<p>Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.The convention will be inaugurated by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh.</p>

<p>BJP president Amit Shah is also expected to attend the convention along with several other national leaders from the party.</p>

<p>Around two lakh people are expected to take part in a three-day long programme.</p>

<p>Speaking to ANI about the convention, BJYM national president Poonam Mahajan said, "This is a one-of-its-kind convention. The most important part of the convention is that we will be having 70,000 office bearers participating in it. Home Minister Rajnath Singh will be inaugurating the event and we have Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers who will come here and tell us on what can be done more to reach out to the people of this country. The concluding session will be attended by Amit Shah and after we have large Yuva rally and a public meeting at the Parade ground."</p>

<p>The opposition Congress, however, raised objection over the convention and said that the Election Commission (EC) should not permit such political meetings in the poll-bound state.</p>

<p>"I believe it is organised totally against the model of conduct. The Election Commission should not permit such political meetings. It`s a gross misuse of power by the central government. We condemn this act by the central government," Congress leader G Narayan Reddy told ANI.</p>

<p>The Telangana Legislative Assembly Elections is scheduled to be held on December 7, 2018, to elect members from 119 constituencies.&nbsp;</p>


Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.The convention will be inaugurated by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh. BJP president Amit Shah is also expected to attend the convention along with several other national leaders from the party. Around two lakh people are expected to take part in a three-day long programme. Speaking to ANI about the convention, BJYM national president Poonam Mahajan said, "This is a one-of-its-kind convention. The most important part of the convention is that we will be having 70,000 office bearers participating in it. Home Minister Rajnath Singh will be inaugurating the event and we have Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers who will come here and tell us on what can be done more to reach out to the people of this country. The concluding session will be attended by Amit Shah and after we have large Yuva rally and a public meeting at the Parade ground." The opposition Congress, however, raised objection over the convention and said that the Election Commission (EC) should not permit such political meetings in the poll-bound state. "I believe it is organised totally against the model of conduct. The Election Commission should not permit such political meetings. It`s a gross misuse of power by the central government. We condemn this act by the central government," Congress leader G Narayan Reddy told ANI. The Telangana Legislative Assembly Elections is scheduled to be held on December 7, 2018, to elect members from 119 constituencies.

BJP youth wing to organise national convention in poll-bound Telangana

<p>Taking motivation from Gujarat Elections results, Congress president Rahul Gandhi will be on tour for three days in Karnataka, ahead of assembly elections in the state.</p>

<p>During the visit, the newly elected party president of All India Congress Committee Rahul Gandhi will be continuing his temple run in the state after Gujarat.</p>

<p>The Gandhi scion will tour the state between February 10 and 12.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He will be visiting Sringeri Sharada Math on February 11 and Sri Krishna Math of Udupi February 12.&nbsp;Gandhi will also be conducting road shows and interact with farmers and coffee growers in Chikmagalur district in the evening.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, former chief minister of Karnataka and Congress leader&nbsp;Gundu Rao said that Rahul Gandhi is going to be a &quot;very key&quot; campaigner for the Congress in the state, news agency PTI reported.</p>

<p>Congress leader Anil Shastri said that Gandhi&#39;s visit to temples is just a matter of faith and not intended to create a vote bank.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Sensing religious wave in the country Congres has also adopted campaign with a touch of religion, as Rahul Gandhi has seen visiting Temples during the Gujarat elections as well.</p>

<p>Another Congress leader Digvijay Singh is also on &quot;Narmada Parikrama,&quot; visiting all temples along the banks of the river.</p>


The tour starts from February 10 to February 12 of this year

Taking motivation from Gujarat Elections results, Congress president Rahul Gandhi will be on tour for three days in Karnataka, ahead of assembly elections in the state. During the visit, the newly elected party president of All India Congress Committee Rahul Gandhi will be continuing his temple run in the state after Gujarat. The Gandhi scion will tour the state between February 10 and 12. He will be visiting Sringeri Sharada Math on February 11 and Sri Krishna Math of Udupi February 12. Gandhi will also be conducting road shows and interact with farmers and coffee growers in Chikmagalur district in the evening. Meanwhile, former chief minister of Karnataka and Congress leader Gundu Rao said that Rahul Gandhi is going to be a "very key" campaigner for the Congress in the state, news agency PTI reported. Congress leader Anil Shastri said that Gandhi's visit to temples is just a matter of faith and not intended to create a vote bank. Sensing religious wave in the country Congres has also adopted campaign with a touch of religion, as Rahul Gandhi has seen visiting Temples during the Gujarat elections as well. Another Congress leader Digvijay Singh is also on "Narmada Parikrama," visiting all temples along the banks of the river.

