Mayawati never said it in so many words. But the BSP supremo threw enough hints during the poll campaign that she considered herself to be in the race for the prime minister's post, should the opposition manage to contain the BJP.&nbsp;

At a rally in Ambedkarnagar, for example, she recalled that she has been elected to the Lok Sabha from that seat in the past.

"Time will tell. If all goes well, I will have to seek election from here again," she said, seemingly referring to the possibility of her entering Parliament through a by-election later, if something opened up in New Delhi.&nbsp;

The results, however, have been a disappointment for the four-time Uttar Pradesh chief minister, who former prime minister P V Narasimha Rao famously called a "miracle of democracy" when she became the CM the first time in 1995.&nbsp;

The BJP has trumped her Bahujan Samaj Party's alliance with Akhilesh Yadav's Samajwadi Party in the state. Yet her own party has done better than in 2014 Lok Sabha polls when it drew a complete blank.&nbsp;

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-general-elections-2019/bjps-journey-from-just-two-seats-in-lok-sabha-in-1984-to-winning-two-back-to-back-majority-221039">BJP's journey from just two seats in Lok Sabha in 1984 to winning two back-to-back majority</a>

The alliance in UP alliance happened against all odds, ending a bitter parting of ways between the two sides nearly 25 years ago.&nbsp;

SP workers had then attacked a BSP legislators' meeting at the state guest house in Lucknow and reportedly roughed her up.&nbsp;

Mayawati referred to the infamous episode more than once even during the joint press conference where she and Akhilesh Yadav announced their "gathbandhan" earlier this year.&nbsp;

Born on January 15, 1956, the daughter of a postal worker, Mayawati did her BA from Delhi University, following it up with a BEd from Meerut University.&nbsp;

Dalit leader Kanshi Ram spotted her potential when she was a government school teacher in Delhi, also preparing to take the civil services exam.&nbsp;

He is supposed to have told her that she was destined for bigger things.&nbsp;

Why become an IAS officer when she could be a community leader from whom IAS officers take their orders, she was told.&nbsp;

In 1984, she joined Kanshi Ram when he founded the BSP.&nbsp;

After three failed attempts, Mayawati made it to the Lok Sabha for the first time in 1989.&nbsp;

Mayawati was elected the BSP president in December 2003, about two years after Kanshi Ram had declared she would be his successor.&nbsp;

By that time, she had been the UP chief minister thrice. When she took oath the first time in 1995, she was the youngest CM the state had seen till then and the first Dalit woman to reach the post anywhere in the country.&nbsp;

That government, and the ones formed in 1997 and 2002, lasted just months. But Mayawati served a full five-year term when she became CM the fourth time in 2007.&nbsp;

She earned a reputation of being a no-nonsense CM who ordered transfers and suspensions of IAS and IPS officers in bulk and sent high-profile mafia dons behind bars.&nbsp;

But over the years, in and out of power, she attracted a slew of controversies, beginning with corruption charges.&nbsp;

Mayawati's assets had crossed Rs 110 crore when she filed a Rajya Sabha election affidavit in 2012. In 2007-08 assessment year, she paid Rs 26 crore as income tax, placing her among the 20 top taxpayers in the country. &nbsp;

She has been photographed with huge garlands of currency notes. Her critics see this accumulation of wealth as a sign of corruption. She explains away much of it as gifts from supporters.&nbsp;

The alleged Taj Heritage Corridor scam dogged her for years, and she has charged with possessing assets disproportionate to her income.&nbsp;

Watch:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/lok-sabha-election-2019-there-is-no-place-for-dynasty-rulers-corrupt-leaders-in-this-nation-says-yogi-adityanath-220949">'There is no place for dynasty rulers, corrupt leaders in this nation' says Yogi Adityanath</a>

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She has also faced criticism over her "autocratic" style of functioning, apparently even insisting that bureaucrats remove their shoes when they visit her. In the party, she hasn't allowed a second rung of leadership to emerge.&nbsp;

But for millions of Dalits and others -- the BSP has over the decades worked hard to include Muslims and even upper caste Hindus in its fold the controversies don't seem to matter.&nbsp;

For them, she remains "behenji", an elder sister.&nbsp;

Mayawati never said it in so many words. But the BSP supremo threw enough hints during the poll campaign that she considered herself to be in the race for the prime minister's post, should the opposition manage to contain the BJP.

