Cyprus police, on Saturday (September 2) said that they have arrested 13 people after an anti-migrant march turned violent and a mob smashed storefronts and set numerous trash bins on fire in the coastal resort city of Limassol. The police said that some five people were injured after being assaulted during Friday night’s protest that involved some 500 people.&nbsp;

<h2>What happened?</h2>

According to reports, a group of people wearing hoods attacked migrants and their businesses in Limassol on Friday evening.&nbsp;

A report by the Associated Press citing amateur video broadcast on local news outlets and websites said several damaged storefronts, trash bins burning in the street and a group of protesters chanting anti-immigrant slogans.

Police also used water cannons to disperse protesters, some of whom even held a banner that read “Refugees not welcome,” reported AFP.&nbsp;

This comes amid reported tensions over an influx of migrants on the east Mediterranean island nation where officials are struggling to cope with the numbers.&nbsp;

Cyprus, a European Union member, has said that it is the “front-line country” on the Mediterranean migrant route with the latest data showing that the island nation has the highest number of first-time asylum applications than the rest of the 27-member countries of the bloc.&nbsp;

According to officials in Cyprus, migrants comprise six per cent of their population more than five times that of the average in other EU member nations.&nbsp;

<h2>Injuries and arrests</h2>

According to the police, at least five people were injured due to the unrest that broke out during Friday night’s march. All five have since been treated in the hospital and released.&nbsp;

Officers also arrested 13 people, including the alleged organiser of the march.

<h2>‘Images of shame’: Cyprus president</h2>

After the violence, Cyprus President Nikos Christodoulides condemned what he called “images of shame,” and said that the violence was the product of a group of petty criminals with no real connection to the migration situation.&nbsp;

“There is not much that can be said other than the embarrassing images we have seen,” a visibly angry Christodoulides told reporters, as quoted by AFP.&nbsp;

He added, “They have nothing to do with dealing with immigration. If all those involved (in the Limassol incidents) loved or cared about our country, they would not have taken such actions which, above all, insult our country.”

Meanwhile, a pro-immigrant demonstration has been planned for Saturday evening, as per AP.&nbsp;

<h2>Previous violence</h2>

The incident on Friday night also comes days after a group of Greek Cypriots wearing hoods and armed with bats attempted to attack protesting Syrians in a small village where tensions have recently run high between locals and migrants.

The police had also arrested some two dozen people in connection with that violence which broke out four days ago in the southeastern village of Chloraka where parallel protests by some 250 Syrians and an equal number of Greek Cypriots degenerated into violence, reported the AP.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp; 
 
&nbsp;

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Cyprus police, on Saturday (September 2) said that they have arrested 13 people after an anti-migrant march turned violent and a mob smashed storefronts and set numerous trash bins on fire in the coastal resort city of Limassol.

Cyprus police, on Saturday (September 2) said that they have arrested 13 people after an anti-migrant march turned violent and a mob smashed storefronts and set numerous trash bins on fire in the coastal resort city of Limassol. The police said that some five people were injured after being assaulted during Friday night’s protest that involved some 500 people. What happened? According to reports, a group of people wearing hoods attacked migrants and their businesses in Limassol on Friday evening. A report by the Associated Press citing amateur video broadcast on local news outlets and websites said several damaged storefronts, trash bins burning in the street and a group of protesters chanting anti-immigrant slogans. Police also used water cannons to disperse protesters, some of whom even held a banner that read “Refugees not welcome,” reported AFP. This comes amid reported tensions over an influx of migrants on the east Mediterranean island nation where officials are struggling to cope with the numbers. Cyprus, a European Union member, has said that it is the “front-line country” on the Mediterranean migrant route with the latest data showing that the island nation has the highest number of first-time asylum applications than the rest of the 27-member countries of the bloc. According to officials in Cyprus, migrants comprise six per cent of their population more than five times that of the average in other EU member nations. Injuries and arrests According to the police, at least five people were injured due to the unrest that broke out during Friday night’s march. All five have since been treated in the hospital and released. Officers also arrested 13 people, including the alleged organiser of the march. ‘Images of shame’: Cyprus president After the violence, Cyprus President Nikos Christodoulides condemned what he called “images of shame,” and said that the violence was the product of a group of petty criminals with no real connection to the migration situation. “There is not much that can be said other than the embarrassing images we have seen,” a visibly angry Christodoulides told reporters, as quoted by AFP. He added, “They have nothing to do with dealing with immigration. If all those involved (in the Limassol incidents) loved or cared about our country, they would not have taken such actions which, above all, insult our country.” Meanwhile, a pro-immigrant demonstration has been planned for Saturday evening, as per AP. Previous violence The incident on Friday night also comes days after a group of Greek Cypriots wearing hoods and armed with bats attempted to attack protesting Syrians in a small village where tensions have recently run high between locals and migrants. The police had also arrested some two dozen people in connection with that violence which broke out four days ago in the southeastern village of Chloraka where parallel protests by some 250 Syrians and an equal number of Greek Cypriots degenerated into violence, reported the AP. (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