Rahul Gandhi to continue 'temple run' in Karnataka ahead of polls

<p>The repolling at six polling stations in Gujarat has come to a close.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="da"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Visuals?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Visuals</a> from Vadodara: EVMs &amp; VVPATs being sealed in polling booth at Sankarda Savli road after re-polling ends in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi &amp; Savli today <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/VyzUg6yEGM">pic.twitter.com/VyzUg6yEGM</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942378455533895680?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>The repolling had been ordered at six polling stations in&nbsp;Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The repolling had been ordered following technical glitches.</p>

<p>The Election Commission had&nbsp;invalidated the polling data&nbsp;in EVMs and ordered the repoll.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Security was beefed up ahead of the repolling.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TopStory?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TopStory</a>: Re-polling to be conducted at 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli today <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/oBKPKwxQe9">pic.twitter.com/oBKPKwxQe9</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942207735981993985?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Polling agents, officers and police jawans get prepared ahead of re-polling to be conducted at 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli; visuals from Vadgam, Viramgam and Savli <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/likWZOC5HF">pic.twitter.com/likWZOC5HF</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942211422334861312?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="da"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/FLASH?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#FLASH</a>: Re-polling begins in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/xOFZHcY7kH">pic.twitter.com/xOFZHcY7kH</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942220891433320448?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="da">Visuals from Savli as re-polling begins in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/5NkHtCQD7x">pic.twitter.com/5NkHtCQD7x</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942222537215303682?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">People queue up outside a polling station in Nava Naroda in Daskroi to cast their votes <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElection2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElection2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/pBsFFb28WI">pic.twitter.com/pBsFFb28WI</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/942227369762242560?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The repolling was ordered after reports of technical glitches

The repolling at six polling stations in Gujarat has come to a close. #Visuals from Vadodara: EVMs & VVPATs being sealed in polling booth at Sankarda Savli road after re-polling ends in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi & Savli today #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/VyzUg6yEGM — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 × The repolling had been ordered at six polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli. The repolling had been ordered following technical glitches. The Election Commission had invalidated the polling data in EVMs and ordered the repoll. Security was beefed up ahead of the repolling. #TopStory: Re-polling to be conducted at 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli today #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/oBKPKwxQe9 — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 × Polling agents, officers and police jawans get prepared ahead of re-polling to be conducted at 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli; visuals from Vadgam, Viramgam and Savli #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/likWZOC5HF — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 × #FLASH: Re-polling begins in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/xOFZHcY7kH — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 × Visuals from Savli as re-polling begins in 6 polling stations in Vadgam, Viramgam, Daskroi and Savli #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/5NkHtCQD7x — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 × People queue up outside a polling station in Nava Naroda in Daskroi to cast their votes #GujaratElection2017 pic.twitter.com/pBsFFb28WI — ANI (@ANI) December 17, 2017 ×

Gujarat elections: Repolling at six polling stations comes to an end

<p>Is Gujarat ready to deliver the sixth term for Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) on December 18, 2017? The answer is not as simple as the question. Since 1962, Congress and BJP have each been successful six and five times respectively in winning five consecutive terms. However, Madhav Singh Solanki of Congress and Narendra Modi of BJP were the only Chief Ministers to win three consecutive terms for their parties.</p>

<p><meta charset="utf-8" /></p>

<p>It is common sense that each electoral victory is based on a combination of several factors for which positive determinants outweigh the negative ones. Whatever may, in the 2017 Gujarat election, one may notice that the competitiveness of Congress and BJP is more balanced than expected at least with regard to the popular perception.</p>

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<h5>In the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi&rsquo;s Congress.</h5>
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<p>While the planets may seem aligned for BJP, the bad news is the party running for the sixth consecutive term. Therefore, it appears that there is a risk of fatigue on the part of the electorates in Gujarat. This trend is more visible in the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi&rsquo;s Congress.</p>