Mayawati never said it in so many words. But the BSP supremo threw enough hints during the poll campaign that she considered herself to be in the race for the prime minister's post, should the opposition manage to contain the BJP. At a rally in Ambedkarnagar, for example, she recalled that she has been elected to the Lok Sabha from that seat in the past. "Time will tell. If all goes well, I will have to seek election from here again," she said, seemingly referring to the possibility of her entering Parliament through a by-election later, if something opened up in New Delhi. The results, however, have been a disappointment for the four-time Uttar Pradesh chief minister, who former prime minister P V Narasimha Rao famously called a "miracle of democracy" when she became the CM the first time in 1995. The BJP has trumped her Bahujan Samaj Party's alliance with Akhilesh Yadav's Samajwadi Party in the state. Yet her own party has done better than in 2014 Lok Sabha polls when it drew a complete blank. Also Read: BJP's journey from just two seats in Lok Sabha in 1984 to winning two back-to-back majority The alliance in UP alliance happened against all odds, ending a bitter parting of ways between the two sides nearly 25 years ago. SP workers had then attacked a BSP legislators' meeting at the state guest house in Lucknow and reportedly roughed her up. Mayawati referred to the infamous episode more than once even during the joint press conference where she and Akhilesh Yadav announced their "gathbandhan" earlier this year. Born on January 15, 1956, the daughter of a postal worker, Mayawati did her BA from Delhi University, following it up with a BEd from Meerut University. Dalit leader Kanshi Ram spotted her potential when she was a government school teacher in Delhi, also preparing to take the civil services exam. He is supposed to have told her that she was destined for bigger things. Why become an IAS officer when she could be a community leader from whom IAS officers take their orders, she was told. In 1984, she joined Kanshi Ram when he founded the BSP. After three failed attempts, Mayawati made it to the Lok Sabha for the first time in 1989. Mayawati was elected the BSP president in December 2003, about two years after Kanshi Ram had declared she would be his successor. By that time, she had been the UP chief minister thrice. When she took oath the first time in 1995, she was the youngest CM the state had seen till then and the first Dalit woman to reach the post anywhere in the country. That government, and the ones formed in 1997 and 2002, lasted just months. But Mayawati served a full five-year term when she became CM the fourth time in 2007. She earned a reputation of being a no-nonsense CM who ordered transfers and suspensions of IAS and IPS officers in bulk and sent high-profile mafia dons behind bars. But over the years, in and out of power, she attracted a slew of controversies, beginning with corruption charges. Mayawati's assets had crossed Rs 110 crore when she filed a Rajya Sabha election affidavit in 2012. In 2007-08 assessment year, she paid Rs 26 crore as income tax, placing her among the 20 top taxpayers in the country. She has been photographed with huge garlands of currency notes. Her critics see this accumulation of wealth as a sign of corruption. She explains away much of it as gifts from supporters. The alleged Taj Heritage Corridor scam dogged her for years, and she has charged with possessing assets disproportionate to her income. Watch: 'There is no place for dynasty rulers, corrupt leaders in this nation' says Yogi Adityanath × She has also faced criticism over her "autocratic" style of functioning, apparently even insisting that bureaucrats remove their shoes when they visit her. In the party, she hasn't allowed a second rung of leadership to emerge. But for millions of Dalits and others -- the BSP has over the decades worked hard to include Muslims and even upper caste Hindus in its fold the controversies don't seem to matter. For them, she remains "behenji", an elder sister.

Mayawati: Prime ministerial 'aspirations' on hold

On Sunday, March 17th,&nbsp;Jana Sena Party (JSP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had announced seat sharing <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-2019-kcrs-daughter-faces-farmers-ire-as-nizamabad-votes-in-first-phase-209466">alliance in Andhra Pradesh</a> according to which Mayawati's party decided to contest in three reserved SC Lok Sabha - Chittoor, Tirupati and Bapatla. It's&nbsp;BSP&nbsp;chief Mayawati's latest gambit to ally with local parties in order to increase her political equity in across the country.