Cyprus police arrest at least 13 people after anti-immigrant march turns violent

UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak's government on Tuesday announced a number of overseas student curbs to slash immigration. The move is set to affect hundreds of thousands of Indian youngsters studying in the United Kingdom.

<h2>UK's latest immigration curbs: What do they mean?</h2>

Under the new proposals, the individuals enrolled in postgraduate courses designated as research programmes will be able to bring dependents to the United Kingdom while they study.

Individuals enrolled in postgraduate courses without the status of 'research programmes' will no longer be able to bring dependents to the UK.

<h2>What does it mean for those working part-time jobs?</h2>

A number of overseas students often take the route of part-time jobs to support their expenses. More often than not, such jobs are not payroll jobs and the students get paid handouts from their employers in return for the jobs they do.

The part-time job status for overseas students remains ambiguous without any policy-based clarity from Downing Street so far.

ALSO READ |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/part-time-jobs-skipped-meals-indian-students-in-uk-battle-to-stay-afloat-535104">Part-time jobs, skipped meals: Indian students in UK battle to stay afloat</a>

But it has been clearly stated that overseas students will be prevented from switching "out of the student route into work routes" before their studies have been completed.

There will also be "improved and more enforcement activity" and a clamp down on "unscrupulous agents" using education as a cover for immigration, according to a government statement.

<h2>UK immigration curbs: Are they needed?</h2>

After a drop during the pandemic, net migration has been steadily on the rise in the United Kingdom and is reportedly expected to hit a record high this year.

The Conservative Party, despite a flurry of prime ministerial replacements, has remained constant on its hardline stance to focus on limiting the number of international immigrants.

Official figures published last November estimated net migration to June 2022 at just over 500,000.

ALSO READ |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/sunak-braverman-patel-the-proud-british-of-twice-migrant-heritage-cracking-down-illegal-immigration-570981">Sunak, Braverman, Patel: The 'proud British' going after illegal immigration</a>

Some 136,000 visas were issued to dependants of international students last year -- up eight-fold from the 16,000 in 2019, Home Secretary Suella Braverman said in a written statement to parliament.

The minister said overseas students played an important part in supporting the UK economy.

But she added that it should not come at the cost of the government's "commitment to the public to lower overall migration and ensure that migration to the UK is highly skilled and therefore provides the most benefit".

ALSO WATCH |&nbsp;UK announces law to stop illegal immigrants

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Braverman said the proposals struck the "right balance" and would likely see net migration "fall to pre-pandemic levels in the medium term".

Uncontrolled immigration from the European Union was one of the main battlegrounds of the Brexit referendum in 2016 which saw the UK leave the EU.

(With inputs from agencies)

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UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak's government on Tuesday announced a number of overseas student curbs to slash immigration. The move is set to affect hundreds of thousands of Indian youngsters studying in the United Kingdom.

UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak's government on Tuesday announced a number of overseas student curbs to slash immigration. The move is set to affect hundreds of thousands of Indian youngsters studying in the United Kingdom. UK's latest immigration curbs: What do they mean? Under the new proposals, the individuals enrolled in postgraduate courses designated as research programmes will be able to bring dependents to the United Kingdom while they study. Individuals enrolled in postgraduate courses without the status of 'research programmes' will no longer be able to bring dependents to the UK. What does it mean for those working part-time jobs? A number of overseas students often take the route of part-time jobs to support their expenses. More often than not, such jobs are not payroll jobs and the students get paid handouts from their employers in return for the jobs they do. The part-time job status for overseas students remains ambiguous without any policy-based clarity from Downing Street so far. ALSO READ | Part-time jobs, skipped meals: Indian students in UK battle to stay afloat But it has been clearly stated that overseas students will be prevented from switching "out of the student route into work routes" before their studies have been completed. There will also be "improved and more enforcement activity" and a clamp down on "unscrupulous agents" using education as a cover for immigration, according to a government statement. UK immigration curbs: Are they needed? After a drop during the pandemic, net migration has been steadily on the rise in the United Kingdom and is reportedly expected to hit a record high this year. The Conservative Party, despite a flurry of prime ministerial replacements, has remained constant on its hardline stance to focus on limiting the number of international immigrants. Official figures published last November estimated net migration to June 2022 at just over 500,000. ALSO READ | Sunak, Braverman, Patel: The 'proud British' going after illegal immigration Some 136,000 visas were issued to dependants of international students last year -- up eight-fold from the 16,000 in 2019, Home Secretary Suella Braverman said in a written statement to parliament. The minister said overseas students played an important part in supporting the UK economy. But she added that it should not come at the cost of the government's "commitment to the public to lower overall migration and ensure that migration to the UK is highly skilled and therefore provides the most benefit". ALSO WATCH | UK announces law to stop illegal immigrants × Braverman said the proposals struck the "right balance" and would likely see net migration "fall to pre-pandemic levels in the medium term". Uncontrolled immigration from the European Union was one of the main battlegrounds of the Brexit referendum in 2016 which saw the UK leave the EU. (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

Sunak's immigration clampdown to affect thousands of Indian, foreign nationals studying in UK

By Oscar Gil-Garcia*&nbsp;

 
For more than a decade, I documented one man&rsquo;s deportation, the impact on his family and his eventual return to the U.S.

I did this as part of my work studying the migration of indigenous Mayan refugees from Guatemala to Mexico and the U.S. My telling of the story of this man, who I&rsquo;ll call Alex to protect his identity, is forthcoming in the journal Representations. I believe it can help shed light on the human consequences of deportations and family separations &ndash; and the enormous risks deportees are willing to take, irrespective of walls, fences, and the danger of reuniting with their families.

Here is Alex&rsquo;s story.

An immigration raid

Alex was born in a refugee settlement in Chiapas, Mexico. His family is one of more than 200,000 Guatemalans who fled a protracted war, supported by the U.S. and its allies, that largely targeted the indigenous people in Guatemala. In Mexico, barriers to legal status barred refugees from formal employment. To improve his family&rsquo;s situation, he decided to enter the U.S. through a human smuggler, often referred to as a &ldquo;coyote,&rdquo; in 2000. He worked at a meatpacking plant and sent money to support his parents in Mexico.

Two years later, Alex fell in love with his wife, who we&rsquo;ll refer to as Grace, a Guatemalan national. Grace arrived in the U.S. in 1999, also with the help of a coyote, to join her parents who enrolled her in elementary school. Grace too was smitten, and in 2002 she decided to forgo her high school senior year to be with Alex. One year later, Grace gave birth to their first child.

In December of 2006, Alex was deported, without a hearing &ndash; a violation of international human rights law &ndash; in one of the largest immigration raids in U.S. history. He was separated from his wife and 3-year-old child. Family separation due to deportation is common. It is also a violation of the American Convention on Human Rights. Article 17 of the Convention, signed by the U.S. in 1969, states: &ldquo;The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the state.&rdquo; The statement of this principle underscores how deportation violates one of the fundamental rights protected by the Convention &ndash; the rights of the family.

Back in Mexico, Alex faced a lack of job opportunities, compounded by racial discrimination toward indigenous peoples. Meanwhile, Grace, faced economic instability in the U.S. without Alex&rsquo;s income. Even so, she advised Alex to stay in Mexico, due to her fear of more raids and concern over increased criminalization to punish unauthorized migration. In addition, under enforcement priorities initiated under George W. Bush, unlawful entry and re-entry would initiate a new era in the criminalization of migration that involved the creation of new classes of &ldquo;felonies&rdquo; that apply only to noncitizens.

Six months later, Alex&rsquo;s wife and their son joined him in Chiapas, Mexico &ndash; becoming what are often referred to as &ldquo;de facto&rdquo; deportees. Studies have identified how deportees face stigma and discrimination upon return. National origins, language abilities and presumptions of why one was deported can become significant factors in the reintegration to home countries or the countries of spouses or parents. For example, Grace is a Guatemalan national and could not seek legal employment in Mexico.

Despite their reunification, Alex&rsquo;s family continued to face significant hardships in Mexico. Alex&rsquo;s friend, a coyote, informed him that he could make a livable wage working as a coyote and stay close to his family. Alex decided to explore this alternative.&nbsp;

Clandestine migration

Alex&rsquo;s participation in a human smuggling network came with enormous risks. One day, for example, armed bandits surrounded a group of migrants he was leading across the U.S.-Mexico border and confiscated their belongings. Alex ran into the desert bush and escaped to the U.S. side of the border.

