Joe Biden’s pitch during the 2020 campaign to unseat President Donald Trump was simple: Trade in a stubborn, immovable leader for one with a proven record of taking half a loaf when a full one is out of reach.

That approach appears to have brought Biden to the precipice of victory on a $2 trillion deal that could begin to define his legacy as a successful Oval Office legislative architect, one who is reshaping government spending and doing so by the narrowest of margins in a country with deep partisan and ideological chasms.

But the bill is certain to be far smaller than what he originally proposed, and far less ambitious than he and many of his allies had hoped. It won’t make him the one who finally secured free community college for everyone. Seniors won’t get free dental, hearing and vision coverage from Medicare. And there won’t be a new system of penalties for the worst polluters.

“Look — hey, look, it’s all about compromise,” Biden said at a CNN town hall meeting on Thursday, shrugging off the doubters as he sought to close the deal with lawmakers and the public.

But accepting less and calling it a win has its limits — and consequences.

By spending the last several months pushing for an even larger and more ambitious agenda, knowing that he would most likely have to pare it back, Biden has let down some supporters who believed he could deliver on his soaring rhetoric about the need for better higher education, expanded Medicare services and bold advances in the fight against climate change.

“In order to make real progress, you have to inspire people about the importance of the work,” said Doug Elmendorf, the dean of the Harvard Kennedy School and the former director of the Congressional Budget Office. “And then any compromise is a disappointment.”

Negotiations are continuing on the package’s final framework. But after pushing for months for a $3.5 trillion bill, the president is likely now to end up with a measure that includes less than $2 trillion in spending on various social programs and anti-climate-change initiatives.

Once the spending bills are behind him, Biden still faces challenges that are not so easily solved by compromise. On Thursday, he appeared to acknowledge that reality by hinting that he was open to altering the Senate’s longstanding filibuster rules if that is what it takes to break through Republican opposition to protecting voting rights and passing other parts of the Democratic agenda.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/indecency-turkeys-erdogan-orders-expulsion-of-10-ambassadors-423377">Also read |&nbsp;'Indecency': Turkey's Erdogan orders expulsion of 10 ambassadors</a>

“We’re going to have to move to the point where we fundamentally alter the filibuster,” he told CNN anchor Anderson Cooper.

That is a dramatic concession for a politician like Biden, who embraced the often arcane rules of the Senate during the three decades he served there. Like other institutionalists in the chamber, Biden has resisted demands from liberal activists to shatter those rules, fearful of the consequences the next time Republicans are in charge.

But the Washington that Biden often reminisces about the one in which Democrats and Republicans work together toward common goals is largely a distant memory. If he wants to make progress on voting rights, climate change, prison reform, an immigration overhaul and more, he most likely won’t be able to lean on the same instincts that have animated most of his political life and defined the brand that helped him win the White House.

The political differences are stark: Republicans argue the president’s spending program would burden future generations with more debt and serve as a drag on the economy. They insist the voting rights legislation is intended to benefit Democrats, and they oppose many of the president’s climate policies because they say they will be bad for jobs and business.

John Podesta, who served as former President Bill Clinton’s chief of staff, said Biden “has done a pretty good job of pushing as far as he could in the style that he was a champion of.” But he said that beyond the spending bills, “it’s hard to see how he gets that same spirit of collaboration, good will, honorable compromise.” The issue of voting rights may be the clearest example in the months to come.

Just this week, Republicans used the filibuster to block an already watered-down Democratic voting rights bill for the third time since Biden took office. The takeaway? If Democrats want federal legislation to stop what they view as an assault on voting in Republican-controlled states, they will need to play hardball.

That very likely means persuading all 50 Democrats and independents in the chamber to vote for changing the filibuster rule — if he can.

“President Biden and Senate Democrats need to fulfill campaign promises and defend our democracy — there’s too much at stake,” leaders of Fix Our Senate, a group that favors eliminating the filibuster, said in a statement on Friday. “After three Republican filibusters of common sense voter protection laws, it’s time to end the filibuster and protect the right to vote for all Americans.”

Advocates for immigrants’ rights are poised to make a similar argument on behalf of fixing what most agree is a broken system. The idea of a bipartisan immigration overhaul, which Biden proposed on his first day in office, has stalled amid opposition from Republican lawmakers.

