply to the question, if the matter of such incursions and transgressions has been discussed with the Chinese President during his visit to India in the recent past, the ministry said, "During the recent visit of Chinese President (Xi Jinping) to India, views were exchanged on outstanding issues including on the boundary question." "Issues discussed also included efforts to arrive at a mutually-agreed framework for a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable settlement based on political parameters and guiding principles agreed by two sides in 2005. There were talks on continued efforts to ensure peace and tranquillity in the border areas and additional confidence-building measures," added the ministry.

No commonly delineated LAC between India and China, 1,025 incidents of transgression during 2016-18: Government

By

Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor

In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/let-people-in-pakistan-kashmir-be-aware-unsc-not-waiting-for-you-qureshi-242536">Jammu and Kashmir </a>will have no impact on the&nbsp;Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced.&nbsp;

A release by ministry of external affairs on Jaishankar meeting with Wang said it was India's "internal matter" to remove the special status for the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir "aimed at promoting better governance and socio-economic development" and "there was no implication for either the external boundaries of India or the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. India was not raising any additional territorial claims. The Chinese concerns in this regard were therefore misplaced"

The Line of Actual Control(LAC) is the demarcation line between Indian territory in the union territory of Ladakh and China occupied Jammu and Kashmir in Aksai Chin.

Earlier in the day, the Chinese foreign minister publically raised the issue at press statements at the media forum, Wang Yi said, "there are some differences between our two countries, we don't shy away from those differences. We exchanged view on those matters in a candid manner. Regarding recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns and issues regarding China's sovereignty, we stated China's principled position."

Jaishankar during the same press statement had called for "mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns" and "properly managing differences is therefore vital. As our leaders agreed in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world."

On India Pakistan tensions in the backdrop of New Delhi's decision, Jaishankar explained to the Chinese side that despite Pakistan's provocative rhetoric and actions, India "has always stood for normalisation of the ties in an atmosphere free of terror."

He also emphasised that administrative changes announced on Jammu and Kashmir won't have a &nbsp;"bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter" and "It did not impact the LoC", suggesting China to "base its assessment on realities".

By Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on Jammu and Kashmir will have no impact on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced.

By Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on Jammu and Kashmir will have no impact on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced. A release by ministry of external affairs on Jaishankar meeting with Wang said it was India's "internal matter" to remove the special status for the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir "aimed at promoting better governance and socio-economic development" and "there was no implication for either the external boundaries of India or the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. India was not raising any additional territorial claims. The Chinese concerns in this regard were therefore misplaced" The Line of Actual Control(LAC) is the demarcation line between Indian territory in the union territory of Ladakh and China occupied Jammu and Kashmir in Aksai Chin. Earlier in the day, the Chinese foreign minister publically raised the issue at press statements at the media forum, Wang Yi said, "there are some differences between our two countries, we don't shy away from those differences. We exchanged view on those matters in a candid manner. Regarding recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns and issues regarding China's sovereignty, we stated China's principled position." Jaishankar during the same press statement had called for "mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns" and "properly managing differences is therefore vital. As our leaders agreed in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world." On India Pakistan tensions in the backdrop of New Delhi's decision, Jaishankar explained to the Chinese side that despite Pakistan's provocative rhetoric and actions, India "has always stood for normalisation of the ties in an atmosphere free of terror." He also emphasised that administrative changes announced on Jammu and Kashmir won't have a "bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter" and "It did not impact the LoC", suggesting China to "base its assessment on realities".

J&K decision will have no impact on Line of Actual Control: India to China

In the aftermath of Jammu and Kashmir being stripped of its special status, China keeping a cool and calculated distance from the issue is in stark contrast to Pakistan blowing hot and cold.

China has an interest in Kashmir because of Aksai Chin and issues over the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Its reaction is of greater consequence than that of the other P-5 members, including the US

China’s reaction, from its Foreign Ministry spokesman on August 6, to Ladakh’s changed status as a Union Territory and the “current situation” in J &amp; K were a matter-of-fact reiteration of its position, made explicit in the past too.

On Ladakh, China emphasised that its “firm and consistent position remains unchanged”, which is: that a part of Ladakh belongs to China; India should not change facts on the ground; China would find such changes unacceptable; and changes “will not (be allowed to) come into force”.

This was to be expected. Ladakh becoming a Union Territory might mean changes on the ground – and China was cautioning against it.

On the current situation, there was no direct reference to abrogation of Article 370. The spokesman reiterated that “China's position on the Kashmir issue as such is clear and consistent”. China is part of the “international consensus” on the Kashmir issue being a historical conundrum, and in dealing with which India and Pakistan should exercise restraint and prudence.