<p>We must remember that &ldquo;all politics is local&rdquo; and thus each region has their own political dynamics. It is equally true about Saurashtra and Kutch&nbsp;region. In total, there are 54 assembly seats in this region, the highest number comparing other regions. In particular, these assembly seats are divided as per the following: 6 in Kutch, 5 in Surendranagar, 11 in Rajkot, 7 in Jamnagar, 2 in Porbandar, 9 in Junagarh, 5 in Amreli, and 9 in Bhavnagar.</p>

<p>Saurashtra and Kutch&#39;s region is no longer appearing ideologically stable with BJP and showing trends to swing in favour of Congress. Though BJP did well in this region in 2012 Assembly elections despite the probable challenge from Keshubhai Patel&rsquo;s Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP). The BJP won 34 of the 54 seats. But the party&rsquo;s vote share in the region was declined from 48 per cent in 2007 to 45 per cent in 2012.</p>

<p>One of the reasons was the GPP&rsquo;s performance that secured almost 8 per cent of the votes in this region and ended up winning two seats. The Congress won 16 seats that is a gain of two seats from 2007. Interestingly, BJP with 34 seats got 45 per cent of votes while Congress with only 16 seats got 37 per cent of votes.</p>

<p>In the past and even now, there has been a deep schism between the mainland Gujarat and Saurashtra. In 1957, Jivraj Mehta from Saurashtra as Chief Minister nominated most of the minsters from Saurashtra region and refused to take orders from the mainland dominated Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee.</p>

<p>The replacement of Keshubhai Patel from Saurashtra by Narendra Modi in 2001 was seen in the similar light. Similarly, in popular imaginations, mainland Gujarat is treated modern, progressive while Saurashtra as backward and regressive.</p>

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<h5>The changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP.</h5>
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<p>In 2017, we must underline that Congress is becoming stronger in this region. As for the voters Congress resembles more as BJP in its methods and approach to make a dent in BJP&rsquo;s support base like visiting temples, attending local festivals, sidelining minorities, playing religious card like using Lord Shiva, exploiting the economic pessimism among farmers, workers, traders, industrialists due to GST, demonetisation, poor employment records and other governance failures at local level.</p>

<p>At the same time, the changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. It can be seen in the rising anxiety amongst the close circle of BJP due to the rising graph of the Congress. If election will held today, as reflected in the November 2017 survey of Lokniti-CSDS data, both Congress and BJP will secure 42 per cent of votes. However, in the August 2017 Survey, BJP was supposedly enjoying 65 per cent of vote shares while Congress only 26 per cent. It is certainly a huge decline of BJP on perception index.</p>

<p>How do we explain such a decline in popular perception? The significant development is the frustration of Patidars and Karadia Rajputs with BJP. Karadia Rajputs having a dominant presence in 25 Assembly constituencies of this region and traditionally voted for BJP are mobilising against the party.</p>

<p>We must note that Karadia Rajputs are OBCs and the OBC leader Alpesh Thakor is gaining prominence among them. Interestingly, their rivalries with Patidars are also getting diluted due to their anti-BJP convergence. What could not be gained socially is achieved politically? It is also to be highlighted that Rajputs in Saurashtra includes lower castes such as Kathis, Kolis and Mers and collectively referred as Kshatriyas.</p>

<p>For Patidars, Saurashtra and Kutch&nbsp;is a stronghold. They are in sizable presence in more than 30 Assembly seats and are in a position to tip the scale of victory in these constituencies. The Patidar leader, Hardik Patel still enjoys the confidence of his community despite the attempt to demean his character through the sudden release of CDs. It must be noted that it is not for the first time Patidars are giving a challenge to BJP. In 2012, Keshubhai Patel also tried to mobilise Patidar voters but failed.</p>

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<h5>The certain swing of voters and the habit of &lsquo;panic vote&rsquo; in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012.</h5>
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<p>But unlike the past, first, Patidar&rsquo;s anger was consolidated with an organised movement by the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti on the pretext of &lsquo;first reservation then vote&rsquo;. Second, the overall pessimism of the electorate was relatively modest in 2012, and thus BJP did well due to excellent management of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Third, for the first time, Kadvas, Leuvas and other sub-castes of Patels like Chaudharys and Anjanas came together to emerge as the united force due to reservation movement.</p>

<p>However, BJP may get the support from Koli community that is more than 20 per cent and has a sizable presence in 18 Assembly seats in Saurashtra. More specifically, like always, the certain swing of voters and the habit of &lsquo;panic vote&rsquo; in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer</em>: <em>The author writes here in a personal capacity)</em></p>