An attempt to use the spending bill to provide a path to citizenship for millions of people in the country illegally was blocked by special Senate rules on the budget. If Biden wants to make good on his promised immigration overhaul, it would require a separate bill, and he may have no choice but to change the filibuster rules for that issue as well.

But perhaps the biggest promise Biden made during the campaign was to be the president who would finally confront the environmental dangers facing the planet. On Thursday, he put it in the bluntest possible terms: “The existential threat to humanity is climate change.”

Biden and his party are likely to face that threat alone in the coming months and years. Most Republicans have shown little appetite for aggressive action to counter the environmental damage from cars, manufacturing and other economic activities.

And even within his own party, the president faces divisions that make it difficult to convince the rest of the world that the United States is serious about reducing the emissions that are causing global warming.

For Biden, then, the question will be: Is he willing to treat the debate of core issues like the climate, voting rights and immigration as a “break the glass” moment in which he and his Democratic allies have no choice but to change the rules, even if it means Republicans will take advantage of the chance to advance their own agenda once they return to power?

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/cop26-climate-deal-will-be-harder-than-paris-accord-says-alok-sharma-423292">Also read |&nbsp;Cop26 climate deal will be harder than Paris accord, says Alok Sharma</a>

Of course, the president can’t change the filibuster by himself. Doing so would take the votes of all 50 Democratic and independent senators, along with a tiebreaking vote from Vice President Kamala Harris. And already, some of the same Democratic senators who forced him to accept less spending have said they oppose altering the filibuster.

But the president is the leader of his party, and his voice matters. If he decides it’s time to “fundamentally alter the filibuster,” as he said on Thursday, members of his party may listen.

One argument at his disposal: Changing the rules to allow more of the Democratic agenda to pass could be vital for the party’s success at the polls.

Strategists say enthusiasm among core Democratic voters is critical to defeating the Republican Party in the midterm elections of 2022 (and perhaps Trump, its leader, two years later). If crucial parts of the president’s coalition remain unhappy because they are disappointed in the compromise bill, that could threaten Democratic hopes to remain in power in Congress and the White House.

“The political costs of this will be large,” Elmendorf said.

Podesta, who advised Hillary Clinton during her runs for the presidency, agreed. He said it was a “big problem” if Democrats couldn’t deliver on the fundamental promises. Biden’s approval ratings have already fallen into the low-to-mid-40s.

“Particularly younger voters,” he said. “You are seeing it among independents, African American and Latino voters. They are just feeling like these guys are not delivering.”

Biden might turn the enthusiasm gap around by making progress on the rest of his agenda, including voting rights, immigration and climate change.

He vowed on Thursday that he would continue to press for parts of his agenda that were left on the cutting room floor during the debate over the spending bills. He called increasing Pell Grants for college students “a start” but he pledged to keep trying for free community college&nbsp;in part to satisfy the demands of his wife, Jill Biden, who is a longtime college professor.

“I’m going to get it done,” he vowed, adding with a smile at his wife in the front row, “and if I don’t, I’ll be sleeping alone for a long time.”

Joe Biden’s pitch during the 2020 campaign to unseat President Donald Trump was simple: Trade in a stubborn, immovable leader for one with a proven record of taking half a loaf when a full one is out of reach.

