<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-bangladesh-agree-to-start-rohingya-repatriation-next-week-243215">Bangladesh will work with the United Nations refugee agency</a> to determine if more than 3,000 Rohingya refugees will accept Myanmar's offer to return home, an official said on Monday, nearly a year after a major repatriation plan failed.

More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine for camps in Bangladesh after a military-led crackdown in August 2017 the United Nations has said was perpetrated with "genocidal intent", but many refugees refuse to go back, fearing more violence.

"It will be a joint exercise led by UNHCR," Abul Kalam, Bangladesh's Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner, told Reuters by telephone on Monday, referring to the refugee agency.

Myanmar has cleared 3,450 people from a list of more than 22,000 refugees provided by Bangladesh, government spokesman Zaw Htay told a news conference in the capital Naypyitaw on Friday.

"We have already negotiated with Bangladesh to accept these 3,450 people on August 22," he said, adding they would be divided into seven groups for repatriation.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/afghan-foreign-ministry-lauds-indias-role-in-afghan-peace-process-220479">A foreign ministry</a> spokesman previously gave Reuters a figure of 3,540 refugees verified under the plan.

Zaw Htay said officials had scrutinized the list to determine whether the refugees had lived in Myanmar and whether they had been involved in attacks on the military.

The 2017 crackdown was preceded by attacks on security forces by insurgents calling themselves the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which Myanmar has classified as a terrorist organization.

Previous attempts at persuading Rohingya to return to Rakhine have failed due to opposition from refugees. An effort in November sowed fear and confusion in the camps and finally failed after refugee protests. 
&nbsp;

Bangladesh will work with the United Nations refugee agency to determine if more than 3,000 Rohingya refugees will accept Myanmar's offer to return home, an official said on Monday, nearly a year after a major repatriation plan failed.

Bangladesh will work with the United Nations refugee agency to determine if more than 3,000 Rohingya refugees will accept Myanmar's offer to return home, an official said on Monday, nearly a year after a major repatriation plan failed. More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Rakhine for camps in Bangladesh after a military-led crackdown in August 2017 the United Nations has said was perpetrated with "genocidal intent", but many refugees refuse to go back, fearing more violence. "It will be a joint exercise led by UNHCR," Abul Kalam, Bangladesh's Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner, told Reuters by telephone on Monday, referring to the refugee agency. Myanmar has cleared 3,450 people from a list of more than 22,000 refugees provided by Bangladesh, government spokesman Zaw Htay told a news conference in the capital Naypyitaw on Friday. "We have already negotiated with Bangladesh to accept these 3,450 people on August 22," he said, adding they would be divided into seven groups for repatriation. A foreign ministry spokesman previously gave Reuters a figure of 3,540 refugees verified under the plan. Zaw Htay said officials had scrutinized the list to determine whether the refugees had lived in Myanmar and whether they had been involved in attacks on the military. The 2017 crackdown was preceded by attacks on security forces by insurgents calling themselves the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which Myanmar has classified as a terrorist organization. Previous attempts at persuading Rohingya to return to Rakhine have failed due to opposition from refugees. An effort in November sowed fear and confusion in the camps and finally failed after refugee protests.

Bangladesh, UNHCR to survey Rohingya regarding return to Myanmar

Malaysian police have detained four men suspected of plotting a wave of killings and attacks in and around the capital during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, police said on Monday.

The Southeast Asian nation has been on high alert since gunmen allied with Islamic State carried out a series of attacks in Jakarta, the capital of neighbouring Indonesia, in January 2016.

The four suspects are two Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar, an Indonesian and a Malaysian, Inspector General of Police Abdul Hamid Bador told reporters.

Dubbed the "wolf pack" cell, he said its members had planned to launch large-scale attacks during the first week of Ramadan to avenge a Muslim fireman who was allegedly beaten to death during a racially charged riot at a Hindu temple in November.

The fireman's death angered majority Malay Muslims, some of whom had accused Hindu leaders of inciting the riot through racial remarks.

"This cell had also planned an operation to assassinate high-profile personalities accused of insulting and failing to uphold Islam," Abdul Hamid said in a video recording of a press conference seen by Reuters.

He declined to identify the targets of the planned killings.

Muslims all over the world fast during daylight hours during Ramadan.

One of the Rohingya suspects, a 20-year-old waiter, told police he was a supporter of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), an insurgent group said to be behind a number of killings and attacks in Myanmar's Rakhine state, Abdul Hamid said.

The man possessed a UNHCR identification card issued by the UN&nbsp;refugee agency, he said.

Police also seized a gun and six homemade explosives during the arrests.

The Rohingya have for years fled persecution in Myanmar, which denies them citizenship as they are seen as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They often arrive on Southeast Asian shores in rickety boats seeking asylum.

More than 90,000 Rohingya are registered with the United Nations in Malaysia but non-profit groups estimate as many as 200,000 Rohingya are living in the country.

Malaysian police have detained four men suspected of plotting a wave of killings and attacks in and around the capital during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, police said on Monday.

Malaysian police have detained four men suspected of plotting a wave of killings and attacks in and around the capital during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, police said on Monday. The Southeast Asian nation has been on high alert since gunmen allied with Islamic State carried out a series of attacks in Jakarta, the capital of neighbouring Indonesia, in January 2016. The four suspects are two Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar, an Indonesian and a Malaysian, Inspector General of Police Abdul Hamid Bador told reporters. Dubbed the "wolf pack" cell, he said its members had planned to launch large-scale attacks during the first week of Ramadan to avenge a Muslim fireman who was allegedly beaten to death during a racially charged riot at a Hindu temple in November. The fireman's death angered majority Malay Muslims, some of whom had accused Hindu leaders of inciting the riot through racial remarks. "This cell had also planned an operation to assassinate high-profile personalities accused of insulting and failing to uphold Islam," Abdul Hamid said in a video recording of a press conference seen by Reuters. He declined to identify the targets of the planned killings. Muslims all over the world fast during daylight hours during Ramadan. One of the Rohingya suspects, a 20-year-old waiter, told police he was a supporter of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), an insurgent group said to be behind a number of killings and attacks in Myanmar's Rakhine state, Abdul Hamid said. The man possessed a UNHCR identification card issued by the UN refugee agency, he said. Police also seized a gun and six homemade explosives during the arrests. The Rohingya have for years fled persecution in Myanmar, which denies them citizenship as they are seen as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They often arrive on Southeast Asian shores in rickety boats seeking asylum. More than 90,000 Rohingya are registered with the United Nations in Malaysia but non-profit groups estimate as many as 200,000 Rohingya are living in the country.

Four suspected of plotting Ramadan attacks arrested in Malaysia

It was after Mohib Ullah scored his first political victories that the death threats began in earnest. On a recent morning, the Rohingya refugee leaned back on a plastic chair in the Bangladesh camp where he lives and translated the latest warning, sent over the WhatsApp messaging app.

"Mohib Ullah is a virus of the community," he read aloud, with a wry chuckle. "Kill him wherever he is found."

The 44-year-old leads the largest of several community groups to emerge since more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims fled Myanmar after a military crackdown in August 2017.