After a night in the desert without food or water, Alex returned to Mexico. He later learned that the bandits had taken the migrants hostage, but that they were released after relatives in the U.S. paid an undisclosed ransom. Alex returned home and informed his wife and parents of the incident. All insisted that he no longer continue to work as a coyote.

A large body of research documents how the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border has led to a militarization and reorganization of drug trafficking organizations. Drug cartels can interfere with smuggling networks, making migrants even more vulnerable to assault or being forced to transport drugs. Scholar Laura Ortiz argues that the increased participation of imposter coyotes, who recruit migrants only to extort them, has helped reinforce dominant perceptions of smuggling as intertwined with drug trafficking. Despite this dominant perception, scholar Sim&oacute;n Pedro Izcara Palacios argues that human smuggling and drug trafficking are operated by different groups. Drug cartels are not directly involved with human smuggling, but instead extort fees from human smugglers. Indeed, Alex identified how cartels pressured smugglers to pay a user&rsquo;s fee for crossing the Sonora-Arizona border. Failure to pay can result in violence.

The risk of violence in coyote work, along with an absence of viable job opportunities in Chiapas, prompted Alex and his wife, now with four children, to make arrangements to join other family in the U.S. in 2015. Although Grace&rsquo;s father is a U.S. permanent resident, he could not sponsor them through what politicians refer to as &ldquo;chain migration&rdquo; because he failed to meet annual income criteria - no less than 125 percent of the federal poverty level. Without legal options, Alex paid US$3,500 to a fellow coyote to take his wife and children over the border. This coyote successfully led them to a location on the Sonora-Arizona border where U.S. immigration officials at the time captured and later released migrants.

Grace and her children turned themselves in to U.S. Border Patrol. Because of new legal protections for families and children in the U.S., Grace and her children were released following one night in detention. The U.S. government filed removal proceedings; and to provide an opportunity to appear before an immigration judge to adjudicate her case, Grace and her children received deportation relief.

To help finance his family&rsquo;s crossing, Alex decided to make a final clandestine crossing with eight migrants in the Sonora&ndash;Arizona corridor. Hours after beginning their journey, heavily armed men captured and held them hostage in a secluded building. A ransom was requested from U.S. kin of every migrant. Despite Grace&rsquo;s offer to pay the ransom for his release, his captors refused. Instead, Alex remained captive for several weeks and was physically tortured.

Eventually, he escaped his captors, but was stuck in the desert again. Without food or water, he turned himself in to U.S. Border Patrol agents who documented the physical wounds he sustained from his prolonged torture and placed him in detention.&nbsp;

Few options

Alex&rsquo;s previous unauthorized entry prompted what&rsquo;s called a &ldquo;reinstatement of removal,&rdquo; a provision under the 1996 immigration reform that re-established the order of removal from 2006. At the request of his family, I located and covered the cost of an attorney. Because Alex expressed a well-founded fear of persecution or torture upon return to Mexico, his attorney advised him to apply for either a &ldquo;withholding of removal,&rdquo; or protection under the Convention Against Torture. Unlike asylum, neither of these remedies offer a path to permanent resident status.

Additionally, the application would have required that Alex remain in detention &ndash; potentially six months to a year &ndash; during the adjudication of his case. Scholars have noted how prolonged detention can exacerbate post-traumatic stress and other harms that asylum seekers and their families may have suffered in their own countries. Others have identified how prolonged detention compromises due process protections that violate international human rights law and coerce migrants into surrendering to deportation. Several have identified how deportations can be tantamount to a death sentence.

His family feared that he too may be killed following deportation and begged him to permit the attorney to adjudicate his case. Alex weighed his options and declined legal counsel. Following the end of his sentence and deportation, he returned to Chiapas. Within a month he made arrangements with another coyote and paid $7,000 to cross via the Chihuahua-Texas border. Like most who attempt re-entry following an apprehension, he succeeded, and is now reunited with his wife and children in the U.S.&nbsp;

Family reunification

Alex says he never wanted to be a coyote. His story provides an opportunity to understand the complex motivations that fuel unauthorized re-entry of deportee parents with family in the U.S. A 2009 Department of Homeland Security report states that 21 percent of re-entries are those without a U.S.-born child, while more than one-third of re-entries are parents of U.S. citizen children. Scholars have also shown how deportees like Alex, who are separated from families in the U.S., are more likely to migrate again than those without family ties.