China asked India and Pakistan to peacefully resolve their “relevant disputes” through dialogue and consultation.

None of these responses indicate the least tilt towards “all-weather friend” Pakistan or China’s intent of wading in to the situation developing between India and Pakistan.

Thus, so far, if Pakistan has been unable to sway China on the present situation, it is unlikely to succeed in goading the international community to act at its behest.

In the aftermath of Jammu and Kashmir being stripped of its special status, China keeping a cool and calculated distance from the issue is in stark contrast to Pakistan blowing hot and cold.

In the aftermath of Jammu and Kashmir being stripped of its special status, China keeping a cool and calculated distance from the issue is in stark contrast to Pakistan blowing hot and cold. China has an interest in Kashmir because of Aksai Chin and issues over the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Its reaction is of greater consequence than that of the other P-5 members, including the US China’s reaction, from its Foreign Ministry spokesman on August 6, to Ladakh’s changed status as a Union Territory and the “current situation” in J & K were a matter-of-fact reiteration of its position, made explicit in the past too. On Ladakh, China emphasised that its “firm and consistent position remains unchanged”, which is: that a part of Ladakh belongs to China; India should not change facts on the ground; China would find such changes unacceptable; and changes “will not (be allowed to) come into force”. This was to be expected. Ladakh becoming a Union Territory might mean changes on the ground – and China was cautioning against it. On the current situation, there was no direct reference to abrogation of Article 370. The spokesman reiterated that “China's position on the Kashmir issue as such is clear and consistent”. China is part of the “international consensus” on the Kashmir issue being a historical conundrum, and in dealing with which India and Pakistan should exercise restraint and prudence. China asked India and Pakistan to peacefully resolve their “relevant disputes” through dialogue and consultation. None of these responses indicate the least tilt towards “all-weather friend” Pakistan or China’s intent of wading in to the situation developing between India and Pakistan. Thus, so far, if Pakistan has been unable to sway China on the present situation, it is unlikely to succeed in goading the international community to act at its behest.

WION Edit: China not backing Pakistan on Kashmir

The talks of extension of Chinese president Xi Jinping&rsquo;s tenure beyond the stipulated limit of two terms as per their 1982 constitution is generating reasonable interest in the diplomatic circles. We Indians, from an open democracy with no such restrictions, have no case to comment on the political philosophies, structures and processes that China wants to adopt. It is purely their call, albeit it has exposed an inherent flaw in their constitutional design.

The sensibility of this proposed change is under scrutiny as President Xi is currently the head of all three apex level decision making bodies, including the communist party, national people&rsquo;s congress and the military commission. In absence of political opposition in the one-party political system, a division of power amongst these three institutions has some modicum of conceptual debate on national issues, if not an elbow space for a &nbsp;dissent in a communist structure. With the proposed changes, however, the possibility of prompting by the all-powerful president himself cannot be ruled out. The change is symbolic of giving higher credence to a perceived successful personality over the proven institutional strength of existing governance structures.

What concerns the international community most are the political connotations; China is seen as transitioning to quasi-dictatorial political structures. There are fair chances of enhanced political hubris of China in the absence of internal political opposition. This can get worse with President Xi&rsquo;s penchant for the conduct of aggressive diplomacy as observed so far.&nbsp;

Closer home, one cannot forget the Chinese duplicity and high handedness in orchestrating a major incursion across the Line of Actual Control (LAC) into Indian territory while President Xi was on a state visit to India, conveying a coercive politico- military message. Soon, thereafter, the Doklam happened as a sequel. The timings of the Doklam face-off was apparently linked to the domestic political compulsion of President Xi who intended to showcase his firm handling of territorial issues with an aim of enhancing his central position in Chinese polity in the forthcoming 19th Congress meet and the 90th anniversary of PLA.&nbsp;

However, the Chinese bluff was exposed with firm political handling and Indian military resolve. A repeat of such military incursions cannot be ruled out in the future once Xi is firmly in the saddle for a longer tenure. Open threats of using military force and anti-India rhetoric from their foreign office on trivial issues are part of Chinese psychological warfare to keep India on the back foot.&nbsp;

Looking at the pattern of political aggressiveness during his tenure so far, Xi seems to have used anti-India quotient in a deft manner, thereby, rallying national sentiments in his favour besides similar other international politically significant initiatives with military signatures.&nbsp;

It also appears that China is getting worried due to the refusal of India to join CPEC bandwagon which is the key to its success, their biggest political investment in recent times. Fearing an adverse impact on their politico-economic ambitions, they seem to be desperate to tame India through a show of force, a sure shot recipe in their medieval mindset. &nbsp;Whereas, with the increased political clout and strategic pull of India as well as with the help from the US has put the Chinese under pressure to introspect their conduct. &nbsp;

Chinese stand down from supporting Pakistan in FAFT and their reported outreach to the ASEAN countries in working out a code of conduct in the South China Sea are indicative of scaling down of their obstinate political posturing. These changes are due to their political compulsions to push through their national agenda as of now. However, their underlying confrontationist tendencies are likely to continue under Xi in order to retain Chinese political position of strength.