In the refugee camps in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar district, a nascent civil society is emerging among the Rohingya, who spent decades under apartheid-like restrictions in Myanmar.

Some campaigners are seeking justice for alleged atrocities in Myanmar, a small cadre of women are raising their voices for the first time, and others are simply working to improve life in the new city of tarpaulins and bamboo that, after the latest influx, is home to more than 900,000 people.

Mohib Ullah himself was invited to Geneva last month, where he told the United Nations Human Rights Council the Rohingya want a say over their own future.

But the political awakening has been accompanied by a surge in violence, with militants and religious conservatives also vying for power, more than a dozen refugees told Reuters. They described increasing fear in the camps, where armed men have stormed shelters at night, kidnapped critics and warned women against breaking conservative Islamic norms.

The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, or ARSA, which sparked the 2017 crisis with attacks on security posts, is resurgent in the camps, refugees say, alongside several other armed groups. The group is also known as Harakah al-Yaqin - the movement of faith.

"In the daytime, the al-Yaqin guys become normal people," said one young woman, who like other refugees requested anonymity to speak about the group without fear of reprisals. "They mix with everyone else. But at night it's like they have a kind of magical power."

Dialogue, and threats

Reuters conducted dozens of interviews with UN staff, diplomats, Bangladeshi officials and researchers about the forces competing for influence in the world's largest refugee settlement.

While some are hopeful the stateless Rohingya are beginning to find a political voice, there are also fears that a turn to violence threatens to make solving the refugee crisis through dialogue impossible and could bring more instability.

"Refugee camps in many parts of the world are becoming recruitment grounds for terrorists," said Mozammel Haque, the head of Bangladesh's cabinet committee on law and order. "God forbid, if something like that happens, this will not only affect Bangladesh but the whole region."

Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not answer calls seeking comment. Zaw Htay said during a press conference in January that Myanmar had complained to Bangladesh over what he said were ARSA bases inside Bangladesh.

The frontline in the struggle for the Rohingyas' future are the bamboo huts where refugees take shelter from the heat and dust of the camp to voice their views. In the makeshift office of his group, the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, or ARSPH, Mohib Ullah convenes an open meeting each morning.

"We couldn't gather more than five people in Myanmar, so when we have this kind of huge gathering it makes us very happy," said 57-year-old Abdul Fayez, one of several dozen refugees gathered cross-legged on the floor at a recent meeting.

ARSPH made its name documenting alleged atrocities the Rohingya suffered in Myanmar. Mohib Ullah went from hut to hut to build a tally of killings, rape and arson that has been shared with international investigators.

Last year it won a victory with a campaign for the refugees to have more say in the process of issuing identity cards, calling a general strike in the camps in November that forced Bangladeshi officials and UN staff to meet ARSPH leaders.

It now says its main goal is to give the Rohingya a voice in international talks on their future.

But not everyone agrees with ARSPH's approach. Hardliners in the camps argue for a more assertive stance in talks on the terms under which the refugees might return to Myanmar.

"We are flexible, we want to negotiate," said a senior leader of ARSPH, who requested anonymity. "But we fear we may be harmed because of this." ARSA was among Mohib Ullah and ARSPH's antagonists, the leader said.

Mohib Ullah was involved in local politics back in Myanmar, drawing accusations from opponents that he worked too closely with the hated government. "If I die, I'm fine. I will give my life," Mohib Ullah told Reuters.

Night terrors

Bangladesh security forces patrol the perimeter of the camps to stop refugees slipping out. But, especially at night, the warren-like interior is run by violent men, refugees told Reuters.

In at least some parts of the camps, those men claim affiliation to ARSA, said more than half a dozen refugees. UN officials and NGO workers monitoring the group's activities say it is unclear how many of those men are under orders from the group's leadership. But some of them have asked wealthier refugees and shopkeepers to pay regular taxes, saying the money will be used to fight back in Myanmar, refugees said.

One refugee, who volunteers as an aid worker in the camps, told Reuters he had witnessed a kidnapping in January by men he believed to be from ARSA.

Men with wooden sticks moved swiftly into an area of the camps known as Jamtoli and took away a man who refused to attend one of the group's meetings, he said. "They just carried him off like a goat to the slaughter."

Reuters was unable to corroborate the incident or find out what happened to the man, but five refugees from the same area said men they knew had been involved in ARSA attacks inside Myanmar were now involved in kidnappings in Jamtoli.

Reuters was unable to reach ARSA for comment.

Researchers for Fortify Rights have also gathered testimony that ARSA had abducted at least five Rohingya refugees in recent months, the campaign group said on March 14.

A posting from a Twitter account previously used by the group called the Fortify Rights report "shallow, shoddy, and not aptly verified" and denied allegations that ARSA was involved in criminal activity.

Police have recorded an escalation in violence in the camps in recent months, said Iqbal Hossain, additional superintendent of police in Cox's Bazar.

"So far we have not found any link to any militant groups," said Hossain, adding there were just 992 officers policing the camps.

In response to Reuters' questions about reports of ARSA involvement in the violence, the UN refugee agency cited police reports that found most violence and threats in the camps were carried out by "criminal elements or related to personal vendettas".

Two UN officials and several researchers working regularly in the camps told Reuters ARSA was behind at least some of the violence, however, citing sources among the refugees.

"You didn't listen"

ARSA launched three attacks across the border in Myanmar early this year, according to state media there, and in February vowed to continues its armed campaign.

ARSA propaganda portrays the group as ethnic freedom fighters and does not emphasise a religious agenda. But some refugees and a report by an international NGO seen by Reuters say its members, together with Islamic leaders, have promoted ultra-conservative religious practices.

Four women told Reuters they had received threats for going out to work for aid groups in the camps, where many have begun doing paid work for the first time in their lives.

Three said men from ARSA, backed up by religious leaders, issued the threats. Fortify Rights also said it had gathered testimony linking ARSA to the threats against women working. ARSA on Twitter denied that, insisting it "has no activities/objectives except for defending Rohingyas' legitimate rights".

UN officials and aid workers discussed the threats at a series of meetings of the "protection sector working group" in Cox's Bazar, according to minutes.

"There is a complex combination of factors that have contributed to the threats and restrictions on women in refugee camps, which we are all seeking to address," the UN refugee agency said.

Mohammed Kamruzzaman, an education sector specialist at Bangladeshi aid group BRAC, told Reuters that 150 of its female teachers had stopped coming to work in late January after receiving or hearing about the "violent threats".

One woman in her late 30s told Reuters she had received a phone call in late January telling her she must immediately quit her job at BRAC. Two nights later a group of about 10 men, dressed in black and wearing masks barged into her shelter.

"They said, 'We told you not to go out and work, you didn't listen'," she said. "One of them beat me with a stick on my back."

Another young woman, who was also threatened, summed up the divide in the camps.

"We are just doing something good for our community," she said. "Some people support them, but many feel like us. They put superglue over our mouths."

It was after Mohib Ullah scored his first political victories that the death threats began in earnest. On a recent morning, the Rohingya refugee leaned back on a plastic chair in the Bangladesh camp where he lives and translated the latest warning, sent over the WhatsApp messaging app.