The changing social dynamics in Saurashtra and Kutch is worrisome for BJP and also Congress is becoming stronger in this region

Is Gujarat ready to deliver the sixth term for Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) on December 18, 2017? The answer is not as simple as the question. Since 1962, Congress and BJP have each been successful six and five times respectively in winning five consecutive terms. However, Madhav Singh Solanki of Congress and Narendra Modi of BJP were the only Chief Ministers to win three consecutive terms for their parties. It is common sense that each electoral victory is based on a combination of several factors for which positive determinants outweigh the negative ones. Whatever may, in the 2017 Gujarat election, one may notice that the competitiveness of Congress and BJP is more balanced than expected at least with regard to the popular perception. In the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi’s Congress. × While the planets may seem aligned for BJP, the bad news is the party running for the sixth consecutive term. Therefore, it appears that there is a risk of fatigue on the part of the electorates in Gujarat. This trend is more visible in the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi’s Congress. We must remember that “all politics is local” and thus each region has their own political dynamics. It is equally true about Saurashtra and Kutch region. In total, there are 54 assembly seats in this region, the highest number comparing other regions. In particular, these assembly seats are divided as per the following: 6 in Kutch, 5 in Surendranagar, 11 in Rajkot, 7 in Jamnagar, 2 in Porbandar, 9 in Junagarh, 5 in Amreli, and 9 in Bhavnagar. Saurashtra and Kutch's region is no longer appearing ideologically stable with BJP and showing trends to swing in favour of Congress. Though BJP did well in this region in 2012 Assembly elections despite the probable challenge from Keshubhai Patel’s Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP). The BJP won 34 of the 54 seats. But the party’s vote share in the region was declined from 48 per cent in 2007 to 45 per cent in 2012. One of the reasons was the GPP’s performance that secured almost 8 per cent of the votes in this region and ended up winning two seats. The Congress won 16 seats that is a gain of two seats from 2007. Interestingly, BJP with 34 seats got 45 per cent of votes while Congress with only 16 seats got 37 per cent of votes. In the past and even now, there has been a deep schism between the mainland Gujarat and Saurashtra. In 1957, Jivraj Mehta from Saurashtra as Chief Minister nominated most of the minsters from Saurashtra region and refused to take orders from the mainland dominated Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee. The replacement of Keshubhai Patel from Saurashtra by Narendra Modi in 2001 was seen in the similar light. Similarly, in popular imaginations, mainland Gujarat is treated modern, progressive while Saurashtra as backward and regressive. The changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. × In 2017, we must underline that Congress is becoming stronger in this region. As for the voters Congress resembles more as BJP in its methods and approach to make a dent in BJP’s support base like visiting temples, attending local festivals, sidelining minorities, playing religious card like using Lord Shiva, exploiting the economic pessimism among farmers, workers, traders, industrialists due to GST, demonetisation, poor employment records and other governance failures at local level. At the same time, the changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. It can be seen in the rising anxiety amongst the close circle of BJP due to the rising graph of the Congress. If election will held today, as reflected in the November 2017 survey of Lokniti-CSDS data, both Congress and BJP will secure 42 per cent of votes. However, in the August 2017 Survey, BJP was supposedly enjoying 65 per cent of vote shares while Congress only 26 per cent. It is certainly a huge decline of BJP on perception index. How do we explain such a decline in popular perception? The significant development is the frustration of Patidars and Karadia Rajputs with BJP. Karadia Rajputs having a dominant presence in 25 Assembly constituencies of this region and traditionally voted for BJP are mobilising against the party. We must note that Karadia Rajputs are OBCs and the OBC leader Alpesh Thakor is gaining prominence among them. Interestingly, their rivalries with Patidars are also getting diluted due to their anti-BJP convergence. What could not be gained socially is achieved politically? It is also to be highlighted that Rajputs in Saurashtra includes lower castes such as Kathis, Kolis and Mers and collectively referred as Kshatriyas. For Patidars, Saurashtra and Kutch is a stronghold. They are in sizable presence in more than 30 Assembly seats and are in a position to tip the scale of victory in these constituencies. The Patidar leader, Hardik Patel still enjoys the confidence of his community despite the attempt to demean his character through the sudden release of CDs. It must be noted that it is not for the first time Patidars are giving a challenge to BJP. In 2012, Keshubhai Patel also tried to mobilise Patidar voters but failed. The certain swing of voters and the habit of ‘panic vote’ in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012. × But unlike the past, first, Patidar’s anger was consolidated with an organised movement by the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti on the pretext of ‘first reservation then vote’. Second, the overall pessimism of the electorate was relatively modest in 2012, and thus BJP did well due to excellent management of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Third, for the first time, Kadvas, Leuvas and other sub-castes of Patels like Chaudharys and Anjanas came together to emerge as the united force due to reservation movement. However, BJP may get the support from Koli community that is more than 20 per cent and has a sizable presence in 18 Assembly seats in Saurashtra. More specifically, like always, the certain swing of voters and the habit of ‘panic vote’ in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

