At 50, people in general start actively planning for retirement, but it does not hold true for politicians in India. Indian politics has dynasties which control the functioning of political parties. It roughly means that one can continue to have a long career despite making big mistakes. Secondly, the Indian public is more forgiving. Politicians have made comebacks after years of oblivion or even failed beginnings. Look at the career of Morarji Desai, PV Narsimha Rao or even YSR Reddy, their patience paid off.

Lastly, India loves old politicians. Late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was an odd case out. Indians for the last 70 years have supported and voted for old leaders. Even the icon of emergency, Jayaprakash Narayan, was old and bedridden. Narsimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh, Morarji Desai, Deve Gowda, IK Gujral and even Narendra Modi became Prime Ministers in their 60s and 70s. Morarji Bhai became Prime Minister when he was 81.

So, what is the future of Rahul Gandhi at 50? He might not be the party president today, but eventually, he will head the Congress. And hence, he will have to deal with a diminished party, resurgent Hindutva and a mainstreamed RSS in his political life. I would say that even then, Rahul Gandhi cannot be discounted.

First, he is the only dynast at the national level which&nbsp;gives Rahul Gandhi enough longevity in politics. You will never be able to rule him out till the platform of the Congress party is available to him. It means that Rahul Gandhi will continue to play an active role in politics.

Congress has become virtually non-existent in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, Delhi, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal. It is a marginal player in Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Tamil Nadu. It remains stagnant in Karnataka and Gujarat. North East remains a bigger challenge for the party which has almost been abandoned by the leadership. If we add numbers of states where Congress is non-existent, it comes down to 238 Lok Sabha seats. If we add states, where Congress has become a junior partner in alliances, the number stands at 102 seats. If we add both then number rises to 340 seats. It's here, the challenge lies for Rahul Gandhi. It is here that Rahul Gandhi and Congress will need to focus if it wants to tackle BJP.

At the age of 50, Rahul Gandhi confronts another problem as well - the ideological dominance of right-wing politics globally. Rahul Gandhi will need to merge constitutional nationalism with cultural heritage which Indira Gandhi was able to do.

Lastly, Rahul Gandhi’s biggest challenge is the political mainstreaming of RSS. This was not the case even when Vajpayee was the Prime Minister. RSS is a behemoth compared to the Congress today. Today, it has acquired intellectual heft too. Their views are being published regularly in mainstream newspapers which once reflected Congress view of the world. RSS has always been a cultural organisation with a political heartbeat. It mobilised large parts of the civil society for BJP by being active in non-political seasons. Only time, Congress and Rahul Gandhi could do something similar was during COVID-19 crisis, when party workers helped migrant labourers.

Rahul Gandhi has four more years to prepare for Lok Sabha elections. He has nothing more to lose. The Opposition is fragmented.&nbsp;

Most state leaders have accommodated BJP barring a few like Mamata Banerjee. If Rahul Gandhi is able to become the sole voice of the opposition at the national level, half the job would be done. Leaders like Ram Manohar Lohia, JB Kriplani, Jayaprakash Narayan or even Charan Singh could never match electoral stature of Indira Gandhi, but they commanded respect and people took them seriously. Rahul Gandhi needs to enter this space.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

At 50, people in general start actively planning for retirement, but it does not hold true for politicians in India. Indian politics has dynasties which control the functioning of political parties.