Live Lok Sabha polls 2019: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/live-lok-sabha-polls-2019-voting-underway-in-91-seats-in-first-phase-209404">TDP leader killed in election-related clashes</a>

Actor-turned-politician <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-2019-tdp-worker-killed-as-clashes-mark-polling-in-andhra-pradesh-209528">Pawan Kalyan who formed the Jana Sena</a> in 2014 has been a flagrant supporter of Mayawati. Kalyan earlier campaigned for the TDP-BJP combine during the 2014 general elections.

The Jana Sena chief has also roped in CPI&nbsp;and CPM to fight the polls along with the BSP with the state going to the polls in both Assembly and Lok Sabha elections simultaneously.

JSP hopes of mounting a challenge to the two big state parties - chief minister Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and&nbsp;Jagan Mohan Reddy's YSRCP.

Mayawati gambit to play the Dalit card in the state in order to bolster BSP credentials in the state and also attempt an all-India profile for the party which is best known for being an UP outfit.

BSP will also be fighting in 21 Assembly seats in a seat-sharing agreement with JSP ensuring a "Mahagathbandhan" style appeal in the state. Kalyan had in fact even pitched Mayawati as the next prime minister asserting that the country needed her services while praising her administrative skills.

The former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh went a step further and promised Special Category Status to Andhra Pradesh, an issue which has become a bone of contention between Andhra and the Modi government. Mayawati during a joint press conference with JSP chief also said Congress had made a mistake by bifurcating Andhra Pradesh.

Mayawati has used the same pitch to further her cause in the home state - Uttar Pradesh - where she has aligned with enemy-turned-friend Akhilesh Yadav's Samajwadi Party. The BSP-SP combine hopes to dislodge the NaMo army during the Lok Sabha polls, even a dent in the BJP vote bank will mean a victory for Mayawati who has felt sandwiched between a marauding BJP and a resurgent SP under Akhilesh Yadav.

On Sunday, March 17th, Jana Sena Party (JSP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had announced seat sharing alliance in Andhra Pradesh according to which Mayawati's party decided to contest in three reserved SC Lok Sabha - Chittoor, Tirupati and Bapatla.

On Sunday, March 17th, Jana Sena Party (JSP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had announced seat sharing alliance in Andhra Pradesh according to which Mayawati's party decided to contest in three reserved SC Lok Sabha - Chittoor, Tirupati and Bapatla. It's BSP chief Mayawati's latest gambit to ally with local parties in order to increase her political equity in across the country. Live Lok Sabha polls 2019: TDP leader killed in election-related clashes Actor-turned-politician Pawan Kalyan who formed the Jana Sena in 2014 has been a flagrant supporter of Mayawati. Kalyan earlier campaigned for the TDP-BJP combine during the 2014 general elections. The Jana Sena chief has also roped in CPI and CPM to fight the polls along with the BSP with the state going to the polls in both Assembly and Lok Sabha elections simultaneously. JSP hopes of mounting a challenge to the two big state parties - chief minister Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Jagan Mohan Reddy's YSRCP. Mayawati gambit to play the Dalit card in the state in order to bolster BSP credentials in the state and also attempt an all-India profile for the party which is best known for being an UP outfit. BSP will also be fighting in 21 Assembly seats in a seat-sharing agreement with JSP ensuring a "Mahagathbandhan" style appeal in the state. Kalyan had in fact even pitched Mayawati as the next prime minister asserting that the country needed her services while praising her administrative skills. The former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh went a step further and promised Special Category Status to Andhra Pradesh, an issue which has become a bone of contention between Andhra and the Modi government. Mayawati during a joint press conference with JSP chief also said Congress had made a mistake by bifurcating Andhra Pradesh. Mayawati has used the same pitch to further her cause in the home state - Uttar Pradesh - where she has aligned with enemy-turned-friend Akhilesh Yadav's Samajwadi Party. The BSP-SP combine hopes to dislodge the NaMo army during the Lok Sabha polls, even a dent in the BJP vote bank will mean a victory for Mayawati who has felt sandwiched between a marauding BJP and a resurgent SP under Akhilesh Yadav.

Mayawati's Andhra gambit: Align with local party JSP to boost BSP's equity

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. &nbsp;Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party.