It was after Mohib Ullah scored his first political victories that the death threats began in earnest. On a recent morning, the Rohingya refugee leaned back on a plastic chair in the Bangladesh camp where he lives and translated the latest warning, sent over the WhatsApp messaging app. "Mohib Ullah is a virus of the community," he read aloud, with a wry chuckle. "Kill him wherever he is found." The 44-year-old leads the largest of several community groups to emerge since more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims fled Myanmar after a military crackdown in August 2017. In the refugee camps in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar district, a nascent civil society is emerging among the Rohingya, who spent decades under apartheid-like restrictions in Myanmar. Some campaigners are seeking justice for alleged atrocities in Myanmar, a small cadre of women are raising their voices for the first time, and others are simply working to improve life in the new city of tarpaulins and bamboo that, after the latest influx, is home to more than 900,000 people. Mohib Ullah himself was invited to Geneva last month, where he told the United Nations Human Rights Council the Rohingya want a say over their own future. But the political awakening has been accompanied by a surge in violence, with militants and religious conservatives also vying for power, more than a dozen refugees told Reuters. They described increasing fear in the camps, where armed men have stormed shelters at night, kidnapped critics and warned women against breaking conservative Islamic norms. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, or ARSA, which sparked the 2017 crisis with attacks on security posts, is resurgent in the camps, refugees say, alongside several other armed groups. The group is also known as Harakah al-Yaqin - the movement of faith. "In the daytime, the al-Yaqin guys become normal people," said one young woman, who like other refugees requested anonymity to speak about the group without fear of reprisals. "They mix with everyone else. But at night it's like they have a kind of magical power." Dialogue, and threats Reuters conducted dozens of interviews with UN staff, diplomats, Bangladeshi officials and researchers about the forces competing for influence in the world's largest refugee settlement. While some are hopeful the stateless Rohingya are beginning to find a political voice, there are also fears that a turn to violence threatens to make solving the refugee crisis through dialogue impossible and could bring more instability. "Refugee camps in many parts of the world are becoming recruitment grounds for terrorists," said Mozammel Haque, the head of Bangladesh's cabinet committee on law and order. "God forbid, if something like that happens, this will not only affect Bangladesh but the whole region." Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not answer calls seeking comment. Zaw Htay said during a press conference in January that Myanmar had complained to Bangladesh over what he said were ARSA bases inside Bangladesh. The frontline in the struggle for the Rohingyas' future are the bamboo huts where refugees take shelter from the heat and dust of the camp to voice their views. In the makeshift office of his group, the Arakan Rohingya Society for Peace and Human Rights, or ARSPH, Mohib Ullah convenes an open meeting each morning. "We couldn't gather more than five people in Myanmar, so when we have this kind of huge gathering it makes us very happy," said 57-year-old Abdul Fayez, one of several dozen refugees gathered cross-legged on the floor at a recent meeting. ARSPH made its name documenting alleged atrocities the Rohingya suffered in Myanmar. Mohib Ullah went from hut to hut to build a tally of killings, rape and arson that has been shared with international investigators. Last year it won a victory with a campaign for the refugees to have more say in the process of issuing identity cards, calling a general strike in the camps in November that forced Bangladeshi officials and UN staff to meet ARSPH leaders. It now says its main goal is to give the Rohingya a voice in international talks on their future. But not everyone agrees with ARSPH's approach. Hardliners in the camps argue for a more assertive stance in talks on the terms under which the refugees might return to Myanmar. "We are flexible, we want to negotiate," said a senior leader of ARSPH, who requested anonymity. "But we fear we may be harmed because of this." ARSA was among Mohib Ullah and ARSPH's antagonists, the leader said. Mohib Ullah was involved in local politics back in Myanmar, drawing accusations from opponents that he worked too closely with the hated government. "If I die, I'm fine. I will give my life," Mohib Ullah told Reuters. Night terrors Bangladesh security forces patrol the perimeter of the camps to stop refugees slipping out. But, especially at night, the warren-like interior is run by violent men, refugees told Reuters. In at least some parts of the camps, those men claim affiliation to ARSA, said more than half a dozen refugees. UN officials and NGO workers monitoring the group's activities say it is unclear how many of those men are under orders from the group's leadership. But some of them have asked wealthier refugees and shopkeepers to pay regular taxes, saying the money will be used to fight back in Myanmar, refugees said. One refugee, who volunteers as an aid worker in the camps, told Reuters he had witnessed a kidnapping in January by men he believed to be from ARSA. Men with wooden sticks moved swiftly into an area of the camps known as Jamtoli and took away a man who refused to attend one of the group's meetings, he said. "They just carried him off like a goat to the slaughter." Reuters was unable to corroborate the incident or find out what happened to the man, but five refugees from the same area said men they knew had been involved in ARSA attacks inside Myanmar were now involved in kidnappings in Jamtoli. Reuters was unable to reach ARSA for comment. Researchers for Fortify Rights have also gathered testimony that ARSA had abducted at least five Rohingya refugees in recent months, the campaign group said on March 14. A posting from a Twitter account previously used by the group called the Fortify Rights report "shallow, shoddy, and not aptly verified" and denied allegations that ARSA was involved in criminal activity. Police have recorded an escalation in violence in the camps in recent months, said Iqbal Hossain, additional superintendent of police in Cox's Bazar. "So far we have not found any link to any militant groups," said Hossain, adding there were just 992 officers policing the camps. In response to Reuters' questions about reports of ARSA involvement in the violence, the UN refugee agency cited police reports that found most violence and threats in the camps were carried out by "criminal elements or related to personal vendettas". Two UN officials and several researchers working regularly in the camps told Reuters ARSA was behind at least some of the violence, however, citing sources among the refugees. "You didn't listen" ARSA launched three attacks across the border in Myanmar early this year, according to state media there, and in February vowed to continues its armed campaign. ARSA propaganda portrays the group as ethnic freedom fighters and does not emphasise a religious agenda. But some refugees and a report by an international NGO seen by Reuters say its members, together with Islamic leaders, have promoted ultra-conservative religious practices. Four women told Reuters they had received threats for going out to work for aid groups in the camps, where many have begun doing paid work for the first time in their lives. Three said men from ARSA, backed up by religious leaders, issued the threats. Fortify Rights also said it had gathered testimony linking ARSA to the threats against women working. ARSA on Twitter denied that, insisting it "has no activities/objectives except for defending Rohingyas' legitimate rights". UN officials and aid workers discussed the threats at a series of meetings of the "protection sector working group" in Cox's Bazar, according to minutes. "There is a complex combination of factors that have contributed to the threats and restrictions on women in refugee camps, which we are all seeking to address," the UN refugee agency said. Mohammed Kamruzzaman, an education sector specialist at Bangladeshi aid group BRAC, told Reuters that 150 of its female teachers had stopped coming to work in late January after receiving or hearing about the "violent threats". One woman in her late 30s told Reuters she had received a phone call in late January telling her she must immediately quit her job at BRAC. Two nights later a group of about 10 men, dressed in black and wearing masks barged into her shelter. "They said, 'We told you not to go out and work, you didn't listen'," she said. "One of them beat me with a stick on my back." Another young woman, who was also threatened, summed up the divide in the camps. "We are just doing something good for our community," she said. "Some people support them, but many feel like us. They put superglue over our mouths."