Changing dynamics in Saurashtra might hurt BJP in Gujarat

<p>It will be a tough election for BJP in Gujarat. The state is feeling Narendra Modi&rsquo;s absence acutely as it has failed to manage agitations launched by Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor.</p>

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<h5>Congress has taken a big risk by churning out a campaign which will eventually end up pitting Rahul Gandhi against Narendra Modi.</h5>
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<p>The situation gets further complicated for BJP because of dwindling economy as Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi continues to pillory the PM on the issue of jobs in Gujarat.</p>

<p>The question is that despite everything in place, is Congress walking the right path?</p>

<p>In my opinion, Congress has taken a big risk by churning out a campaign which will eventually end up pitting Rahul Gandhi against the Indian Prime Minister in his home state Gujarat. The believers can dismiss it as Goliath vs David adventure but assembly elections in the past have shown that investing Rahul Gandhi&rsquo;s political equity in state elections is an exercise in futility. Uttar Pradesh has demonstrated it twice. Once Rahul Gandhi went alone and the second time, he went into a tie-up with the Samajwadi Party.</p>

<p>Even in 2004, when the Congress campaign was lethargic, it ended getting 12 seats out of 26 seats. The campaign was not focused on Modi and it attended to local issues. Rahul Gandhi in Gujarat has symbolically reaffirmed that neither he is an atheist not averse to participation in the religious ceremony but he has chosen to attack Narendra Modi directly.</p>

<p>After Ahmed Patel&rsquo;s re-election to Rajya Sabha, the confidence of the Congress Party has gone up but it neither has big faces nor a viable leadership in Gujarat which atrophied in the last 15 years. It is in this context, Congress must revaluate whether high pitched anti-Modi campaigns serves well in Gujarat or a more low-key campaign, using the faces of state faces which avoids polarisation on the basis of personality.</p>

<p>Many in the Congress would believe that time has come to turn the tide as GST has caused a massive economic problem to the traders and in&nbsp;organised sectors. However, it would be foolhardy to believe that it has impacted Narendra Modi&rsquo;s credibility.</p>

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<h5>The electorate will reach an equilibrium and it can only reach if it doesn&rsquo;t become Rahul Gandhi vs Narendra Modi.</h5>
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<p>It is not a 1987 moment where Rajiv Gandhi was accused of taking a bribe and led to a split in the&nbsp;Congress. Amit Shah is not Narendra Modi nor Rajiv&#39;s son-in-law Robert Vadra whose public profile added fuel to the fire when reports on him started coming out. Gujarat is a golden opportunity for the Congress to beef up its support base. Even during 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Congress got 33.5 per cent of the vote, a down from 38.9 that it got in the Assembly election of 2012.</p>

<p>BJP&rsquo;s vote share has increased to 60 per cent in 2014 but it will not get this vote in the assembly. The electorate will reach an equilibrium. The only chance BJP has of reaching the numbers is if the electoral show can only reach if it doesn&rsquo;t become Rahul Gandhi vs Narendra Modi. Congress can make gains if it avoids polarisation around Narendra Modi&rsquo;s personality.</p>

<p>Even if the issue is economic, it is impinging on the prime minister. Many would argue that politics cannot be done without taking a risk. In my opinion, it is not a calculated political risk. It seems party wants to go out for a kill. It is hubris. If Congress continues to make elections a fight between Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi, it might end up in the same space where it found itself in 2012</p>


Rahul Gandhi's strategy of going against Modi won't work out for coming elections