At 50, people in general start actively planning for retirement, but it does not hold true for politicians in India. Indian politics has dynasties which control the functioning of political parties. It roughly means that one can continue to have a long career despite making big mistakes. Secondly, the Indian public is more forgiving. Politicians have made comebacks after years of oblivion or even failed beginnings. Look at the career of Morarji Desai, PV Narsimha Rao or even YSR Reddy, their patience paid off. Lastly, India loves old politicians. Late Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was an odd case out. Indians for the last 70 years have supported and voted for old leaders. Even the icon of emergency, Jayaprakash Narayan, was old and bedridden. Narsimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh, Morarji Desai, Deve Gowda, IK Gujral and even Narendra Modi became Prime Ministers in their 60s and 70s. Morarji Bhai became Prime Minister when he was 81. So, what is the future of Rahul Gandhi at 50? He might not be the party president today, but eventually, he will head the Congress. And hence, he will have to deal with a diminished party, resurgent Hindutva and a mainstreamed RSS in his political life. I would say that even then, Rahul Gandhi cannot be discounted. First, he is the only dynast at the national level which gives Rahul Gandhi enough longevity in politics. You will never be able to rule him out till the platform of the Congress party is available to him. It means that Rahul Gandhi will continue to play an active role in politics. Congress has become virtually non-existent in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, Delhi, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal. It is a marginal player in Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Tamil Nadu. It remains stagnant in Karnataka and Gujarat. North East remains a bigger challenge for the party which has almost been abandoned by the leadership. If we add numbers of states where Congress is non-existent, it comes down to 238 Lok Sabha seats. If we add states, where Congress has become a junior partner in alliances, the number stands at 102 seats. If we add both then number rises to 340 seats. It's here, the challenge lies for Rahul Gandhi. It is here that Rahul Gandhi and Congress will need to focus if it wants to tackle BJP. At the age of 50, Rahul Gandhi confronts another problem as well - the ideological dominance of right-wing politics globally. Rahul Gandhi will need to merge constitutional nationalism with cultural heritage which Indira Gandhi was able to do. Lastly, Rahul Gandhi’s biggest challenge is the political mainstreaming of RSS. This was not the case even when Vajpayee was the Prime Minister. RSS is a behemoth compared to the Congress today. Today, it has acquired intellectual heft too. Their views are being published regularly in mainstream newspapers which once reflected Congress view of the world. RSS has always been a cultural organisation with a political heartbeat. It mobilised large parts of the civil society for BJP by being active in non-political seasons. Only time, Congress and Rahul Gandhi could do something similar was during COVID-19 crisis, when party workers helped migrant labourers. Rahul Gandhi has four more years to prepare for Lok Sabha elections. He has nothing more to lose. The Opposition is fragmented. Most state leaders have accommodated BJP barring a few like Mamata Banerjee. If Rahul Gandhi is able to become the sole voice of the opposition at the national level, half the job would be done. Leaders like Ram Manohar Lohia, JB Kriplani, Jayaprakash Narayan or even Charan Singh could never match electoral stature of Indira Gandhi, but they commanded respect and people took them seriously. Rahul Gandhi needs to enter this space. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Turning 50: Rahul Gandhi, down but not out

Rahul Gandhi’s resignation has finally become a reality. It puts an end to the series of embarrassing dharnas which would have continued to take place.&nbsp;

His four-page letter would force the Congress Working Committee to select a new Congress president. Eventually, it will be ratified by the All India Congress Committee where Rahul Gandhi would sit as an ordinary member.&nbsp;

His sister and mother may continue in the party and may even influence the course of decision making, the fact remains that a non-Gandhi would be at the helm of the affair after a long time.

Last time a non-Gandhi was at the helm of affairs, the Indian economy opened up and India was introduced to its architecture Dr. Manmohan Singh.&nbsp;

Congress must not lose this opportunity to rebuild the party. Dynasty indeed has become a baggage and Gandhi’s instead of being assets were turning out to be the dead weights for the party. Rahul Gandhi’s stepping aside can create a collegial style of government.

It is a lesson which Congress can learn from BJP. After Jan Sangh experiment failed BJP was formed in the 1980s.