Xi happens to be the tallest Chinese leader in the current strategically transitory situation. Moreover, he has developed a working equation and personal rapport with the current world political leaders who are going to be around for some time. From the Chinese perspective, it certainly is a sensible idea to perpetuate the vision of president Xi instead of bringing in a new incumbent in order to ensure political stability. Hence, a case for his continuation as an exception in the Chinese national interests.

While the Chinese proposal has its merits, it is also fraught with negatives that are detrimental not only to China but also to the world in general. Given the current Chinese politico-economic outreach and subtle military signatures beyond their borders. Since human mind has limited cognitive capabilities, depending on one individual as an ultimate arbitrator becomes counterproductive in the longer run.&nbsp;

Moreover, anti-incumbency is a known phenomenon in any political system which would have no room for catharsis in a single point closed Chinese system, unlike a democracy where there is an option for change. One man show at times may fail to keep pace with the contemporary geopolitical changes due to a rigidity of perceptions, thereby, losing out on political flexibility to adapt to requisite environmental synergies. In the proposed system perception of an individual would have the power to overrule the institutional decision-making mechanism which may manifest into inappropriate synergies.

Now that President Xi is likely to continue in the office beyond the stipulated two terms, he would serve the Chinese interests better if he accords priority to cooperation instead of confrontation. It is &nbsp;President Xi, who has to take a call with added faith and concomitant responsibilities bestowed upon him by the Chinese people.

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Xi Jinping would serve the Chinese interests better if he accords priority to Cooperation instead of confrontation.

The talks of extension of Chinese president Xi Jinping’s tenure beyond the stipulated limit of two terms as per their 1982 constitution is generating reasonable interest in the diplomatic circles. We Indians, from an open democracy with no such restrictions, have no case to comment on the political philosophies, structures and processes that China wants to adopt. It is purely their call, albeit it has exposed an inherent flaw in their constitutional design. The sensibility of this proposed change is under scrutiny as President Xi is currently the head of all three apex level decision making bodies, including the communist party, national people’s congress and the military commission. In absence of political opposition in the one-party political system, a division of power amongst these three institutions has some modicum of conceptual debate on national issues, if not an elbow space for a dissent in a communist structure. With the proposed changes, however, the possibility of prompting by the all-powerful president himself cannot be ruled out. The change is symbolic of giving higher credence to a perceived successful personality over the proven institutional strength of existing governance structures. What concerns the international community most are the political connotations; China is seen as transitioning to quasi-dictatorial political structures. There are fair chances of enhanced political hubris of China in the absence of internal political opposition. This can get worse with President Xi’s penchant for the conduct of aggressive diplomacy as observed so far. Closer home, one cannot forget the Chinese duplicity and high handedness in orchestrating a major incursion across the Line of Actual Control (LAC) into Indian territory while President Xi was on a state visit to India, conveying a coercive politico- military message. Soon, thereafter, the Doklam happened as a sequel. The timings of the Doklam face-off was apparently linked to the domestic political compulsion of President Xi who intended to showcase his firm handling of territorial issues with an aim of enhancing his central position in Chinese polity in the forthcoming 19th Congress meet and the 90th anniversary of PLA. However, the Chinese bluff was exposed with firm political handling and Indian military resolve. A repeat of such military incursions cannot be ruled out in the future once Xi is firmly in the saddle for a longer tenure. Open threats of using military force and anti-India rhetoric from their foreign office on trivial issues are part of Chinese psychological warfare to keep India on the back foot. Looking at the pattern of political aggressiveness during his tenure so far, Xi seems to have used anti-India quotient in a deft manner, thereby, rallying national sentiments in his favour besides similar other international politically significant initiatives with military signatures. It also appears that China is getting worried due to the refusal of India to join CPEC bandwagon which is the key to its success, their biggest political investment in recent times. Fearing an adverse impact on their politico-economic ambitions, they seem to be desperate to tame India through a show of force, a sure shot recipe in their medieval mindset. Whereas, with the increased political clout and strategic pull of India as well as with the help from the US has put the Chinese under pressure to introspect their conduct. Chinese stand down from supporting Pakistan in FAFT and their reported outreach to the ASEAN countries in working out a code of conduct in the South China Sea are indicative of scaling down of their obstinate political posturing. These changes are due to their political compulsions to push through their national agenda as of now. However, their underlying confrontationist tendencies are likely to continue under Xi in order to retain Chinese political position of strength. Xi happens to be the tallest Chinese leader in the current strategically transitory situation. Moreover, he has developed a working equation and personal rapport with the current world political leaders who are going to be around for some time. From the Chinese perspective, it certainly is a sensible idea to perpetuate the vision of president Xi instead of bringing in a new incumbent in order to ensure political stability. Hence, a case for his continuation as an exception in the Chinese national interests. While the Chinese proposal has its merits, it is also fraught with negatives that are detrimental not only to China but also to the world in general. Given the current Chinese politico-economic outreach and subtle military signatures beyond their borders. Since human mind has limited cognitive capabilities, depending on one individual as an ultimate arbitrator becomes counterproductive in the longer run. Moreover, anti-incumbency is a known phenomenon in any political system which would have no room for catharsis in a single point closed Chinese system, unlike a democracy where there is an option for change. One man show at times may fail to keep pace with the contemporary geopolitical changes due to a rigidity of perceptions, thereby, losing out on political flexibility to adapt to requisite environmental synergies. In the proposed system perception of an individual would have the power to overrule the institutional decision-making mechanism which may manifest into inappropriate synergies. Now that President Xi is likely to continue in the office beyond the stipulated two terms, he would serve the Chinese interests better if he accords priority to cooperation instead of confrontation. It is President Xi, who has to take a call with added faith and concomitant responsibilities bestowed upon him by the Chinese people. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: China is giving Xi Jinping unprecedented power