Joe Biden’s pitch during the 2020 campaign to unseat President Donald Trump was simple: Trade in a stubborn, immovable leader for one with a proven record of taking half a loaf when a full one is out of reach. That approach appears to have brought Biden to the precipice of victory on a $2 trillion deal that could begin to define his legacy as a successful Oval Office legislative architect, one who is reshaping government spending and doing so by the narrowest of margins in a country with deep partisan and ideological chasms. But the bill is certain to be far smaller than what he originally proposed, and far less ambitious than he and many of his allies had hoped. It won’t make him the one who finally secured free community college for everyone. Seniors won’t get free dental, hearing and vision coverage from Medicare. And there won’t be a new system of penalties for the worst polluters. “Look — hey, look, it’s all about compromise,” Biden said at a CNN town hall meeting on Thursday, shrugging off the doubters as he sought to close the deal with lawmakers and the public. But accepting less and calling it a win has its limits — and consequences. By spending the last several months pushing for an even larger and more ambitious agenda, knowing that he would most likely have to pare it back, Biden has let down some supporters who believed he could deliver on his soaring rhetoric about the need for better higher education, expanded Medicare services and bold advances in the fight against climate change. “In order to make real progress, you have to inspire people about the importance of the work,” said Doug Elmendorf, the dean of the Harvard Kennedy School and the former director of the Congressional Budget Office. “And then any compromise is a disappointment.” Negotiations are continuing on the package’s final framework. But after pushing for months for a $3.5 trillion bill, the president is likely now to end up with a measure that includes less than $2 trillion in spending on various social programs and anti-climate-change initiatives. Once the spending bills are behind him, Biden still faces challenges that are not so easily solved by compromise. On Thursday, he appeared to acknowledge that reality by hinting that he was open to altering the Senate’s longstanding filibuster rules if that is what it takes to break through Republican opposition to protecting voting rights and passing other parts of the Democratic agenda. Also read | 'Indecency': Turkey's Erdogan orders expulsion of 10 ambassadors “We’re going to have to move to the point where we fundamentally alter the filibuster,” he told CNN anchor Anderson Cooper. That is a dramatic concession for a politician like Biden, who embraced the often arcane rules of the Senate during the three decades he served there. Like other institutionalists in the chamber, Biden has resisted demands from liberal activists to shatter those rules, fearful of the consequences the next time Republicans are in charge. But the Washington that Biden often reminisces about the one in which Democrats and Republicans work together toward common goals is largely a distant memory. If he wants to make progress on voting rights, climate change, prison reform, an immigration overhaul and more, he most likely won’t be able to lean on the same instincts that have animated most of his political life and defined the brand that helped him win the White House. The political differences are stark: Republicans argue the president’s spending program would burden future generations with more debt and serve as a drag on the economy. They insist the voting rights legislation is intended to benefit Democrats, and they oppose many of the president’s climate policies because they say they will be bad for jobs and business. John Podesta, who served as former President Bill Clinton’s chief of staff, said Biden “has done a pretty good job of pushing as far as he could in the style that he was a champion of.” But he said that beyond the spending bills, “it’s hard to see how he gets that same spirit of collaboration, good will, honorable compromise.” The issue of voting rights may be the clearest example in the months to come. Just this week, Republicans used the filibuster to block an already watered-down Democratic voting rights bill for the third time since Biden took office. The takeaway? If Democrats want federal legislation to stop what they view as an assault on voting in Republican-controlled states, they will need to play hardball. That very likely means persuading all 50 Democrats and independents in the chamber to vote for changing the filibuster rule — if he can. “President Biden and Senate Democrats need to fulfill campaign promises and defend our democracy — there’s too much at stake,” leaders of Fix Our Senate, a group that favors eliminating the filibuster, said in a statement on Friday. “After three Republican filibusters of common sense voter protection laws, it’s time to end the filibuster and protect the right to vote for all Americans.” Advocates for immigrants’ rights are poised to make a similar argument on behalf of fixing what most agree is a broken system. The idea of a bipartisan immigration overhaul, which Biden proposed on his first day in office, has stalled amid opposition from Republican lawmakers. An attempt to use the spending bill to provide a path to citizenship for millions of people in the country illegally was blocked by special Senate rules on the budget. If Biden wants to make good on his promised immigration overhaul, it would require a separate bill, and he may have no choice but to change the filibuster rules for that issue as well. But perhaps the biggest promise Biden made during the campaign was to be the president who would finally confront the environmental dangers facing the planet. On Thursday, he put it in the bluntest possible terms: “The existential threat to humanity is climate change.” Biden and his party are likely to face that threat alone in the coming months and years. Most Republicans have shown little appetite for aggressive action to counter the environmental damage from cars, manufacturing and other economic activities. And even within his own party, the president faces divisions that make it difficult to convince the rest of the world that the United States is serious about reducing the emissions that are causing global warming. For Biden, then, the question will be: Is he willing to treat the debate of core issues like the climate, voting rights and immigration as a “break the glass” moment in which he and his Democratic allies have no choice but to change the rules, even if it means Republicans will take advantage of the chance to advance their own agenda once they return to power? Also read | Cop26 climate deal will be harder than Paris accord, says Alok Sharma Of course, the president can’t change the filibuster by himself. Doing so would take the votes of all 50 Democratic and independent senators, along with a tiebreaking vote from Vice President Kamala Harris. And already, some of the same Democratic senators who forced him to accept less spending have said they oppose altering the filibuster. But the president is the leader of his party, and his voice matters. If he decides it’s time to “fundamentally alter the filibuster,” as he said on Thursday, members of his party may listen. One argument at his disposal: Changing the rules to allow more of the Democratic agenda to pass could be vital for the party’s success at the polls. Strategists say enthusiasm among core Democratic voters is critical to defeating the Republican Party in the midterm elections of 2022 (and perhaps Trump, its leader, two years later). If crucial parts of the president’s coalition remain unhappy because they are disappointed in the compromise bill, that could threaten Democratic hopes to remain in power in Congress and the White House. “The political costs of this will be large,” Elmendorf said. Podesta, who advised Hillary Clinton during her runs for the presidency, agreed. He said it was a “big problem” if Democrats couldn’t deliver on the fundamental promises. Biden’s approval ratings have already fallen into the low-to-mid-40s. “Particularly younger voters,” he said. “You are seeing it among independents, African American and Latino voters. They are just feeling like these guys are not delivering.” Biden might turn the enthusiasm gap around by making progress on the rest of his agenda, including voting rights, immigration and climate change. He vowed on Thursday that he would continue to press for parts of his agenda that were left on the cutting room floor during the debate over the spending bills. He called increasing Pell Grants for college students “a start” but he pledged to keep trying for free community college in part to satisfy the demands of his wife, Jill Biden, who is a longtime college professor. “I’m going to get it done,” he vowed, adding with a smile at his wife in the front row, “and if I don’t, I’ll be sleeping alone for a long time.”