On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house.&nbsp;

The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today.

As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them.&nbsp;

Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” &nbsp;

The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3.&nbsp;

The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged.&nbsp;

But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening.&nbsp;

The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote.&nbsp;

Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan.

Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place.&nbsp;

Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan.&nbsp;

Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both.

Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front.

As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside.

Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker.&nbsp;

With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress.

Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-mayawati-holds-the-key-to-2019-2714388">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party. On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house. The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today. As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them. Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3. The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged. But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening. The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote. Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan. Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place. Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan. Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both. Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front. As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside. Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker. With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress. Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Mayawati holds the key to 2019

Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati on Thursday said that she will make her nephew Akash join the BSP "movement" and give him a chance to learn, reported news agency PTI.

Reacting to allegations of nepotism levelled against her in a press conference in Lucknow, Mayawati announced that she will make her nephew Akash join the BSP "movement" and give him a chance to learn.&nbsp;

She said the rise in the BSP's popularity after its alliance with the Samajwadi Party has created unrest among some parties and leaders.&nbsp;

"Rise in the popularity of BSP and its alliance with SP has created unrest among parties and leaders who are anti-Dalits and casteist, she said added that ''instead of fighting us fair and square they are making absurd remarks against us and conspiring with some casteist and anti-Dalit TV channels''.

Her comments follow reports in a section of the media that her nephew would be her heir apparent.

Accusing the "casteist and anti-Dalit" media of raising issues of nepotism, she said she was a disciple of Kanshi Ram and would give them a befitting reply.&nbsp;

If anyone has problems with that, so be it, her party does not care, Mayawati said.

Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati on Thursday said that she will make her nephew Akash join the BSP "movement" and give him a chance to learn, reported news agency PTI.

Bahujan Samaj Party supremo Mayawati on Thursday said that she will make her nephew Akash join the BSP "movement" and give him a chance to learn, reported news agency PTI. Reacting to allegations of nepotism levelled against her in a press conference in Lucknow, Mayawati announced that she will make her nephew Akash join the BSP "movement" and give him a chance to learn. She said the rise in the BSP's popularity after its alliance with the Samajwadi Party has created unrest among some parties and leaders. "Rise in the popularity of BSP and its alliance with SP has created unrest among parties and leaders who are anti-Dalits and casteist, she said added that ''instead of fighting us fair and square they are making absurd remarks against us and conspiring with some casteist and anti-Dalit TV channels''. Her comments follow reports in a section of the media that her nephew would be her heir apparent. Accusing the "casteist and anti-Dalit" media of raising issues of nepotism, she said she was a disciple of Kanshi Ram and would give them a befitting reply. If anyone has problems with that, so be it, her party does not care, Mayawati said.

Will make nephew join BSP movement, give him chance to learn: Mayawati

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state. The idea was to keep the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at bay following its rise. Now the two parties have aligned yet again to counter the BJP in the coming Lok Sabha polls. Since we are into history, let’s recall a few incidents that happened thereafter.&nbsp;

Then it was Mulayam Singh Yadav from the SP and Kanshi Ram from the BSP who stitched the partnership. Two prominent industrialists had played a significant role in bringing the rivals together, and they were subsequently rewarded with Rajya Sabha seats. The BJP still won the largest number of seats but fell short of a majority, while the combined numerical strength of the SP and the BSP led to the formation of a coalition regime with Mulayam Singh Yadav as the chief minister. Mayawati did not join the government, but she was entrusted with the task of supervising the partnership. &nbsp;

The alliance worked well for the first few months, but friction began to develop thereafter, more so after incidents of violence which had erupted following the removal of an Ambedkar statue in Meerut in 1994. The state police, which had a good number from the Yadav caste, came down hard on the protesters and at least two members of the Scheduled Castes died in the firing. More problems arose when the Yadav community protested against the installation of an Ambedkar statue on a plot of land it claimed belonged to the community. The Yadav-Scheduled Caste confrontation led Mayawati to get aggressive, and soon reports began to circulate that she was interfering in the functioning of the Mulayam Singh Yadav-led government. &nbsp;