In Rohingya camps, a political awakening faces a backlash

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/us-senators-call-on-pompeo-to-label-myanmar-killings-genocide-185476">Myanmar</a> military on Friday announced a more than four-month cessation of its activities in northern areas where it is fighting ethnic minority insurgents, in what appeared to be a rare conciliatory move aimed at kick-starting peace talks.

The army would "stop military operations in respective military regions" in the north and east of the country until April 30, 2019, the office of the military's commander in chief said in a statement.

The cessation would allow military negotiators to conduct talks with insurgent groups that have refused to sign up to a nationwide ceasefire agreement, with the aim of completing a peace process by 2020, it said.

Government spokesman Zaw Htay said the military had informed the civilian administration led by Nobel laureate <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/aung-san-suu-kyi-calls-for-peace-in-speech-no-mention-of-rohingya-crisis-180684">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>ahead of the announcement, and that the two sides were "cooperating" on the peace process.

"We hope there will be good results," Zaw Htay told a news conference in the capital, Naypyitaw.

Suu Kyi prioritised ending the conflicts on coming to power in 2016, but talks have failed to make significant gains.

The Myanmar military has been engaged in multiple conflicts for decades with groups who say they represent the interests of ethnic minorities that want more autonomy in their regions.

The military said its commands in the northern Kachin State and Shan State to the northeast would be affected by the cessation, after a coalition of groups fighting there asked for a pause in the conflict this month.

More than 100,000 people have been displaced by clashes between the army and insurgents since a ceasefire with the Kachin Independence Army broke down in 2011.

Maung Maung Soe, a political analyst based in Yangon, said it was the first time in at least three decades that the military had unilaterally announced stop infighting.

"Peace for the whole country will depend on further discussions with each group," he said, noting that there would be concern that the announcement does not cover the troubled western state of Rakhine.

The Friday announcement did not make specific reference to Rakhine, where the military has battled both Buddhist and Rohingya Muslim insurgents in recent years.

The military launched a crackdown in response to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in August 2017, which claims to represent the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority. Myanmar considers the group "terrorists" and they are not included in any negotiations.

UN-mandated investigators said the military committed killings, gang rape and arson in a campaign carried out with "genocidal intent" that pushed more than 730,000 Rohingya across Myanmar's border to Bangladesh.

Myanmar denied that saying it conducted a legitimate counter-terrorist campaign.

In recent weeks, fighting has flared up between the army and a Rakhine Buddhist group, the Arakan Army, in mountainous parts of the western state.

The UN&nbsp;Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs received reports that more than 700 people had been displaced by that fighting since December 8, said Pierre Peron, a spokesman for the agency.

The Myanmar military on Friday announced a more than four-month cessation of its activities in northern areas where it is fighting ethnic minority insurgents, in what appeared to be a rare conciliatory move aimed at kick-starting peace talks.

The Myanmar military on Friday announced a more than four-month cessation of its activities in northern areas where it is fighting ethnic minority insurgents, in what appeared to be a rare conciliatory move aimed at kick-starting peace talks. The army would "stop military operations in respective military regions" in the north and east of the country until April 30, 2019, the office of the military's commander in chief said in a statement. The cessation would allow military negotiators to conduct talks with insurgent groups that have refused to sign up to a nationwide ceasefire agreement, with the aim of completing a peace process by 2020, it said. Government spokesman Zaw Htay said the military had informed the civilian administration led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi ahead of the announcement, and that the two sides were "cooperating" on the peace process. "We hope there will be good results," Zaw Htay told a news conference in the capital, Naypyitaw. Suu Kyi prioritised ending the conflicts on coming to power in 2016, but talks have failed to make significant gains. The Myanmar military has been engaged in multiple conflicts for decades with groups who say they represent the interests of ethnic minorities that want more autonomy in their regions. The military said its commands in the northern Kachin State and Shan State to the northeast would be affected by the cessation, after a coalition of groups fighting there asked for a pause in the conflict this month. More than 100,000 people have been displaced by clashes between the army and insurgents since a ceasefire with the Kachin Independence Army broke down in 2011. Maung Maung Soe, a political analyst based in Yangon, said it was the first time in at least three decades that the military had unilaterally announced stop infighting. "Peace for the whole country will depend on further discussions with each group," he said, noting that there would be concern that the announcement does not cover the troubled western state of Rakhine. The Friday announcement did not make specific reference to Rakhine, where the military has battled both Buddhist and Rohingya Muslim insurgents in recent years. The military launched a crackdown in response to attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in August 2017, which claims to represent the stateless Rohingya Muslim minority. Myanmar considers the group "terrorists" and they are not included in any negotiations. UN-mandated investigators said the military committed killings, gang rape and arson in a campaign carried out with "genocidal intent" that pushed more than 730,000 Rohingya across Myanmar's border to Bangladesh. Myanmar denied that saying it conducted a legitimate counter-terrorist campaign. In recent weeks, fighting has flared up between the army and a Rakhine Buddhist group, the Arakan Army, in mountainous parts of the western state. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs received reports that more than 700 people had been displaced by that fighting since December 8, said Pierre Peron, a spokesman for the agency.

Myanmar army pauses operations in north in rare conciliatory action

Deeply concerned over the Amnesty International report on the alleged killing of Hindu villagers by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the US on Friday said there was an urgent need for a credible and independent investigation into the human rights violations in Myanmar's restive Rakhine province.

"We are deeply concerned by Amnesty's report on the killing of Hindu villagers by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Accountability for all those responsible for human rights abuses and violations in northern Rakhine state remains critical," a US State Department spokesperson told PTI.

He said the report further highlights the urgent need for a credible and independent investigation in Rakhine state to further determine all facts on the ground to fix accountability and provide justice to victims. "The United States continues to support such an investigation," the spokesperson said.

In its report early this week, the Amnesty International said a Rohingya armed group brandishing guns and swords was responsible for at least one, and potentially a second, massacre of up to 99 Hindu women, men and children as well as additional unlawful killings and abductions of Hindu villagers in August 2017.

"At around 8 am on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, in a cluster of villages known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw Township. At the time of the attack, the Hindu villagers lived in close proximity to Rohingya villagers, who are predominantly Muslim. Rakhine villagers, who are predominantly Buddhist, also lived in the same area," Amnesty said in its latest report.

In a statement Burma Task Force, a coalition of 19 US and Canadian Muslim organisations, slammed the Amnesty International for "such a report".

"It is a major public relations bonanza for the genocidal Burmese regime. It puts 60,000 Rohingyas in India even at more risk than they already are," it said.

"The Amnesty International report presents, as fact, evidence and conclusions that are both seriously questionable, and by doing so it aids the propaganda efforts of a regime whose every action suggests it is bent on carrying out genocide," the task force said.