As the nation considers reforming immigration policy, it is important to remember that deterrence strategies are ineffective in reducing the intention to migrate, particularly among those with family in the U.S. Walls or even detention cells are no match for those with direct experience with crime and violence who have credible fear claims and those separated from their families in the U.S.

In 2017, two years after Alex&rsquo;s family&rsquo;s reunification in the U.S., Grace appeared in court for her immigration hearing. The immigration judge filed an order of removal. Like other returnees and recent unauthorized arrivals, both now face the threat of deportation. Until international protocols on the protection of migrants and their families are upheld, the U.S. will continue producing unauthorized persons or families who are at risk of deportation for years to come.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

* Oscar Gil-Garcia is an Assistant Professor &nbsp;in Binghamton University, State University of New York

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

While the U.S. considers reforming of immigration policy, it is important to remember that deterrence strategies are ineffective in reducing the intention to migrate, particularly among those with family in the U.S.

By Oscar Gil-Garcia* For more than a decade, I documented one man’s deportation, the impact on his family and his eventual return to the U.S. I did this as part of my work studying the migration of indigenous Mayan refugees from Guatemala to Mexico and the U.S. My telling of the story of this man, who I’ll call Alex to protect his identity, is forthcoming in the journal Representations. I believe it can help shed light on the human consequences of deportations and family separations – and the enormous risks deportees are willing to take, irrespective of walls, fences, and the danger of reuniting with their families. Here is Alex’s story. An immigration raid Alex was born in a refugee settlement in Chiapas, Mexico. His family is one of more than 200,000 Guatemalans who fled a protracted war, supported by the U.S. and its allies, that largely targeted the indigenous people in Guatemala. In Mexico, barriers to legal status barred refugees from formal employment. To improve his family’s situation, he decided to enter the U.S. through a human smuggler, often referred to as a “coyote,” in 2000. He worked at a meatpacking plant and sent money to support his parents in Mexico. Two years later, Alex fell in love with his wife, who we’ll refer to as Grace, a Guatemalan national. Grace arrived in the U.S. in 1999, also with the help of a coyote, to join her parents who enrolled her in elementary school. Grace too was smitten, and in 2002 she decided to forgo her high school senior year to be with Alex. One year later, Grace gave birth to their first child. In December of 2006, Alex was deported, without a hearing – a violation of international human rights law – in one of the largest immigration raids in U.S. history. He was separated from his wife and 3-year-old child. Family separation due to deportation is common. It is also a violation of the American Convention on Human Rights. Article 17 of the Convention, signed by the U.S. in 1969, states: “The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the state.” The statement of this principle underscores how deportation violates one of the fundamental rights protected by the Convention – the rights of the family. Back in Mexico, Alex faced a lack of job opportunities, compounded by racial discrimination toward indigenous peoples. Meanwhile, Grace, faced economic instability in the U.S. without Alex’s income. Even so, she advised Alex to stay in Mexico, due to her fear of more raids and concern over increased criminalization to punish unauthorized migration. In addition, under enforcement priorities initiated under George W. Bush, unlawful entry and re-entry would initiate a new era in the criminalization of migration that involved the creation of new classes of “felonies” that apply only to noncitizens. Six months later, Alex’s wife and their son joined him in Chiapas, Mexico – becoming what are often referred to as “de facto” deportees. Studies have identified how deportees face stigma and discrimination upon return. National origins, language abilities and presumptions of why one was deported can become significant factors in the reintegration to home countries or the countries of spouses or parents. For example, Grace is a Guatemalan national and could not seek legal employment in Mexico. Despite their reunification, Alex’s family continued to face significant hardships in Mexico. Alex’s friend, a coyote, informed him that he could make a livable wage working as a coyote and stay close to his family. Alex decided to explore this alternative. Clandestine migration Alex’s participation in a human smuggling network came with enormous risks. One day, for example, armed bandits surrounded a group of migrants he was leading across the U.S.