It will be a tough election for BJP in Gujarat. The state is feeling Narendra Modi’s absence acutely as it has failed to manage agitations launched by Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor. Congress has taken a big risk by churning out a campaign which will eventually end up pitting Rahul Gandhi against Narendra Modi. × The situation gets further complicated for BJP because of dwindling economy as Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi continues to pillory the PM on the issue of jobs in Gujarat. The question is that despite everything in place, is Congress walking the right path? In my opinion, Congress has taken a big risk by churning out a campaign which will eventually end up pitting Rahul Gandhi against the Indian Prime Minister in his home state Gujarat. The believers can dismiss it as Goliath vs David adventure but assembly elections in the past have shown that investing Rahul Gandhi’s political equity in state elections is an exercise in futility. Uttar Pradesh has demonstrated it twice. Once Rahul Gandhi went alone and the second time, he went into a tie-up with the Samajwadi Party. Even in 2004, when the Congress campaign was lethargic, it ended getting 12 seats out of 26 seats. The campaign was not focused on Modi and it attended to local issues. Rahul Gandhi in Gujarat has symbolically reaffirmed that neither he is an atheist not averse to participation in the religious ceremony but he has chosen to attack Narendra Modi directly. After Ahmed Patel’s re-election to Rajya Sabha, the confidence of the Congress Party has gone up but it neither has big faces nor a viable leadership in Gujarat which atrophied in the last 15 years. It is in this context, Congress must revaluate whether high pitched anti-Modi campaigns serves well in Gujarat or a more low-key campaign, using the faces of state faces which avoids polarisation on the basis of personality. Many in the Congress would believe that time has come to turn the tide as GST has caused a massive economic problem to the traders and in organised sectors. However, it would be foolhardy to believe that it has impacted Narendra Modi’s credibility. The electorate will reach an equilibrium and it can only reach if it doesn’t become Rahul Gandhi vs Narendra Modi. × It is not a 1987 moment where Rajiv Gandhi was accused of taking a bribe and led to a split in the Congress. Amit Shah is not Narendra Modi nor Rajiv's son-in-law Robert Vadra whose public profile added fuel to the fire when reports on him started coming out. Gujarat is a golden opportunity for the Congress to beef up its support base. Even during 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Congress got 33.5 per cent of the vote, a down from 38.9 that it got in the Assembly election of 2012. BJP’s vote share has increased to 60 per cent in 2014 but it will not get this vote in the assembly. The electorate will reach an equilibrium. The only chance BJP has of reaching the numbers is if the electoral show can only reach if it doesn’t become Rahul Gandhi vs Narendra Modi. Congress can make gains if it avoids polarisation around Narendra Modi’s personality. Even if the issue is economic, it is impinging on the prime minister. Many would argue that politics cannot be done without taking a risk. In my opinion, it is not a calculated political risk. It seems party wants to go out for a kill. It is hubris. If Congress continues to make elections a fight between Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi, it might end up in the same space where it found itself in 2012

Modi vs Rahul Gandhi: Political harakiri for Congress in Gujarat election

<p>The first phase poll in Manipur, held on March 4, 2017, sealed the fate of candidates in 38 Assembly segments. And now all eyes are on March 8&nbsp;i.e today when the remaining 22 Assembly constituencies are witnessing the exercise in the second and final phase. By March 11, the voters will know the newly elected 60 members of the 11th Manipur Legislative Assembly. Whether Congress returns to power for the fourth consecutive term or BJP forms another government after Assam and Arunachal in Northeast India&nbsp;will be known on or before March 18.</p>

<p><strong>Major Issues</strong></p>

<p>Perhaps Manipur is the only state in northeast India, where different communities are not united on any single issue--before, during and after elections. Vital issues such as corruption, good governance, infrastructure, human rights&nbsp;violation, employment, water supply&nbsp;and communications, etc. are generally pushed to the backburner and is overshadowed by emotive issues. As expected, the issues of framework agreement, territorial integrity, economic blockade and creation of new districts have emerged as the central issues of the 11th Manipur Legislative Assembly election. However, even on these emotive issues, the views and strategies of parties and communities&nbsp;differ.</p>

<p>Manipur&rsquo;s territorial integrity is sacrosanct to the Meiteis. To them, nothing is more important than protecting the territorial integrity of the state. The majority Meiteis in the valley, who almost deserted&nbsp;Okram&nbsp;Ibobi Singh and the Congress party at one point of time, are now changing their minds because of the non-disclosure of contents of the Framework Agreement by the BJP and the economic blockade imposed by the Nagas&nbsp;since the midnight of October 31, 2015. The economic blockade affects people from the valley more than the people in the hills.</p>