Meanwhile, the US House of Representatives passed the National Defense Authorisation Act 2019, which addresses the issue of alleged ethnic cleansing in Myanmar. &nbsp"This provision imposes new sanctions on Burmese military officials and bars their forces from US joint drills," Congressman Ed Royce, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said. &nbsp

Over the past year, the Burmese military has escalated its decades-long campaign against the country's Rohingya Muslim minority. More than 7,00,000 Rohingya have been forced to flee and thousands have been slaughtered. Entire villages have been burned and bulldozed, he said.&nbsp

There was an urgent need for a credible and independent investigation into the human rights violations in Myanmar's restive Rakhine province, US said

Deeply concerned over the Amnesty International report on the alleged killing of Hindu villagers by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), the US on Friday said there was an urgent need for a credible and independent investigation into the human rights violations in Myanmar's restive Rakhine province. "We are deeply concerned by Amnesty's report on the killing of Hindu villagers by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army. Accountability for all those responsible for human rights abuses and violations in northern Rakhine state remains critical," a US State Department spokesperson told PTI. He said the report further highlights the urgent need for a credible and independent investigation in Rakhine state to further determine all facts on the ground to fix accountability and provide justice to victims. "The United States continues to support such an investigation," the spokesperson said. In its report early this week, the Amnesty International said a Rohingya armed group brandishing guns and swords was responsible for at least one, and potentially a second, massacre of up to 99 Hindu women, men and children as well as additional unlawful killings and abductions of Hindu villagers in August 2017. "At around 8 am on 25 August 2017, ARSA attacked the Hindu community in the village of Ah Nauk Kha Maung Seik, in a cluster of villages known as Kha Maung Seik in northern Maungdaw Township. At the time of the attack, the Hindu villagers lived in close proximity to Rohingya villagers, who are predominantly Muslim. Rakhine villagers, who are predominantly Buddhist, also lived in the same area," Amnesty said in its latest report. In a statement Burma Task Force, a coalition of 19 US and Canadian Muslim organisations, slammed the Amnesty International for "such a report". "It is a major public relations bonanza for the genocidal Burmese regime. It puts 60,000 Rohingyas in India even at more risk than they already are," it said. "The Amnesty International report presents, as fact, evidence and conclusions that are both seriously questionable, and by doing so it aids the propaganda efforts of a regime whose every action suggests it is bent on carrying out genocide," the task force said. Meanwhile, the US House of Representatives passed the National Defense Authorisation Act 2019, which addresses the issue of alleged ethnic cleansing in Myanmar. "This provision imposes new sanctions on Burmese military officials and bars their forces from US joint drills," Congressman Ed Royce, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said. Over the past year, the Burmese military has escalated its decades-long campaign against the country's Rohingya Muslim minority. More than 7,00,000 Rohingya have been forced to flee and thousands have been slaughtered. Entire villages have been burned and bulldozed, he said.

US seeks credible investigation into killing of Hindus by ARSA in Myanmar

Campaign group Amnesty International said on Tuesday it had gathered evidence that insurgents from a Rohingya Muslim armed group killed scores of Hindu civilians in August last year, amid a surge in violence in western Myanmar.

A military response to insurgent attacks on 30 police posts and an army base in northern Rakhine state the early hours of Aug. 25 pushed almost 700,000 Rohingya Muslims across the border to Bangladesh, many accusing security forces of killings, rape and arson.

Senior UN&nbsp;officials have said the response amounted to ethnic cleansing and that Myanmar's security forces may have committed genocide.

Amnesty International's research is the first published by an international human rights group to document in detail alleged atrocities by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

It said masked ARSA fighters killed as many as 99 Hindus near a remote village named Kha Maung Seik shortly after launching the coordinated attacks on security posts.

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Amnesty International cited witnesses including eight Hindu women who alleged they were abducted by ARSA fighters and forced to convert to Islam. Some of the women had earlier told media including Reuters that their loved ones were killed by Buddhists, but later recanted their stories, saying they had been coerced by their captors.

Myanmar is majority Buddhist, and the Rohingya are Muslim. The country also has a Christian minority and a smaller number of Hindus.

Myanmar authorities in September unearthed 45 bodies near Kha Maung Seik and accused the ARSA of carrying out the killings.

Reuters was unable to reach an ARSA representative for comment on Tuesday. ARSA said in a Sept. 27 statement it "categorically denies that any of its members or combatants perpetrated murder" and other abuses in villages including Kha Maung Seik.

Myanmar's main government spokesman Zaw Htay said he could not comment on Tuesday evening as he had not seen the report.

Amnesty International also said it had documented a separate killing of six Hindus by ARSA fighters on Aug. 26 near the town of Maungdaw.

“It’s hard to ignore the sheer brutality of ARSA’s actions, which have left an indelible impression on the survivors we’ve spoken to," Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International's crisis response director, said in a statement.

"Accountability for these atrocities is every bit as crucial as it is for the crimes against humanity carried out by Myanmar’s security forces in northern Rakhine State."

ARSA emerged as a group with earlier attacks on border posts in 2016. Its leader, Ata Ullah, has said it is fighting for the rights of the Rohingya, who have long complained of persecution as a stateless minority in Myanmar.

Reporters have been unable freely to visit parts of northern Rakhine for more than 18 months.

"After careful review of evidence obtained in Bangladesh and Rakhine State, Amnesty International has concluded that ARSA fighters are responsible for the massacre," Amnesty said, calling for Myanmar to grant U.N. investigators access to the conflict area to document atrocities by both ARSA and the military.

Amnesty said masked Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army fighters killed as many as 99 Hindus near a remote Myanmarese village named Kha Maung Seik

Campaign group Amnesty International said on Tuesday it had gathered evidence that insurgents from a Rohingya Muslim armed group killed scores of Hindu civilians in August last year, amid a surge in violence in western Myanmar. A military response to insurgent attacks on 30 police posts and an army base in northern Rakhine state the early hours of Aug. 25 pushed almost 700,000 Rohingya Muslims across the border to Bangladesh, many accusing security forces of killings, rape and arson. Senior UN officials have said the response amounted to ethnic cleansing and that Myanmar's security forces may have committed genocide. Amnesty International's research is the first published by an international human rights group to document in detail alleged atrocities by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). It said masked ARSA fighters killed as many as 99 Hindus near a remote village named Kha Maung Seik shortly after launching the coordinated attacks on security posts. Amnesty International cited witnesses including eight Hindu women who alleged they were abducted by ARSA fighters and forced to convert to Islam. Some of the women had earlier told media their loved ones were killed by Buddhists, but later recanted their stories, saying they had been coerced by their captors × Amnesty International cited witnesses including eight Hindu women who alleged they were abducted by ARSA fighters and forced to convert to Islam. Some of the women had earlier told media including Reuters that their loved ones were killed by Buddhists, but later recanted their stories, saying they had been coerced by their captors. Myanmar is majority Buddhist, and the Rohingya are Muslim. The country also has a Christian minority and a smaller number of Hindus. Myanmar authorities in September unearthed 45 bodies near Kha Maung Seik and accused the ARSA of carrying out the killings. Reuters was unable to reach an ARSA representative for comment on Tuesday. ARSA said in a Sept. 27 statement it "categorically denies that any of its members or combatants perpetrated murder" and other abuses in villages including Kha Maung Seik. Myanmar's main government spokesman Zaw Htay said he could not comment on Tuesday evening as he had not seen the report. Amnesty International also said it had documented a separate killing of six Hindus by ARSA fighters on Aug. 26 near the town of Maungdaw. “It’s hard to ignore the sheer brutality of ARSA’s actions, which have left an indelible impression on the survivors we’ve spoken to," Tirana Hassan, Amnesty International's crisis response director, said in a statement. "Accountability for these atrocities is every bit as crucial as it is for the crimes against humanity carried out by Myanmar’s security forces in northern Rakhine State." ARSA emerged as a group with earlier attacks on border posts in 2016. Its leader, Ata Ullah, has said it is fighting for the rights of the Rohingya, who have long complained of persecution as a stateless minority in Myanmar. Reporters have been unable freely to visit parts of northern Rakhine for more than 18 months. "After careful review of evidence obtained in Bangladesh and Rakhine State, Amnesty International has concluded that ARSA fighters are responsible for the massacre," Amnesty said, calling for Myanmar to grant U.N. investigators access to the conflict area to document atrocities by both ARSA and the military.