Biden the dealmaker finds that compromise can have consequences

Israel will remain opposed to Washington's plan to reopen a US&nbsp;consulate in Jerusalem that has traditionally been a base for diplomatic outreach to the Palestinians, even if political conditions change, an Israeli cabinet minister said on Tuesday.

The consulate was subsumed into the US&nbsp;Embassy that was moved to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv in 2018 by then-US&nbsp;president Donald Trump, steps hailed by Israel and condemned by Palestinians.

President Joe Biden wants to reopen the consulate to rebuild relations with the Palestinians, who seek parts of Jerusalem, as well as the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, for a hoped-for state.

Also Read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/honouring-genocide-victims-merkel-vows-german-support-to-israels-security-419718">Honouring genocide victims, Merkel vows German support to Israel's security</a>

"No way, no way," Justice Minister Gideon Saar told a conference hosted by the Jerusalem Post newspaper when asked if the consulate reopening might go ahead - perhaps in the event of this or a future Israeli government yielding to US&nbsp;pressure.

"It needs Israeli approval," he added, speaking in English. "We will not compromise on this issue" for generations to come.

The US&nbsp;Embassy had no immediate comment.

The issue is likely to come up during a visit to Washington on Tuesday by Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid.

Also Read |<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/israel-alerts-embassies-over-iran-terror-threat-report-418779">&nbsp;Israel alerts embassies over Iran terror threat: Report</a>

Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, a nationalist atop a cross-partisan coalition, opposes Palestinian statehood, and Lapid has said that reopening the consulate could unsettle the government.

But Israeli media have speculated that Bennett could relent if Washington holds off until after his government secures more domestic stability by passing a long-delayed national budget, with ratification votes due next month.

Saar ruled out such a scenario, saying: "I want to make it very clear - we oppose it. We won't oppose it now and have a different opinion after the budget. We are 100 per cent&nbsp;opposed to it."

Israel will remain opposed to Washington's plan to reopen a US consulate in Jerusalem that has traditionally been a base for diplomatic outreach to the Palestinians, even if political conditions change, an Israeli cabinet minister said on Tuesday.