Then came then infamous guest house incident in mid-1995. By then, political equations had begun to change in Lucknow. The BJP and the BSP had got closer to each other with the latter realising it would have to pull out of the coalition regime to keep its Scheduled caste vote-base intact. Indeed, Mayawati had met the Governor and effectively withdrawn support to the government. All hell broke. Mayawati had summoned a meeting of her legislators at the state guest house in Lucknow to discuss further course of action. Once the meeting was done, the BSP leader was closeted with a few senior leaders for fine-tuning the political strategy. A mob of around 200 SP leaders and supporters attacked the guest house and raised casteist slogans against her and her community. It was followed by more filthy language and threats to kill. Power supply to the guest house was cut off and the mob shouted for Mayawati to be dragged out and taught a lesson. The BSP legislators who came in contact with the mob were brutally assaulted. &nbsp;

Two junior police officers came to Mayawati’s rescue. Later the district magistrate of Lucknow and some BJP leaders played important roles in the rescue of the BSP leader. A traumatic Mayawati and her guru Kanshi Ram vowed to never do business with the SP. She soon became chief minister with the BJP’s support.&nbsp;

Cut to the present: On Saturday, sharing the stage with SP leader Akhilesh Yadav to announce the renewed partnership between the SP and the BSP and the seat-sharing deal, Mayawati remarked that she was willing to forgive and forget the 1995 incident in the larger interests of the nation (read, to get rid of the Modi government from the Centre). &nbsp;

Then, as now, the common factor is the need to counter the BJP. But that’s where the commonality ends. The first difference is that the two leaders who made the alliance possible in 1993 are not in the picture this time around. Kanshi Ram is dead and Mulayam Singh Yadav is a mere bystander in the party which he founded. While both Kanshi Ram and Mulayam Singh Yadav were astute, in the present case Mayawati, now a veteran both in terms of years in politics and mercurial nature, clearly has the edge, whereas Akhilesh Yadav is subdued by his relatively junior status and inexperience. Everybody knows who will call the shots in the post-result scenario if the combine does well, is not a secret.&nbsp;

The second difference is that the 1993 alliance had been for Assembly elections, whereas the present one — at least for now — is for the Lok Sabha polls. Then it was Mulayam-Kanshi Ram versus Kalyan Singh of the BJP, who had been deposed as chief minister following the Ayodhya mosque destruction incident. Today it is Akhilesh-Mayawati versus Narendra Modi — a more formidable challenge.&nbsp;

The third refers to the political status of the BJP. Then, the BJP was not in power either at the Centre or in the state. Today it’s there in both places. In the 2014 general elections, the party had got 40 per cent of the vote-share in Uttar Pradesh. The SP could manage only five seats while the BSP ended with none. The situation was not much different in the 2017 assembly polls where the SP and the BSP had to bite the dust while the BJP romped home with a huge majority. &nbsp;And yet the SP-BSP combine has reason to feel upbeat. It had tasted blood in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur Lok Sabha bypolls, and this had proved to be a trigger to explore a formalise alliance between the two parties.&nbsp; &nbsp;

There, questions remain: First, will the coalition deliver in 2019? Will it last in case of failure? Will it sustain even after the victory or become victim to ego battles, as had happened in 1995?&nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state.