Rohingya militants killed Hindu villagers in Myanmar: Amnesty International

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh could die due to a lack of food, shelter, and water available for the huge numbers of them fleeing violence in Myanmar, an aid agency warned on Sunday.

Nearly 410,000 members of the Rohingya Muslim minority fled from western Rakhine state to Bangladesh to escape a military offensive that the United Nations has branded a &quot;textbook example of ethnic cleansing&quot;.

&quot;Many people are arriving hungry, exhausted and with no food or water,&quot; Mark Pierce, Bangladesh country director for the Save the Children aid agency said in a statement.

&quot;I&rsquo;m particularly worried that the demand for food, shelter, water and basic hygiene support is not being met due to the sheer number of people in need. If families can&rsquo;t meet their basic needs, the suffering will get even worse and lives could be lost.&quot;

Bangladesh has for decades faced influxes of Rohingya fleeing persecution in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, where the Rohingya are regarded as illegal migrants.

Bangladesh was already home to 400,000 Rohingya before the latest crisis erupted on Aug. 25, when Rohingya insurgents attacked police posts and an army camp, killing a dozen people.

Pierce said the humanitarian response needed to be rapidly scaled up.

&quot;That can only be done if the international community steps up funding,&rdquo; he said.

Rights monitors and fleeing Rohingya say the Myanmar security forces and Rakhine Buddhist vigilantes responded to the Aug. 25 insurgent attacks with what they say is a campaign of violence and arson aimed at driving out the Muslim population.

Myanmar rejects those accusations, saying its security forces are carrying out clearance operations to defend against the insurgents of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which claimed responsibility for the August attacks and similar, smaller, raids in October.

The Myanmar government has declared the group a terrorist organisation and accused it of setting the fires and attacking civilians.

Suu Kyi Address

More than 430 people have been killed, most of them insurgents, and about 30,000 non-Muslim villagers have been displaced, Myanmar has said. Human Rights Watch said satellite imagery showed 62 Rohingya villages had been torched.

Myanmar government leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has faced a barrage of criticism from abroad for not stopping the violence or condemning it more forcefully.

The military remains in full control of security policy and there is little sympathy for the Rohingya in a country where the end of military rule has unleashed old animosities and the military campaign in Rakhine State is widely supported.

Suu Kyi is due to make her first address to the nation on the crisis on Tuesday.

Her foreign supporters and Western governments that backed her campaign against military rule, and see her as the best hope for Myanmar&#39;s future, will be hoping to see her make a new commitment to protect the rights of the Muslim minority.

At home, her supporters could be disappointed if she is perceived to be caving in to foreign pressure and taking the side of a Muslim minority blamed for initiating the violence with the attacks on the security forces.

The Myanmar military has called for unity on the issue.

The political party founded by retired officers and trounced by Suu Kyi&#39;s party in the 2015 election, could be expected to take heart to see her support eroded by the crisis.

Nearly 410,000 members of the Rohingya Muslim minority fled from western Rakhine state to Bangladesh to escape a military offensive that the United Nations has branded a 'textbook example of ethnic cleansing'

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh could die due to a lack of food, shelter, and water available for the huge numbers of them fleeing violence in Myanmar, an aid agency warned on Sunday. Nearly 410,000 members of the Rohingya Muslim minority fled from western Rakhine state to Bangladesh to escape a military offensive that the United Nations has branded a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing". "Many people are arriving hungry, exhausted and with no food or water," Mark Pierce, Bangladesh country director for the Save the Children aid agency said in a statement. "I’m particularly worried that the demand for food, shelter, water and basic hygiene support is not being met due to the sheer number of people in need. If families can’t meet their basic needs, the suffering will get even worse and lives could be lost." Bangladesh has for decades faced influxes of Rohingya fleeing persecution in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, where the Rohingya are regarded as illegal migrants. Bangladesh was already home to 400,000 Rohingya before the latest crisis erupted on Aug. 25, when Rohingya insurgents attacked police posts and an army camp, killing a dozen people. Pierce said the humanitarian response needed to be rapidly scaled up. "That can only be done if the international community steps up funding,” he said. Rights monitors and fleeing Rohingya say the Myanmar security forces and Rakhine Buddhist vigilantes responded to the Aug. 25 insurgent attacks with what they say is a campaign of violence and arson aimed at driving out the Muslim population. Myanmar rejects those accusations, saying its security forces are carrying out clearance operations to defend against the insurgents of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, which claimed responsibility for the August attacks and similar, smaller, raids in October. The Myanmar government has declared the group a terrorist organisation and accused it of setting the fires and attacking civilians. Suu Kyi Address More than 430 people have been killed, most of them insurgents, and about 30,000 non-Muslim villagers have been displaced, Myanmar has said. Human Rights Watch said satellite imagery showed 62 Rohingya villages had been torched. Myanmar government leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has faced a barrage of criticism from abroad for not stopping the violence or condemning it more forcefully. The military remains in full control of security policy and there is little sympathy for the Rohingya in a country where the end of military rule has unleashed old animosities and the military campaign in Rakhine State is widely supported. Suu Kyi is due to make her first address to the nation on the crisis on Tuesday. Her foreign supporters and Western governments that backed her campaign against military rule, and see her as the best hope for Myanmar's future, will be hoping to see her make a new commitment to protect the rights of the Muslim minority. At home, her supporters could be disappointed if she is perceived to be caving in to foreign pressure and taking the side of a Muslim minority blamed for initiating the violence with the attacks on the security forces. The Myanmar military has called for unity on the issue. The political party founded by retired officers and trounced by Suu Kyi's party in the 2015 election, could be expected to take heart to see her support eroded by the crisis.

Aid group warns of death among Rohingya in Bangladesh

Recent weeks have seen an <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/09/who-are-the-rohingya-and-why-are-they-fleeing-myanmar/">escalation of violence against the Rohingya</a> in Rakhine, the poorest state of Myanmar. A tide of displaced people are seeking refuge from atrocities &ndash; they are fleeing both on foot and by boat to Bangladesh. It is <a href="https://theconversation.com/world-must-act-to-end-the-violence-against-rohingya-in-myanmar-83645">the latest surge of displaced people</a> and is exacerbated by the recent activity of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA).