Israel will remain opposed to Washington's plan to reopen a US consulate in Jerusalem that has traditionally been a base for diplomatic outreach to the Palestinians, even if political conditions change, an Israeli cabinet minister said on Tuesday. The consulate was subsumed into the US Embassy that was moved to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv in 2018 by then-US president Donald Trump, steps hailed by Israel and condemned by Palestinians. President Joe Biden wants to reopen the consulate to rebuild relations with the Palestinians, who seek parts of Jerusalem, as well as the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, for a hoped-for state. Also Read | Honouring genocide victims, Merkel vows German support to Israel's security "No way, no way," Justice Minister Gideon Saar told a conference hosted by the Jerusalem Post newspaper when asked if the consulate reopening might go ahead - perhaps in the event of this or a future Israeli government yielding to US pressure. "It needs Israeli approval," he added, speaking in English. "We will not compromise on this issue" for generations to come. The US Embassy had no immediate comment. The issue is likely to come up during a visit to Washington on Tuesday by Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid. Also Read | Israel alerts embassies over Iran terror threat: Report Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, a nationalist atop a cross-partisan coalition, opposes Palestinian statehood, and Lapid has said that reopening the consulate could unsettle the government. But Israeli media have speculated that Bennett could relent if Washington holds off until after his government secures more domestic stability by passing a long-delayed national budget, with ratification votes due next month. Saar ruled out such a scenario, saying: "I want to make it very clear - we oppose it. We won't oppose it now and have a different opinion after the budget. We are 100 per cent opposed to it."

Israeli minister sees no compromise on US Palestinian mission in Jerusalem

The EU and US jointly called on lawmakers in Georgia to sign on to a compromise agreement to be proposed Sunday to resolve a protracted political crisis in the Caucasus country.

"The European Union and the United States call on all members of Georgia's parliament to sign the agreement that European Council President (Charles) Michel will propose today," the joint statement by spokespeople for EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell and the US State Department said.

The united EU-US front on the issue underlined growing consultation between Brussels and Washington on regions skirting Russia's southern and western borders.

Georgia, an ex-Soviet country that sits to the east of Europe, has been in the grip of a crisis since parliamentary polls in October, which the opposition said were rigged to keep the ruling Georgian Dream party in power.

Opposition parties have demanded snap elections and refused to enter the newly elected parliament.&nbsp;

The crisis deepened in February with the arrest and trial of the leader of the main opposition grouping, Nika Melia, on accusations of fomenting violence during 2019 anti-government protests.

Georgia's prime minister resigned and thousands of opposition supporters rallied in the capital Tbilisi in February to protest Melia's arrest.

EU chief Michel has taken on a mediation role between Georgia's government and opposition to try to rein in the tensions and prevent a perceived backsliding on democracy commitments by the country.

'Courage' needed

The EU-US statement said the compromise agreement to be unveiled was one that all Georgian lawmakers would be able to sign up to "in good faith".&nbsp;

But it said they would need to demonstrate "courage" by backing it over partisan considerations.

The statement said the proposed reforms would bolster the independence of Georgia's judiciary, improve electoral processes and contribute to "a parliament that can better reflect the voices of all people of Georgia".

The proposed agreement, posted to the website of the European External Action Service headed by Borrell, stated its aims as helping Georgia meet challenges thrown up by the Covid pandemic and addressing its "security and stability interests in the midst of regional challenges".

It commits signatories to, within a week, resolving cases of "perceived politicised justice" from the 2019 protests through amnesties or similar measures for convictions, and requiring more than a simple majority to lift parliamentary immunity.

"The parties acknowledge their differing assessment of the 2020 elections and agree to take up their parliamentary mandates and participate in future elections on the basis of the electoral reform agreed here," it says.

It calls for "fully proportional" elections for parliament and "clear criteria" for ballot recounts, as well as allowing "trusted invited domestic and international experts" to review election disputes, among a raft of other proposals to be completed before local elections in October.

Early parliamentary elections should be called in 2022 if the Georgian Dream party scores less than 43 per cent in the October polls, it says.&nbsp;

Power-sharing in parliament, under which opposition MPs would chair five committees, including key ones relating to either foreign relations, rights, or budget, is also set out.