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state. The idea was to keep the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at bay following its rise. Now the two parties have aligned yet again to counter the BJP in the coming Lok Sabha polls. Since we are into history, let’s recall a few incidents that happened thereafter. Then it was Mulayam Singh Yadav from the SP and Kanshi Ram from the BSP who stitched the partnership. Two prominent industrialists had played a significant role in bringing the rivals together, and they were subsequently rewarded with Rajya Sabha seats. The BJP still won the largest number of seats but fell short of a majority, while the combined numerical strength of the SP and the BSP led to the formation of a coalition regime with Mulayam Singh Yadav as the chief minister. Mayawati did not join the government, but she was entrusted with the task of supervising the partnership. The alliance worked well for the first few months, but friction began to develop thereafter, more so after incidents of violence which had erupted following the removal of an Ambedkar statue in Meerut in 1994. The state police, which had a good number from the Yadav caste, came down hard on the protesters and at least two members of the Scheduled Castes died in the firing. More problems arose when the Yadav community protested against the installation of an Ambedkar statue on a plot of land it claimed belonged to the community. The Yadav-Scheduled Caste confrontation led Mayawati to get aggressive, and soon reports began to circulate that she was interfering in the functioning of the Mulayam Singh Yadav-led government. Then came then infamous guest house incident in mid-1995. By then, political equations had begun to change in Lucknow. The BJP and the BSP had got closer to each other with the latter realising it would have to pull out of the coalition regime to keep its Scheduled caste vote-base intact. Indeed, Mayawati had met the Governor and effectively withdrawn support to the government. All hell broke. Mayawati had summoned a meeting of her legislators at the state guest house in Lucknow to discuss further course of action. Once the meeting was done, the BSP leader was closeted with a few senior leaders for fine-tuning the political strategy. A mob of around 200 SP leaders and supporters attacked the guest house and raised casteist slogans against her and her community. It was followed by more filthy language and threats to kill. Power supply to the guest house was cut off and the mob shouted for Mayawati to be dragged out and taught a lesson. The BSP legislators who came in contact with the mob were brutally assaulted. Two junior police officers came to Mayawati’s rescue. Later the district magistrate of Lucknow and some BJP leaders played important roles in the rescue of the BSP leader. A traumatic Mayawati and her guru Kanshi Ram vowed to never do business with the SP. She soon became chief minister with the BJP’s support. Cut to the present: On Saturday, sharing the stage with SP leader Akhilesh Yadav to announce the renewed partnership between the SP and the BSP and the seat-sharing deal, Mayawati remarked that she was willing to forgive and forget the 1995 incident in the larger interests of the nation (read, to get rid of the Modi government from the Centre). Then, as now, the common factor is the need to counter the BJP. But that’s where the commonality ends. The first difference is that the two leaders who made the alliance possible in 1993 are not in the picture this time around. Kanshi Ram is dead and Mulayam Singh Yadav is a mere bystander in the party which he founded. While both Kanshi Ram and Mulayam Singh Yadav were astute, in the present case Mayawati, now a veteran both in terms of years in politics and mercurial nature, clearly has the edge, whereas Akhilesh Yadav is subdued by his relatively junior status and inexperience. Everybody knows who will call the shots in the post-result scenario if the combine does well, is not a secret. The second difference is that the 1993 alliance had been for Assembly elections, whereas the present one — at least for now — is for the Lok Sabha polls. Then it was Mulayam-Kanshi Ram versus Kalyan Singh of the BJP, who had been deposed as chief minister following the Ayodhya mosque destruction incident. Today it is Akhilesh-Mayawati versus Narendra Modi — a more formidable challenge. The third refers to the political status of the BJP. Then, the BJP was not in power either at the Centre or in the state. Today it’s there in both places. In the 2014 general elections, the party had got 40 per cent of the vote-share in Uttar Pradesh. The SP could manage only five seats while the BSP ended with none. The situation was not much different in the 2017 assembly polls where the SP and the BSP had to bite the dust while the BJP romped home with a huge majority. And yet the SP-BSP combine has reason to feel upbeat. It had tasted blood in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur Lok Sabha bypolls, and this had proved to be a trigger to explore a formalise alliance between the two parties. There, questions remain: First, will the coalition deliver in 2019? Will it last in case of failure? Will it sustain even after the victory or become victim to ego battles, as had happened in 1995? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BSP-SP alliance returns after 25 years; will the coalition deliver in 2019?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition. It remains to be seen whether this new narrative will gain traction among the voters in the months to come, but there is an alliance that can create serious problems for the ruling party - the one between the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp; 
 
Neither PM Modi nor his party can ignore the elephant in the room, or to be precise, the elephant plus the cycle. This is for several reasons. The first is that the SP-BSP combine is a very real possibility, unlike various other opposition combinations that exist only in the air. The two parties are already collaborating. When the BSP withdrew its minister from the HD Kumaraswamy government in Karnataka, the SP was quick to support the move. When the BSP demanded the withdrawal of certain cases against members of the Scheduled Castes in Kamal Nath-ruled Madhya Pradesh, the SP was again fully supportive.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The two parties have given serious indications of contesting the Lok Sabha polls together, at least for the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh. They are both on the same page with regard to treating the Congress as a very junior partner in case the latter decides to join their group. But both prefer not having any truck with the Congress.&nbsp;