In September 2014, when one of the longest military standoffs between Indian and Chinese forces was building up at a height of 16,700 feet in the eastern Ladakh sector of Chumar, the People&rsquo;s Liberation Army (PLA) used its high-powered vehicles and air drops to reinforce troops for 16 days. 
 
The Indian personnel, on the other hand, waited for a daily caravan of mules and ponies for food and basic supplies. With no road connectivity and high-utility multipurpose vehicles to operate in high-altitude terrains with sub-zero temperatures, the Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) had to rely on animals and the physical prowess of its men. 
 
All this is set to change this week. For the first time, the ITBP is deploying sport utility vehicles (SUVs) for transporting troops, food supplies and weaponry to its 33 high-altitude border outposts. The SUVs will also enable Indian forces to counter any rapid build-up by the PLA, which makes occasional transgressions, usually by using high-powered Humvees, zipping right through the perceived Line of Actual Control (LAC) and into the Indian territory. 
 
To match the PLA, the ITBP, after much deliberations last year, framed specifications for indigenous Humvees or High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles, to be deployed on the border outposts for operating in temperatures ranging from -20 degrees to 45 degrees at an altitude above 15,000 feet. The Indo-China border is 3,400-kilometre-long. 
 
&ldquo;The main demand was for vehicles that can be driven in all-weather conditions, including sub-zero temperatures, at&nbsp;heights above 15,000 feet where oxygen levels dip considerably,&rsquo;&rsquo; said an officer. But not a single firm in India was able to match&nbsp;the ITBP&rsquo;s 42 parameters of operating capabilities. 
 
The PLA uses specially made indigenous Humvees that can seat around 12-15 personnel with weapons and can be driven in extreme weather conditions, including snow.&nbsp;China&rsquo;s wide network of roads, right up to the LAC in some sectors, facilitate the use of such high-end vehicles. 
 
Every time a PLA vehicle comes closer to the LAC or transgresses into Indian territory, the ITBP personnel would take photographs. Based on these photographs, a proposal was sent to the ministry of home affairs for similar vehicles. Under the 2012-2017 force modernisation plan, the ministry approved the proposal for 59 high-powered lightweight vehicles. 
 
&ldquo;We had originally demanded Humvees similar to what the Chinese have, but since there is no availability, we decided to take the SUVs for now,&rsquo;&rsquo; a senior ITBP official told dna. 
 
The ITBP has now bought 29 Mahindra Scorpios, in addition to two Ford Endeavours and two Toyota Fortuners for Rs 4 crore. Equipped with heaters, radio communication equipments and a seating capacity of six to eight, the SUVs will have to undergo harsh winter and all-season trials to be used in Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. 
 
These SUVs, officials said, are still a step forward. The Gypsies, Boleros and theTata 407 trucks with the ITBP right now can be used only in friendly climatic conditions. During winter, these vehicles had to be pulled down to the bases to prevent erosion. 
 