Religious and ethnic differences have been widely considered the leading cause of the persecution. But it is becoming increasingly hard to believe that there are no other factors at play. Especially given that Myanmar is home to <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2017/03/myanmar-major-ethnic-groups-live-170309143208539.html">135 official recognised ethnic groups</a> (the Rohingya were removed from this list in 1982).

In analysing the recent violence, much of the western media has focused on the role of the military and the figure of the de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Her status as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate has been <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/08/desmond-tutu-condemns-aung-san-suu-kyi-price-of-your-silence-is-too-steep?CMP=soc_567">widely questioned</a> since the latest evidence of atrocities emerged.

She continues to <a href="https://theintercept.com/2017/04/13/burmese-nobel-prize-winner-aung-san-suu-kyi-has-turned-into-an-apologist-for-genocide-against-muslims/">avoid condemning</a> the systematic violence against the Rohingya. At least the media gaze has finally shifted somewhat towards <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/sep/04/the-guardian-view-on-the-slaughter-in-myanmar-a-against-humanity?CMP=fb_gu">their plight</a>.

But there remain issues that are not being explored. It is also critical to look beyond religious and ethnic differences towards other root causes of persecution, vulnerability, and displacement.

We must consider vested political and economic interests as contributing factors to forced displacement in Myanmar, not just of the Rohingya people but of other minorities such as the Kachin, the Shan, the Karen, the Chin, and the Mon.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/185357/width754/file-20170910-12546-g93x37.JPG" />
<figcaption>
Major ethnic groups in Myanmar. Al Jazeera
</figcaption>
</figure>

Land grabbing

<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2017/jan/04/is-rohingya-persecution-caused-by-business-interests-rather-than-religion">Land grabbing and confiscation</a> in Myanmar is widespread. It is not a new phenomenon.

Since the 1990s, military juntas have been <a href="https://www.globalpolicy.org/social-and-economic-policy/world-hunger/land-ownership-and-hunger/52166-commission-will-report-over-300-land-grabs-to-myanmar-mps-.html">taking away the land of smallholders</a> across the country, without any compensation and regardless of ethnicity or religious status.

The land has often been acquired for &ldquo;<a href="http://www.ashleysouth.co.uk/files/COHRE_November_2007.pdf">development</a>&rdquo; projects, including military base expansions, natural resource exploitation, and extraction, large agriculture projects, infrastructure, and tourism. For example, in Kachin state, the military confiscated more than 500 acres of villagers&rsquo; land to support extensive gold mining.

Development has forcibly <a href="http://saskiasassen.com/PDFs/publications/SS%20Massive%20Loss%20Habitat.pdf">displaced thousands of people</a> - both internally and across borders with Bangladesh, India, and Thailand - or compelled them to set out by sea to Indonesia, Malaysia, and Australia.

In 2011, Myanmar instituted economic and political reforms that led it to be dubbed &ldquo;<a href="http://thediplomat.com/2016/11/myanmars-opening-doing-business-in-asias-final-frontier/">Asia&rsquo;s final frontier</a>&rdquo; as it opened up to foreign investment. Shortly afterward, in 2012, violent attacks escalated against the <a href="http://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/download/library/prspub/2613925/upload_binary/2613925.pdf;fileType=application/pdf">Rohingya in Rakhine state and, to a lesser extent, against the Muslim Karen</a>. Meanwhile, the government of Myanmar established several laws relating to the management and distribution of farmland.

These moves were <a href="https://library.ecc-platform.org/conflicts/land-grabbing-myanmar">severely criticised</a> for reinforcing the ability of large corporations to profit from land grabs. For instance, agribusiness multinationals such as POSCO Daewoo have <a href="https://www.farmlandgrab.org/post/view/26876-posco-daewoo-launches-agribusiness-in-myanmar">eagerly entered the market</a>, contracted by the government.

A regional prize

Myanmar is positioned between countries that have long eyed its resources, such as China and India. Since the 1990s, <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2016/03/between-china-and-myanmar-the-battleground-region-of-northeastern-myanmar-faces-an-uncertain-future/">Chinese companies have exploited</a> timber, rivers, and minerals in Shan State in the North.

This led to violent armed conflicts between the military regime and armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its ethnic allies in eastern Kachin State and northern Shan State.

In Rakhine State, <a href="https://www.sisp.it/files/papers/2013/andrea-passeri-1531.pdf">Chinese</a> and <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2016/09/the-trouble-with-indias-projects-in-myanmar/">Indian</a> interests are part of broader China-India relations. These interests revolve principally around the construction of infrastructure and pipelines in the region. Such projects claim to guarantee employment, transit fees and oil and gas revenues for the whole of Myanmar.

Among numerous development projects, <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/ericrmeyer/2015/02/09/oil-and-gas-china-takes-a-shortcut/#566f99c07aff">a transnational pipeline</a> built by China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) connecting Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine, to Kunming, China, began operations in September 2013. The wider efforts to take Myanmar oil and gas from the Shwe gas field to Guangzhou, China, <a href="https://ejatlas.org/conflict/shwe-gas-field-and-pipeline">are well documented</a>.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/185352/width754/file-20170910-3138-1l370ec.jpg" />
<figcaption>
Pipeline from the Shwe gas field to China. The Shwe Gas Movement
</figcaption>
</figure>

A parallel pipeline is also <a href="http://archive-3.mizzima.com/business/natural-resources/item/16206-kyaukpyu-deep-sea-port-ready-to-send-oil-to-china/16206-kyaukpyu-deep-sea-port-ready-to-send-oil-to-china">expected to send Middle East oil</a> from the Kyaukphyu port to China. However, the neutral Advisory Commission on Rakhine State <a href="http://www.rakhinecommission.org/statement-kofi-annan-chair-advisory-commission-rakhine-state-interim-report/">has urged</a> the Myanmar government to carry out a comprehensive impact assessment.

In fact, the Commission <a href="http://www.rakhinecommission.org/app/uploads/2017/08/FinalReport_Eng.pdf">recognises</a> that pipelines put local communities at risk. There is significant local tension related to land seizures, insufficient compensation for damages, environmental degradation, and an influx of foreign workers rather than increased local employment opportunities.

Meanwhile, the Sittwe deep-sea port was <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/03/31/are-indias-plans-in-myanmar-a-pipeline-or-a-pipe-dream/">financed and constructed</a> by India as part of the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project. The aim is to connect the northeast Mizoram state in India with the Bay of Bengal.

Coastal areas of Rakhine State are clearly of strategic importance to both India and China. The government of Myanmar, therefore, has vested interests in clearing land to prepare for further development and to boost its <a href="https://www.adb.org/countries/myanmar/economy">already rapid economic growth</a>.

All of this takes place within the wider context of <a href="https://nsnbc.me/2012/09/08/myanmar-gas-and-the-soros-funded-explosion-of-a-nation-state/">geopolitical maneuvering</a>. The role of Bangladesh in fuelling ethnic tensions is also hotly contested. In such power struggles, the human cost is terribly high.