-Mexico border and confiscated their belongings. Alex ran into the desert bush and escaped to the U.S. side of the border. After a night in the desert without food or water, Alex returned to Mexico. He later learned that the bandits had taken the migrants hostage, but that they were released after relatives in the U.S. paid an undisclosed ransom. Alex returned home and informed his wife and parents of the incident. All insisted that he no longer continue to work as a coyote. A large body of research documents how the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border has led to a militarization and reorganization of drug trafficking organizations. Drug cartels can interfere with smuggling networks, making migrants even more vulnerable to assault or being forced to transport drugs. Scholar Laura Ortiz argues that the increased participation of imposter coyotes, who recruit migrants only to extort them, has helped reinforce dominant perceptions of smuggling as intertwined with drug trafficking. Despite this dominant perception, scholar Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios argues that human smuggling and drug trafficking are operated by different groups. Drug cartels are not directly involved with human smuggling, but instead extort fees from human smugglers. Indeed, Alex identified how cartels pressured smugglers to pay a user’s fee for crossing the Sonora-Arizona border. Failure to pay can result in violence. The risk of violence in coyote work, along with an absence of viable job opportunities in Chiapas, prompted Alex and his wife, now with four children, to make arrangements to join other family in the U.S. in 2015. Although Grace’s father is a U.S. permanent resident, he could not sponsor them through what politicians refer to as “chain migration” because he failed to meet annual income criteria - no less than 125 percent of the federal poverty level. Without legal options, Alex paid US$3,500 to a fellow coyote to take his wife and children over the border. This coyote successfully led them to a location on the Sonora-Arizona border where U.S. immigration officials at the time captured and later released migrants. Grace and her children turned themselves in to U.S. Border Patrol. Because of new legal protections for families and children in the U.S., Grace and her children were released following one night in detention. The U.S. government filed removal proceedings; and to provide an opportunity to appear before an immigration judge to adjudicate her case, Grace and her children received deportation relief. To help finance his family’s crossing, Alex decided to make a final clandestine crossing with eight migrants in the Sonora–Arizona corridor. Hours after beginning their journey, heavily armed men captured and held them hostage in a secluded building. A ransom was requested from U.S. kin of every migrant. Despite Grace’s offer to pay the ransom for his release, his captors refused. Instead, Alex remained captive for several weeks and was physically tortured. Eventually, he escaped his captors, but was stuck in the desert again. Without food or water, he turned himself in to U.S. Border Patrol agents who documented the physical wounds he sustained from his prolonged torture and placed him in detention. Few options Alex’s previous unauthorized entry prompted what’s called a “reinstatement of removal,” a provision under the 1996 immigration reform that re-established the order of removal from 2006. At the request of his family, I located and covered the cost of an attorney. Because Alex expressed a well-founded fear of persecution or torture upon return to Mexico, his attorney advised him to apply for either a “withholding of removal,” or protection under the Convention Against Torture. Unlike asylum, neither of these remedies offer a path to permanent resident status. Additionally, the application would have required that Alex remain in detention – potentially six months to a year – during the adjudication of his case. Scholars have noted how prolonged detention can exacerbate post-traumatic stress and other harms that asylum seekers and their families may have suffered in their own countries. Others have identified how prolonged detention compromises due process protections that violate international human rights law and coerce migrants into surrendering to deportation. Several have identified how deportations can be tantamount to a death sentence. His family feared that he too may be killed following deportation and begged him to permit the attorney to adjudicate his case. Alex weighed his options and declined legal counsel. Following the end of his sentence and deportation, he returned to Chiapas. Within a month he made arrangements with another coyote and paid $7,000 to cross via the Chihuahua-Texas border. Like most who attempt re-entry following an apprehension, he succeeded, and is now reunited with his wife and children in the U.S. Family reunification Alex says he never wanted to be a coyote. His story provides an opportunity to understand the complex motivations that fuel unauthorized re-entry of deportee parents with family in the U.S. A 2009 Department of Homeland Security report states that 21 percent of re-entries are those without a U.S.-born child, while more than one-third of re-entries are parents of U.S. citizen children. Scholars have also shown how deportees like Alex, who are separated from families in the U.S., are more likely to migrate again than those without family ties. As the nation considers reforming immigration policy, it is important to remember that deterrence strategies are ineffective in reducing the intention to migrate, particularly among those with family in the U.S. Walls or even detention cells are no match for those with direct experience with crime and violence who have credible fear claims and those separated from their families in the U.S. In 2017, two years after Alex’s family’s reunification in the U.S., Grace appeared in court for her immigration hearing. The immigration judge filed an order of removal. Like other returnees and recent unauthorized arrivals, both now face the threat of deportation. Until international protocols on the protection of migrants and their families are upheld, the U.S. will continue producing unauthorized persons or families who are at risk of deportation for years to come. * Oscar Gil-Garcia is an Assistant Professor in Binghamton University, State University of New York (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Man struggles to help his family survive due to US immigration policies

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