The other reason for the BJP to take the possible combine seriously is the state itself. Uttar Pradesh, from all available accounts, holds the key to government formation at the Centre. The BJP rode to a majority — the first time a single party achieved it since 1984-85 — on the strength of its performance in the state, winning 73 seats along with its allies. If it suffers a setback there, it will have considerable difficulty in being in the pole position nationally. &nbsp;

The Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine is lethal on caste grounds too. The Yadav community and the Scheduled Castes together form a formidable voter force; together they comprise case to 30 per cent of the population. Add to it the Muslim voters, and the situation gets only more grim for the BJP. It can be argued that not all Scheduled Caste voters will back the combine — they had supported the BJP in large numbers in 2014. But then, 2019 is not 2014, and there was no alliance between the SP and the BSP.&nbsp;

The situation is more challenging for the BJP in the state this time around also because of trouble with allies. The Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party and the Apna Dal (Sonelal) are upset for various reasons. Leaders of both parties have been keeping away from BJP events. Most recently, they were absent from a rally the Prime Minister addressed in Ghazipur. Statements of discontent have been made from both party leaders on various occasions. The BJP will have to mollify them quickly or face the prospect of loss of precious votes in pockets where the two parties are influential. The ruling party cannot afford to lose partners like it did in neighbouring Bihar. Two regional parties which had contested the2014 polls as partners of the BJP have broken away and joined the RJD-led front. But at least in Bihar, the BJP has a tie-up with a dominant Janata Dal (United) to compensate for the loss; in Uttar Pradesh, there is no such solace.&nbsp;

Given the situation, the BJP is readying itself for the grand challenge in the state. It could try any one or a combination of the following factors: Use the Ayodhya card to rally the majority faith voters to its side; play upon the threat of minority appeasement as well as the dominance of the Yadav community to lure voters; recall the development agenda of both the Modi regime and the Yogi Adityanath government in the state.

The potency of the first factor depends greatly on the path the Supreme Court takes in the weeks to come. The second hinges largely on the level of fear that the BJP can arouse song the people. It must be recalled that the BJP had swept the Assembly election in 2017 also because the people had been disenchanted by the minority appeasement policies of the then Samajwadi Party regime led by Akhilesh Yadav. The consolation of Hindu votes had happened as a result. Further supported by the success of schemes such as Ujjwala, the BJP had cut across caste votes to register a fine win. &nbsp;