Compounding the vulnerability of minorities

In Myanmar, the groups that fall victim to land grabbing have often started in an extremely vulnerable state and are left even worse off. The <a href="https://theconversation.com/world-must-act-to-end-the-violence-against-rohingya-in-myanmar-83645?utm_source=twitter&amp;utm_medium=twitterbutton">treatment</a> of the Rohingya in Rakhine State is the highest profile example of broader expulsion that is inflicted on minorities.

When a group is marginalised and oppressed it is difficult to reduce their vulnerability and protect their rights, including their property. In the case of the Rohingya, their ability to protect their homes was decimated through the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/nov/03/myanmar-casts-minorities-to-margins-citizenship-law-denies-legal-identity">revocation of their Burmese citizenship</a>.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/185329/width754/file-20170909-32284-lofmnv.jpg" />
<figcaption>
Rohingya settlement near Sittwe.Thomas Johnson
</figcaption>
</figure>

Since the late 1970s <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/interactive/2017/03/persecution-path-myanmar-fleeing-rohingya-170314125333337.html">around a million Rohingya have fled</a> Myanmar to escape persecution. Tragically, they are often marginalised in their host countries.

With no country willing to take responsibility for them, they are either forced or encouraged to continuously cross borders. The techniques used to encourage this movement have trapped the Rohingya in a vulnerable state.

The tragedy of the Rohingya is part of a bigger picture which sees the oppression and displacement of minorities across Myanmar and into neighboring countries.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/83726/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />The relevance and complexity of religious and ethnic issues in Myanmar are undeniable. But we cannot ignore the political and economic context and the root causes of displacement that often go undetected.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/religion-is-not-the-only-reason-rohingyas-are-being-forced-out-of-myanmar-83726">original article</a>.

The tragedy of the Rohingya is part of a bigger picture which sees the oppression and displacement of minorities across Myanmar and into neighboring countries.

Recent weeks have seen an escalation of violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine, the poorest state of Myanmar. A tide of displaced people are seeking refuge from atrocities – they are fleeing both on foot and by boat to Bangladesh. It is the latest surge of displaced people and is exacerbated by the recent activity of the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). Religious and ethnic differences have been widely considered the leading cause of the persecution. But it is becoming increasingly hard to believe that there are no other factors at play. Especially given that Myanmar is home to 135 official recognised ethnic groups (the Rohingya were removed from this list in 1982). In analysing the recent violence, much of the western media has focused on the role of the military and the figure of the de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Her status as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate has been widely questioned since the latest evidence of atrocities emerged. She continues to avoid condemning the systematic violence against the Rohingya. At least the media gaze has finally shifted somewhat towards their plight. But there remain issues that are not being explored. It is also critical to look beyond religious and ethnic differences towards other root causes of persecution, vulnerability, and displacement. We must consider vested political and economic interests as contributing factors to forced displacement in Myanmar, not just of the Rohingya people but of other minorities such as the Kachin, the Shan, the Karen, the Chin, and the Mon. Major ethnic groups in Myanmar. Al Jazeera Land grabbing Land grabbing and confiscation in Myanmar is widespread. It is not a new phenomenon. Since the 1990s, military juntas have been taking away the land of smallholders across the country, without any compensation and regardless of ethnicity or religious status. The land has often been acquired for “development” projects, including military base expansions, natural resource exploitation, and extraction, large agriculture projects, infrastructure, and tourism. For example, in Kachin state, the military confiscated more than 500 acres of villagers’ land to support extensive gold mining. Development has forcibly displaced thousands of people - both internally and across borders with Bangladesh, India, and Thailand - or compelled them to set out by sea to Indonesia, Malaysia, and Australia. In 2011, Myanmar instituted economic and political reforms that led it to be dubbed “Asia’s final frontier” as it opened up to foreign investment. Shortly afterward, in 2012, violent attacks escalated against the Rohingya in Rakhine state and, to a lesser extent, against the Muslim Karen. Meanwhile, the government of Myanmar established several laws relating to the management and distribution of farmland. These moves were severely criticised for reinforcing the ability of large corporations to profit from land grabs. For instance, agribusiness multinationals such as POSCO Daewoo have eagerly entered the market, contracted by the government. A regional prize Myanmar is positioned between countries that have long eyed its resources, such as China and India. Since the 1990s, Chinese companies have exploited timber, rivers, and minerals in Shan State in the North. This led to violent armed conflicts between the military regime and armed groups, including the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) and its ethnic allies in eastern Kachin State and northern Shan State. In Rakhine State, Chinese and Indian interests are part of broader China-India relations. These interests revolve principally around the construction of infrastructure and pipelines in the region. Such projects claim to guarantee employment, transit fees and oil and gas revenues for the whole of Myanmar. Among numerous development projects, a transnational pipeline built by China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) connecting Sittwe, the capital of Rakhine, to Kunming, China, began operations in September 2013. The wider efforts to take Myanmar oil and gas from the Shwe gas field to Guangzhou, China, are well documented. Pipeline from the Shwe gas field to China. The Shwe Gas Movement A parallel pipeline is also expected to send Middle East oil from the Kyaukphyu port to China. However, the neutral Advisory Commission on Rakhine State has urged the Myanmar government to carry out a comprehensive impact assessment. In fact, the Commission recognises that pipelines put local communities at risk. There is significant local tension related to land seizures, insufficient compensation for damages, environmental degradation, and an influx of foreign workers rather than increased local employment opportunities. Meanwhile, the Sittwe deep-sea port was financed and constructed by India as part of the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project. The aim is to connect the northeast Mizoram state in India with the Bay of Bengal. Coastal areas of Rakhine State are clearly of strategic importance to both India and China. The government of Myanmar, therefore, has vested interests in clearing land to prepare for further development and to boost its already rapid economic growth. All of this takes place within the wider context of geopolitical maneuvering. The role of Bangladesh in fuelling ethnic tensions is also hotly contested. In such power struggles, the human cost is terribly high. Compounding the vulnerability of minorities In Myanmar, the groups that fall victim to land grabbing have often started in an extremely vulnerable state and are left even worse off. The treatment of the Rohingya in Rakhine State is the highest profile example of broader expulsion that is inflicted on minorities. When a group is marginalised and oppressed it is difficult to reduce their vulnerability and protect their rights, including their property. In the case of the Rohingya, their ability to protect their homes was decimated through the revocation of their Burmese citizenship. Rohingya settlement near Sittwe.Thomas Johnson Since the late 1970s around a million Rohingya have fled Myanmar to escape persecution. Tragically, they are often marginalised in their host countries. With no country willing to take responsibility for them, they are either forced or encouraged to continuously cross borders. The techniques used to encourage this movement have trapped the Rohingya in a vulnerable state. The tragedy of the Rohingya is part of a bigger picture which sees the oppression and displacement of minorities across Myanmar and into neighboring countries. The relevance and complexity of religious and ethnic issues in Myanmar are undeniable. But we cannot ignore the political and economic context and the root causes of displacement that often go undetected. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Are Rohingyas being forced out of Myanmar because they are Muslims?