The text also stipulates reforms to improve the judicial system with a pause on appointments to the supreme court until new legislation is passed ensuring better transparency, to be adopted within a year.&nbsp;

The EU and US jointly called on lawmakers in Georgia to sign on to a compromise agreement to be proposed Sunday to resolve a protracted political crisis in the Caucasus country.

The EU and US jointly called on lawmakers in Georgia to sign on to a compromise agreement to be proposed Sunday to resolve a protracted political crisis in the Caucasus country. "The European Union and the United States call on all members of Georgia's parliament to sign the agreement that European Council President (Charles) Michel will propose today," the joint statement by spokespeople for EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell and the US State Department said. The united EU-US front on the issue underlined growing consultation between Brussels and Washington on regions skirting Russia's southern and western borders. Georgia, an ex-Soviet country that sits to the east of Europe, has been in the grip of a crisis since parliamentary polls in October, which the opposition said were rigged to keep the ruling Georgian Dream party in power. Opposition parties have demanded snap elections and refused to enter the newly elected parliament. The crisis deepened in February with the arrest and trial of the leader of the main opposition grouping, Nika Melia, on accusations of fomenting violence during 2019 anti-government protests. Georgia's prime minister resigned and thousands of opposition supporters rallied in the capital Tbilisi in February to protest Melia's arrest. EU chief Michel has taken on a mediation role between Georgia's government and opposition to try to rein in the tensions and prevent a perceived backsliding on democracy commitments by the country. 'Courage' needed The EU-US statement said the compromise agreement to be unveiled was one that all Georgian lawmakers would be able to sign up to "in good faith". But it said they would need to demonstrate "courage" by backing it over partisan considerations. The statement said the proposed reforms would bolster the independence of Georgia's judiciary, improve electoral processes and contribute to "a parliament that can better reflect the voices of all people of Georgia". The proposed agreement, posted to the website of the European External Action Service headed by Borrell, stated its aims as helping Georgia meet challenges thrown up by the Covid pandemic and addressing its "security and stability interests in the midst of regional challenges". It commits signatories to, within a week, resolving cases of "perceived politicised justice" from the 2019 protests through amnesties or similar measures for convictions, and requiring more than a simple majority to lift parliamentary immunity. "The parties acknowledge their differing assessment of the 2020 elections and agree to take up their parliamentary mandates and participate in future elections on the basis of the electoral reform agreed here," it says. It calls for "fully proportional" elections for parliament and "clear criteria" for ballot recounts, as well as allowing "trusted invited domestic and international experts" to review election disputes, among a raft of other proposals to be completed before local elections in October. Early parliamentary elections should be called in 2022 if the Georgian Dream party scores less than 43 per cent in the October polls, it says. Power-sharing in parliament, under which opposition MPs would chair five committees, including key ones relating to either foreign relations, rights, or budget, is also set out. The text also stipulates reforms to improve the judicial system with a pause on appointments to the supreme court until new legislation is passed ensuring better transparency, to be adopted within a year.

EU, US call on Georgia lawmakers to sign compromise pact

India and US trade negotiators will meet on Friday, with few signs of a compromise on a series of protectionist measures taken by the two governments in recent months that have strained ties between the strategic partners.

US President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/indias-high-tariffs-on-american-products-no-longer-acceptable-says-us-president-donald-trump-234420">Donald Trump</a> has been putting pressure on India to do more to open its markets, saying this week again on Twitter its high tariffs were "unacceptable".

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, re-elected in May, has been pushing nationalist policies with higher tariffs on everything from electronic goods to tighter controls on foreign firms in the fast-growing e-commerce market to help foster domestic companies and create jobs for millions of youth.

A delegation led by Assistant US Trade Representative (AUSTR) for South and Central Asia, Christopher Wilson, will meet Indian officials to try and re-start negotiations on tit-for-tat tariffs that were put on hold because of India's election.

Watch:&nbsp;Donald Trump targets India, hurts own farmers

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/donald-trump-targets-india-hurts-own-farmers-234499/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

"Since India's election period has now passed, USTR officials are visiting India for relationship-building with Indian government counterparts," a USTR spokesperson said.