Top leaders in 1980s were unable to take on Indira and Rajiv Gandhi. Instead of taking them head on they focused on different states where they saw the possibility of making governments on their own.&nbsp;

Coupled with traction drawn from Ram Janmabhoomi Andolan, BJP broke new ground in western and central India. Powerful chief ministers emerged.&nbsp;

Starting from Sundaralal Patwa to Bhairo Singh Shekhawat. The central leadership was collegial in nature. A plethora of strong leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Rajmata Scindhia to LK Advani dominated the Delhi BJP.&nbsp;

They also allowed powerful chief ministers to exist. It is this model which Congress should forward to. Though it may never enjoy a support structure in the form of RSS it can start from scratch.

Rahul Gandhi in his letter blamed RSS and their idea of India. Ironically, he himself has been inconsistent in his politics. Much has been written about the loss, but the fact remains that the electorate rejected Rahul Gandhi.&nbsp;

He can be appreciated for staying firm on his decision. But a greater challenge lies ahead for the Congress Party. It cannot allow the message to go out that Sonia Gandhi or Rahul Gandhi are trying to control the party from a remote.&nbsp;

The message which should go is&nbsp;that Congress as a party can survive without any family or individual.

The idea of family being the centre of a political organisation had made Congress intellectually vain and bankrupt. This self-sustaining ecosystem still exists in Congress. It needs to be broken so that new and real politicians can find space in the new Congress.&nbsp;

The new Congress will need to redefine its ideological core which was unable to recraft itself because of the Nehru Gandhi baggage. PV Narasimha Rao was able to recreate a new foreign and economic policy because he was not burdened by the past.&nbsp;

New party&nbsp;president should try creating a&nbsp;Congress which is not burdened by the personal history of Nehru Gandhi dynasty. Possibilities are immense and Congress leadership should not lose this&nbsp;opportunity to recraft the party and allow subaltern leadership to occupy it's every nook and corner which has been sized by dynasties in every form.&nbsp;

What people would like to see is as to how&nbsp;Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi will work in a Congress run by a non-Gandhi. I’m sure that 1990s cannot be recreated but then in politics everything is possible and if the latter becomes a reality in future then it would become an exercise in futility. Congress needs to be liberated from the dynasty. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi’s resignation has finally become a reality. It puts an end to the series of embarrassing dharnas which would have continued to take place. His four-page letter would force the Congress Working Committee to select a new Congress president.

Rahul Gandhi’s resignation has finally become a reality. It puts an end to the series of embarrassing dharnas which would have continued to take place. His four-page letter would force the Congress Working Committee to select a new Congress president. Eventually, it will be ratified by the All India Congress Committee where Rahul Gandhi would sit as an ordinary member. His sister and mother may continue in the party and may even influence the course of decision making, the fact remains that a non-Gandhi would be at the helm of the affair after a long time. Last time a non-Gandhi was at the helm of affairs, the Indian economy opened up and India was introduced to its architecture Dr. Manmohan Singh. Congress must not lose this opportunity to rebuild the party. Dynasty indeed has become a baggage and Gandhi’s instead of being assets were turning out to be the dead weights for the party. Rahul Gandhi’s stepping aside can create a collegial style of government. It is a lesson which Congress can learn from BJP. After Jan Sangh experiment failed BJP was formed in the 1980s. Top leaders in 1980s were unable to take on Indira and Rajiv Gandhi. Instead of taking them head on they focused on different states where they saw the possibility of making governments on their own. Coupled with traction drawn from Ram Janmabhoomi Andolan, BJP broke new ground in western and central India. Powerful chief ministers emerged. Starting from Sundaralal Patwa to Bhairo Singh Shekhawat. The central leadership was collegial in nature. A plethora of strong leaders like Atal Bihari Vajpayee to Rajmata Scindhia to LK Advani dominated the Delhi BJP. They also allowed powerful chief ministers to exist. It is this model which Congress should forward to. Though it may never enjoy a support structure in the form of RSS it can start from scratch. Rahul Gandhi in his letter blamed RSS and their idea of India. Ironically, he himself has been inconsistent in his politics. Much has been written about the loss, but the fact remains that the electorate rejected Rahul Gandhi. He can be appreciated for staying firm on his decision. But a greater challenge lies ahead for the Congress Party. It cannot allow the message to go out that Sonia Gandhi or Rahul Gandhi are trying to control the party from a remote. The message which should go is that Congress as a party can survive without any family or individual. The idea of family being the centre of a political organisation had made Congress intellectually vain and bankrupt. This self-sustaining ecosystem still exists in Congress. It needs to be broken so that new and real politicians can find space in the new Congress. The new Congress will need to redefine its ideological core which was unable to recraft itself because of the Nehru Gandhi baggage. PV Narasimha Rao was able to recreate a new foreign and economic policy because he was not burdened by the past. New party president should try creating a Congress which is not burdened by the personal history of Nehru Gandhi dynasty. Possibilities are immense and Congress leadership should not lose this opportunity to recraft the party and allow subaltern leadership to occupy it's every nook and corner which has been sized by dynasties in every form. What people would like to see is as to how Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi will work in a Congress run by a non-Gandhi. I’m sure that 1990s cannot be recreated but then in politics everything is possible and if the latter becomes a reality in future then it would become an exercise in futility. Congress needs to be liberated from the dynasty. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress must not lose this opportunity to rebuild the party