<p>For the Nagas, their ancestral land issue is non-negotiable and thus opposes the newly created districts. The United Nagaland Council (UNC) and NSCN (IM), which can influence about 10 Assembly segments in the hills are openly supporting the Nagaland-based Naga People&rsquo;s Front (NPF). The last 2012 election saw&nbsp;four NPF MLAs getting elected.</p>

<p>Two vital issues for the Kukis are the newly created districts and the ongoing political dialogue with the Centre on Kuki political issues. While the United People&#39;s Front (UPF) is closer to BJP&nbsp;so as to continue the political dialogue, Kuki National Organisation (KNO) is supportive of Congress for creating new districts in Kuki areas. Both KNO and UPF control about 10 Assembly segments in the hills.</p>

<p>The two main contenders, Congress and BJP, also have different approaches&nbsp;although both parties have pledged to safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur. While BJP assures that the Framework Agreement will not affect Manipur&rsquo;s integrity, the Congress Party questions as to why BJP should continue to keep it a closely guarded secret&nbsp;if it does not contain anything inimical to the interests of Manipur. While BJP focuses on the 15 years of rampant corruption and bad governance under&nbsp;Congress rule, the Congress&nbsp;harps on the dangers that the BJP poses to the territorial integrity and existence of Manipur. Many civil society groups&nbsp;in Manipur have been campaigning to elicit the contents and other details of the agreement.&nbsp;They are not satisfied with verbal assurance from&nbsp;the Prime Minister.</p>

<p>The violent protests against the introduction of three Bills in the state Assembly&nbsp;- resulting in the death of 9 persons&nbsp;- is still fresh in the minds of the voters of Churachandpur. Public anger against the Congress is so deep that some Congress MLAs were compelled to join the BJP just few months before the election. Had it not been for the creation of new districts, fate of the Congress candidates in Churachandpur and Pherzawl districts would have been sealed much before the elections.</p>

<p><strong>Comparison with previous elections</strong></p>

<p>Unlike the previous elections, particularly the 2012 Assembly elections, when the opposition parties were in disarray&nbsp;and BJP did not win even a single seat, this time around, the fight is mainly between the Congress and BJP. Today, BJP&rsquo;s strength has increased in Manipur. From a zero entity it has become a serious contender. However, lack of good leadership, mismanagement in the distribution of tickets and the &ldquo;supposedly close and secret relations and understanding with the NPF&rdquo;&nbsp;are likely to have negative consequences for the party in the valley and some hill Assembly segments.</p>

<p>The 2017 election will go down in the electoral history of Manipur as the most polarised election as the three major communities - Kukis, Meiteis and Nagas -&nbsp;do not see eye to eye on most issues confronting the state. Though it is difficult to predict the outcome of the elections, it is expected to be along ethnic lines.</p>

<p>What is conspicuous by its absence, is the infamous Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) 1958 in BJP&rsquo;s manifesto, although the Congress mentions it in its manifesto. Surprisingly, AFSPA seems to be of no concern to the voters. Another significant departure from the past is that for the first time in Manipur, 16 polling booths (10 in Imphal West and six in Bishnupur) were exclusively manned by women polling personnel.</p>

<p><strong>Expectations</strong></p>

<p>Will there be a positive change after a new government comes in?&nbsp;</p>

<p>Possibly not.&nbsp;One thing is for certain, that nothing much is likely to change. Immediate concern and expectation of the common people, both from the hills and valley from the new government&nbsp;would be putting an end to the ongoing economic blockade. The common fear of&nbsp;post-poll violence, like it has happened before,&nbsp;may have a dampening effect. As usual, voters will perhaps have to console themselves by swallowing the hard truth&nbsp;that political parties seldom fulfill their electoral promises&nbsp;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Election is often called the biggest festival of democracy. One wonders if it actually is so.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


AFSPA is no more a concern as major communities don't see eye to eye on common issues confronting the state