The USTR delegation is likely to meet Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal along with key trade officials on Friday. The delegation is also likely to meet top officials at the IT ministry.

Trump and Modi met in Osaka on the sidelines of a G20 summit in June where they agreed to build ties between the two countries and sort out thorny trade issues.

At Friday's meeting, New Delhi expects US officials to push against India's efforts to mandate foreign firms to store more of their data locally, an Indian government official said.

Washington is also expected to seek revisions to foreign investment rules for the e-commerce sector that have forced companies such as Walmart Inc's Flipkart and Amazon.com Inc to rework their business strategies in the country.

"The meeting with USTR was meant to set the tone for further talks after a positive G20 discussion. But Trump's tweet has shown their intention is to continue with a tough stance," another official said.

India's trade ministry did not respond to a Reuters email seeking comments on the visit.

One concern among Indian policymakers is that the Trump administration may push for a free trade agreement with India that could dent India's competitiveness, lead to a flurry of imports and hurt Modi's "Make in India" plan.

In a recent meeting, Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar told trade ministry officials that "Trump is clearly preparing for a larger game, a larger opening," according to one of the officials aware of the discussions.

Mark Linscott, a former USTR official wrote in India's The Hindu newspaper on Tuesday that trade should be a bigger part of the India and US strategic partnership and that a free trade pact "is the ultimate example of economic integration."

Trade between and India and the US was worth $142.1 billion in 2018, with India having a surplus of $24.2 billion.

"The direction that we would like is to pursue a deal which is mutually beneficial and not concede without reciprocity."

India and US trade negotiators will meet on Friday, with few signs of a compromise on a series of protectionist measures taken by the two governments in recent months that have strained ties between the strategic partners.

India and US trade negotiators will meet on Friday, with few signs of a compromise on a series of protectionist measures taken by the two governments in recent months that have strained ties between the strategic partners. US President Donald Trump has been putting pressure on India to do more to open its markets, saying this week again on Twitter its high tariffs were "unacceptable". Prime Minister Narendra Modi, re-elected in May, has been pushing nationalist policies with higher tariffs on everything from electronic goods to tighter controls on foreign firms in the fast-growing e-commerce market to help foster domestic companies and create jobs for millions of youth. A delegation led by Assistant US Trade Representative (AUSTR) for South and Central Asia, Christopher Wilson, will meet Indian officials to try and re-start negotiations on tit-for-tat tariffs that were put on hold because of India's election. Watch: Donald Trump targets India, hurts own farmers "Since India's election period has now passed, USTR officials are visiting India for relationship-building with Indian government counterparts," a USTR spokesperson said. The USTR delegation is likely to meet Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal along with key trade officials on Friday. The delegation is also likely to meet top officials at the IT ministry. Trump and Modi met in Osaka on the sidelines of a G20 summit in June where they agreed to build ties between the two countries and sort out thorny trade issues. At Friday's meeting, New Delhi expects US officials to push against India's efforts to mandate foreign firms to store more of their data locally, an Indian government official said. Washington is also expected to seek revisions to foreign investment rules for the e-commerce sector that have forced companies such as Walmart Inc's Flipkart and Amazon.com Inc to rework their business strategies in the country. "The meeting with USTR was meant to set the tone for further talks after a positive G20 discussion. But Trump's tweet has shown their intention is to continue with a tough stance," another official said. India's trade ministry did not respond to a Reuters email seeking comments on the visit. One concern among Indian policymakers is that the Trump administration may push for a free trade agreement with India that could dent India's competitiveness, lead to a flurry of imports and hurt Modi's "Make in India" plan. In a recent meeting, Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar told trade ministry officials that "Trump is clearly preparing for a larger game, a larger opening," according to one of the officials aware of the discussions. Mark Linscott, a former USTR official wrote in India's The Hindu newspaper on Tuesday that trade should be a bigger part of the India and US strategic partnership and that a free trade pact "is the ultimate example of economic integration." Trade between and India and the US was worth $142.1 billion in 2018, with India having a surplus of $24.2 billion. "The direction that we would like is to pursue a deal which is mutually beneficial and not concede without reciprocity."

After Trump's tariff rant, India-US trade talks to restart Friday amid few signs of compromise

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