Is an encore possible?&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition. It remains to be seen whether this new narrative will gain traction among the voters in the months to come, but there is an alliance that can create serious problems for the ruling party - the one between the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh. Neither PM Modi nor his party can ignore the elephant in the room, or to be precise, the elephant plus the cycle. This is for several reasons. The first is that the SP-BSP combine is a very real possibility, unlike various other opposition combinations that exist only in the air. The two parties are already collaborating. When the BSP withdrew its minister from the HD Kumaraswamy government in Karnataka, the SP was quick to support the move. When the BSP demanded the withdrawal of certain cases against members of the Scheduled Castes in Kamal Nath-ruled Madhya Pradesh, the SP was again fully supportive. The two parties have given serious indications of contesting the Lok Sabha polls together, at least for the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh. They are both on the same page with regard to treating the Congress as a very junior partner in case the latter decides to join their group. But both prefer not having any truck with the Congress. The other reason for the BJP to take the possible combine seriously is the state itself. Uttar Pradesh, from all available accounts, holds the key to government formation at the Centre. The BJP rode to a majority — the first time a single party achieved it since 1984-85 — on the strength of its performance in the state, winning 73 seats along with its allies. If it suffers a setback there, it will have considerable difficulty in being in the pole position nationally. The Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine is lethal on caste grounds too. The Yadav community and the Scheduled Castes together form a formidable voter force; together they comprise case to 30 per cent of the population. Add to it the Muslim voters, and the situation gets only more grim for the BJP. It can be argued that not all Scheduled Caste voters will back the combine — they had supported the BJP in large numbers in 2014. But then, 2019 is not 2014, and there was no alliance between the SP and the BSP. The situation is more challenging for the BJP in the state this time around also because of trouble with allies. The Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party and the Apna Dal (Sonelal) are upset for various reasons. Leaders of both parties have been keeping away from BJP events. Most recently, they were absent from a rally the Prime Minister addressed in Ghazipur. Statements of discontent have been made from both party leaders on various occasions. The BJP will have to mollify them quickly or face the prospect of loss of precious votes in pockets where the two parties are influential. The ruling party cannot afford to lose partners like it did in neighbouring Bihar. Two regional parties which had contested the2014 polls as partners of the BJP have broken away and joined the RJD-led front. But at least in Bihar, the BJP has a tie-up with a dominant Janata Dal (United) to compensate for the loss; in Uttar Pradesh, there is no such solace. Given the situation, the BJP is readying itself for the grand challenge in the state. It could try any one or a combination of the following factors: Use the Ayodhya card to rally the majority faith voters to its side; play upon the threat of minority appeasement as well as the dominance of the Yadav community to lure voters; recall the development agenda of both the Modi regime and the Yogi Adityanath government in the state. The potency of the first factor depends greatly on the path the Supreme Court takes in the weeks to come. The second hinges largely on the level of fear that the BJP can arouse song the people. It must be recalled that the BJP had swept the Assembly election in 2017 also because the people had been disenchanted by the minority appeasement policies of the then Samajwadi Party regime led by Akhilesh Yadav. The consolation of Hindu votes had happened as a result. Further supported by the success of schemes such as Ujjwala, the BJP had cut across caste votes to register a fine win. Is an encore possible? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BSP-SP alliance may prove to be a stumbling block for BJP

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati Sunday denied all the rumours floating around that the party will join hands with rival Samajwadi Party (SP) for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

Clearing the air over the alliance, Mayawati said BSP has not allied with any political party.

&quot;I want to clarify that BSP has not allied with any political party. All rumours about BSP &amp; SP alliance in UP for 2019 Lok Sabha elctions are false and baseless,&quot; Mayawati said.&nbsp;

On being asked about the crucial bypolls to the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, Mayawati said her party has not floated any candidate for it.

She, however, said that her party members will exercise their vote to defeat Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate.

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
UP mein haal hi mein Rajya Sabha aur Vidhan Parishad mein hone wale chunaav mein BJP ko harane ke liye SP aur BSP ke dwara ek dusre ko vote transfer kar diya jata hai toh yeh koi chunavi gathbandhan nahi: BSP Chief Mayawati <a href="https://t.co/JLVHfmgBfs">pic.twitter.com/JLVHfmgBfs</a>
&mdash; ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/970252826424291333?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 4, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Gorakhpur bypolls were announced after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath vacated the seat after resigning as Lok Sabha member in September last year after being elected to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council.

Whereas, Phulpur seat was vacated by Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minster Keshav Prasad Maurya.

Both the seats will go to polls on March 11.&nbsp;

Mayawati said BSP has not allied with any political party

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati Sunday denied all the rumours floating around that the party will join hands with rival Samajwadi Party (SP) for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Clearing the air over the alliance, Mayawati said BSP has not allied with any political party. "I want to clarify that BSP has not allied with any political party. All rumours about BSP & SP alliance in UP for 2019 Lok Sabha elctions are false and baseless," Mayawati said. On being asked about the crucial bypolls to the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, Mayawati said her party has not floated any candidate for it. She, however, said that her party members will exercise their vote to defeat Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate. UP mein haal hi mein Rajya Sabha aur Vidhan Parishad mein hone wale chunaav mein BJP ko harane ke liye SP aur BSP ke dwara ek dusre ko vote transfer kar diya jata hai toh yeh koi chunavi gathbandhan nahi: BSP Chief Mayawati pic.twitter.com/JLVHfmgBfs — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) March 4, 2018 × Gorakhpur bypolls were announced after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath vacated the seat after resigning as Lok Sabha member in September last year after being elected to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council. Whereas, Phulpur seat was vacated by Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minster Keshav Prasad Maurya. Both the seats will go to polls on March 11.

BSP-SP alliance rumours for 2019 Lok Sabha elections false: Mayawati

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