The ITBP mans around 180 border outposts along the Chinese frontier. In the disputed pockets of Aksai Chin, the outposts are located around a 25-kilometre stretch of the perceived LAC. Hilly terrains, razor-sharp cliffs, dense forests and gushing river streams are typical features of the high Himalayas. It means only 97 outposts have road connectivity. These outposts are the last base points for the ITBP and the Army to carry out short- to long-range patrolling, that lasts for three-30 days, along the LAC. 
 
The patrolling parties check incursions by the Chinese and engage them until they retreat. Sometimes, PLA troops set up camps too close to the LAC or even inside India&rsquo;s area of control, resulting in stand-offs, like when a PLA platoon camped in Daulat Beg Oldie near the Aksai Chin-Ladakh LAC in 2013. 
 
At least on the front lines in the south Ladakh region, which sees high Chinese transgressions, the ITBP hopes the SUVs will stand them in good stead. 
 
(DNA)

There is a need for all-weather vehicles at sub-zero temperatures and at?heights of above 15,000 feet where oxygen levels dip

In September 2014, when one of the longest military standoffs between Indian and Chinese forces was building up at a height of 16,700 feet in the eastern Ladakh sector of Chumar, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) used its high-powered vehicles and air drops to reinforce troops for 16 days. The Indian personnel, on the other hand, waited for a daily caravan of mules and ponies for food and basic supplies. With no road connectivity and high-utility multipurpose vehicles to operate in high-altitude terrains with sub-zero temperatures, the Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) had to rely on animals and the physical prowess of its men. All this is set to change this week. For the first time, the ITBP is deploying sport utility vehicles (SUVs) for transporting troops, food supplies and weaponry to its 33 high-altitude border outposts. The SUVs will also enable Indian forces to counter any rapid build-up by the PLA, which makes occasional transgressions, usually by using high-powered Humvees, zipping right through the perceived Line of Actual Control (LAC) and into the Indian territory. To match the PLA, the ITBP, after much deliberations last year, framed specifications for indigenous Humvees or High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles, to be deployed on the border outposts for operating in temperatures ranging from -20 degrees to 45 degrees at an altitude above 15,000 feet. The Indo-China border is 3,400-kilometre-long. “The main demand was for vehicles that can be driven in all-weather conditions, including sub-zero temperatures, at heights above 15,000 feet where oxygen levels dip considerably,’’ said an officer. But not a single firm in India was able to match the ITBP’s 42 parameters of operating capabilities. The PLA uses specially made indigenous Humvees that can seat around 12-15 personnel with weapons and can be driven in extreme weather conditions, including snow. China’s wide network of roads, right up to the LAC in some sectors, facilitate the use of such high-end vehicles. Every time a PLA vehicle comes closer to the LAC or transgresses into Indian territory, the ITBP personnel would take photographs. Based on these photographs, a proposal was sent to the ministry of home affairs for similar vehicles. Under the 2012-2017 force modernisation plan, the ministry approved the proposal for 59 high-powered lightweight vehicles. “We had originally demanded Humvees similar to what the Chinese have, but since there is no availability, we decided to take the SUVs for now,’’ a senior ITBP official told dna. The ITBP has now bought 29 Mahindra Scorpios, in addition to two Ford Endeavours and two Toyota Fortuners for Rs 4 crore. Equipped with heaters, radio communication equipments and a seating capacity of six to eight, the SUVs will have to undergo harsh winter and all-season trials to be used in Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. These SUVs, officials said, are still a step forward. The Gypsies, Boleros and theTata 407 trucks with the ITBP right now can be used only in friendly climatic conditions. During winter, these vehicles had to be pulled down to the bases to prevent erosion. The ITBP mans around 180 border outposts along the Chinese frontier. In the disputed pockets of Aksai Chin, the outposts are located around a 25-kilometre stretch of the perceived LAC. Hilly terrains, razor-sharp cliffs, dense forests and gushing river streams are typical features of the high Himalayas. It means only 97 outposts have road connectivity. These outposts are the last base points for the ITBP and the Army to carry out short- to long-range patrolling, that lasts for three-30 days, along the LAC. The patrolling parties check incursions by the Chinese and engage them until they retreat. Sometimes, PLA troops set up camps too close to the LAC or even inside India’s area of control, resulting in stand-offs, like when a PLA platoon camped in Daulat Beg Oldie near the Aksai Chin-Ladakh LAC in 2013. At least on the front lines in the south Ladakh region, which sees high Chinese transgressions, the ITBP hopes the SUVs will stand them in good stead. (DNA)

Indo-Tibetan border force fails to get high-altitude Humvees, settles for SUVs