The first phase poll in Manipur, held on March 4, 2017, sealed the fate of candidates in 38 Assembly segments. And now all eyes are on March 8 i.e today when the remaining 22 Assembly constituencies are witnessing the exercise in the second and final phase. By March 11, the voters will know the newly elected 60 members of the 11th Manipur Legislative Assembly. Whether Congress returns to power for the fourth consecutive term or BJP forms another government after Assam and Arunachal in Northeast India will be known on or before March 18. Major Issues Perhaps Manipur is the only state in northeast India, where different communities are not united on any single issue--before, during and after elections. Vital issues such as corruption, good governance, infrastructure, human rights violation, employment, water supply and communications, etc. are generally pushed to the backburner and is overshadowed by emotive issues. As expected, the issues of framework agreement, territorial integrity, economic blockade and creation of new districts have emerged as the central issues of the 11th Manipur Legislative Assembly election. However, even on these emotive issues, the views and strategies of parties and communities differ. Manipur’s territorial integrity is sacrosanct to the Meiteis. To them, nothing is more important than protecting the territorial integrity of the state. The majority Meiteis in the valley, who almost deserted Okram Ibobi Singh and the Congress party at one point of time, are now changing their minds because of the non-disclosure of contents of the Framework Agreement by the BJP and the economic blockade imposed by the Nagas since the midnight of October 31, 2015. The economic blockade affects people from the valley more than the people in the hills. For the Nagas, their ancestral land issue is non-negotiable and thus opposes the newly created districts. The United Nagaland Council (UNC) and NSCN (IM), which can influence about 10 Assembly segments in the hills are openly supporting the Nagaland-based Naga People’s Front (NPF). The last 2012 election saw four NPF MLAs getting elected. Two vital issues for the Kukis are the newly created districts and the ongoing political dialogue with the Centre on Kuki political issues. While the United People's Front (UPF) is closer to BJP so as to continue the political dialogue, Kuki National Organisation (KNO) is supportive of Congress for creating new districts in Kuki areas. Both KNO and UPF control about 10 Assembly segments in the hills. The two main contenders, Congress and BJP, also have different approaches although both parties have pledged to safeguard the territorial integrity of Manipur. While BJP assures that the Framework Agreement will not affect Manipur’s integrity, the Congress Party questions as to why BJP should continue to keep it a closely guarded secret if it does not contain anything inimical to the interests of Manipur. While BJP focuses on the 15 years of rampant corruption and bad governance under Congress rule, the Congress harps on the dangers that the BJP poses to the territorial integrity and existence of Manipur. Many civil society groups in Manipur have been campaigning to elicit the contents and other details of the agreement. They are not satisfied with verbal assurance from the Prime Minister. The violent protests against the introduction of three Bills in the state Assembly - resulting in the death of 9 persons - is still fresh in the minds of the voters of Churachandpur. Public anger against the Congress is so deep that some Congress MLAs were compelled to join the BJP just few months before the election. Had it not been for the creation of new districts, fate of the Congress candidates in Churachandpur and Pherzawl districts would have been sealed much before the elections. Comparison with previous elections Unlike the previous elections, particularly the 2012 Assembly elections, when the opposition parties were in disarray and BJP did not win even a single seat, this time around, the fight is mainly between the Congress and BJP. Today, BJP’s strength has increased in Manipur. From a zero entity it has become a serious contender. However, lack of good leadership, mismanagement in the distribution of tickets and the “supposedly close and secret relations and understanding with the NPF” are likely to have negative consequences for the party in the valley and some hill Assembly segments. The 2017 election will go down in the electoral history of Manipur as the most polarised election as the three major communities - Kukis, Meiteis and Nagas - do not see eye to eye on most issues confronting the state. Though it is difficult to predict the outcome of the elections, it is expected to be along ethnic lines. What is conspicuous by its absence, is the infamous Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) 1958 in BJP’s manifesto, although the Congress mentions it in its manifesto. Surprisingly, AFSPA seems to be of no concern to the voters. Another significant departure from the past is that for the first time in Manipur, 16 polling booths (10 in Imphal West and six in Bishnupur) were exclusively manned by women polling personnel. Expectations Will there be a positive change after a new government comes in? Possibly not. One thing is for certain, that nothing much is likely to change. Immediate concern and expectation of the common people, both from the hills and valley from the new government would be putting an end to the ongoing economic blockade. The common fear of post-poll violence, like it has happened before, may have a dampening effect. As usual, voters will perhaps have to console themselves by swallowing the hard truth that political parties seldom fulfill their electoral promises . Election is often called the biggest festival of democracy. One wonders if it actually is so.

2017 will witness the most polarised election in Manipur

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