A section of the CPM in West Bengal is not happy with the central leadership for backing combined Opposition vice-presidential candidate Gopalkrishna Gandhi, who had criticised the role of the party during the height of Singur and Nandigram stir when he was the governor.

The decision to support Gandhi&#39;s candidature has not gone down well with a large section of state committee members and grassroot leaders, some of whom have expressed their anger in the party forum and some have taken to the social media to express displeasure.

The disgruntled leaders referred to Gandhi&#39;s opposition to &quot;forcible&quot;&nbsp;land acquisition in Singur in Hooghly district for setting up a Tata Motors small car factory and Nandigram anti-land acquisition movement.

They even went to the extent of describing him as &quot;partisan to Trinamool Congress&quot;.

&quot;We really have no idea what our party leadership is upto. First, they decided to forge an alliance with the Congress and now they decide to support Gandhi,&quot; a CPM state committee leader told PTI on condition of anonymity.

&quot;How can the party forget the partisan role played by Gandhi between 2006 and 2009? This is absolute madness in the name of stopping the BJP. The party is digging its own grave,&quot; the leader felt.

Another senior CPM state committee leader, who had vehemently opposed the alliance with the Congress in the last Assembly polls, said, &quot;Last year our party leadership told us to forget about the neo-liberal policies and atrocities committed during Emergency by the Congress and instead align with it to stop the TMC and the BJP.&quot;

&quot;Now we have decided to forgive Gandhi in order to stop the BJP. Next year the party might even ask us to forgive the TMC and align with it to stop the BJP,&quot; he said with his tongue firmly in cheek.

Defending the decision of his party&#39;s top brass, CPM&nbsp;politburo member Hannan Mollah told PTI that certain decisions were taken with an &quot;eye on a bigger perspective&quot; irrespective of the anger and heartburn that they might generate.

&quot;There might be anger or reservations about the decision. But these are collective decisions taken in our central committee and politburo. At times it is not about forgiving someone, but about taking a decision with an eye on a bigger perspective. Now the biggest enemy of the country is the RSS and the BJP, so in order to stop them we had to support him (Gandhi),&quot; Mollah told PTI.

Similarly, CPM state secretariat member Nepaldeb Bhattacharya said, &quot;Those who are criticising the party&#39;s decision are doing that keeping in mind the Bengal perspective. They may be right from their point of view. But if you think about a pan-India perspective, you will come to see that the party has taken the right decision.&quot;

Gopalkrishna Gandhi was the governor of West Bengal from December 2004 to December 2009. The relation between the governor and then CPM led Left Front government started deteriorating after Gandhi criticised the state government for &#39;forcible&#39; land acquisition in Singur and police firing in Nandigram that led to the death of 14 persons in 2007.

During Nandigram agitation in November, 2007 when alleged armed CPM supporters had violently taken over the area, he had said, &quot;Darkness descended during Deepavali in Nandigram.&quot;

The infuriated CPM top brass had then questioned his jurisdiction for commenting on Nandigram. Senior CPI-M leaders Biman Bose and Binoy Konar had criticised Gandhi accusing him of being partial towards the Trinamool Congress.

&quot;Go and pick up a Trinamool flag but have the decorum to get out of the Raj Bhavan and leave for good,&quot;&nbsp;party leaders had then told a public rally.&nbsp;

Gandhi's opposition to 'forcible' land acquisition in Singur to set up a Tata Motors small car factory led to some calling him a 'partisan to Trinamool Congress'

A section of the CPM in West Bengal is not happy with the central leadership for backing combined Opposition vice-presidential candidate Gopalkrishna Gandhi, who had criticised the role of the party during the height of Singur and Nandigram stir when he was the governor. The decision to support Gandhi's candidature has not gone down well with a large section of state committee members and grassroot leaders, some of whom have expressed their anger in the party forum and some have taken to the social media to express displeasure. The disgruntled leaders referred to Gandhi's opposition to "forcible" land acquisition in Singur in Hooghly district for setting up a Tata Motors small car factory and Nandigram anti-land acquisition movement. They even went to the extent of describing him as "partisan to Trinamool Congress". "We really have no idea what our party leadership is upto. First, they decided to forge an alliance with the Congress and now they decide to support Gandhi," a CPM state committee leader told PTI on condition of anonymity. "How can the party forget the partisan role played by Gandhi between 2006 and 2009? This is absolute madness in the name of stopping the BJP. The party is digging its own grave," the leader felt. Another senior CPM state committee leader, who had vehemently opposed the alliance with the Congress in the last Assembly polls, said, "Last year our party leadership told us to forget about the neo-liberal policies and atrocities committed during Emergency by the Congress and instead align with it to stop the TMC and the BJP." "Now we have decided to forgive Gandhi in order to stop the BJP. Next year the party might even ask us to forgive the TMC and align with it to stop the BJP," he said with his tongue firmly in cheek. Defending the decision of his party's top brass, CPM politburo member Hannan Mollah told PTI that certain decisions were taken with an "eye on a bigger perspective" irrespective of the anger and heartburn that they might generate. "There might be anger or reservations about the decision. But these are collective decisions taken in our central committee and politburo. At times it is not about forgiving someone, but about taking a decision with an eye on a bigger perspective. Now the biggest enemy of the country is the RSS and the BJP, so in order to stop them we had to support him (Gandhi)," Mollah told PTI. Similarly, CPM state secretariat member Nepaldeb Bhattacharya said, "Those who are criticising the party's decision are doing that keeping in mind the Bengal perspective. They may be right from their point of view. But if you think about a pan-India perspective, you will come to see that the party has taken the right decision." Gopalkrishna Gandhi was the governor of West Bengal from December 2004 to December 2009. The relation between the governor and then CPM led Left Front government started deteriorating after Gandhi criticised the state government for 'forcible' land acquisition in Singur and police firing in Nandigram that led to the death of 14 persons in 2007. During Nandigram agitation in November, 2007 when alleged armed CPM supporters had violently taken over the area, he had said, "Darkness descended during Deepavali in Nandigram." The infuriated CPM top brass had then questioned his jurisdiction for commenting on Nandigram. Senior CPI-M leaders Biman Bose and Binoy Konar had criticised Gandhi accusing him of being partial towards the Trinamool Congress. "Go and pick up a Trinamool flag but have the decorum to get out of the Raj Bhavan and leave for good," party leaders had then told a public rally.

President post: Section of Bengal CPM not happy with support for Gopalkrishna Gandhi