The manner in which the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) has been openly warning voters against electing an anti-Christian party &ndash; the BJP, it would have us believe that the Church has a moral hold over the Naga people. If that is so, the effects of that moral authority are neither tangible nor visible. And while corruption is rampant in the entire North Eastern region, it is the bane of Nagaland.

The national highway from Dimapur to Kohima and beyond to the state of Manipur (now known as Asian Highway-1) is the most decrepit. It is a mockery of the central funds repeatedly sanctioned over many decades. Indeed the roads of Nagaland are an indicator of a systemic governance malfunction. The mansions you see off the beaten track also tells you where public money has been invested. One is tempted to ask why the Church has failed to rein in corruption if it is such a moral force.

The Naga conflict, dating back to India&rsquo;s Independence (Nagaland declared Independence from India on August 14, 1947), has gone through many contortions to arrive at the present stage. Today the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Th Muivah a Tangkhul Naga from the hills of Manipur and the late Isaac Swu from Nagaland, hence, the acronym NSCN-IM, is the prime negotiator for the peace deal in Nagaland and other Naga-inhabited territories in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam &ndash; a proposition that is as contentious and thorny as it can get and which has got successive central governments in a tailspin.

On August 3, 2015, the Modi Government which said it was serious about bringing the Naga conflict to a close, signed a Framework Agreement with the bare points listed out and which needed to be fleshed out after consultation with various stakeholders. The interlocutor, in this case, RN Ravi, a former IB Special Director has taken his task as a mission and for the first time brought in several civil society groups as stakeholders into the conversation as a consensus building exercise to ensure that the terms of engagement are acceptable to all. It is not easy to get this far.&nbsp;

The NSCN (IM) is the most intransigent insurgent group that has seen many governments come and go. It is well acquainted with the finer points of negotiations and the semantics of it and that often is the reason why talks don&rsquo;t progress beyond a point. But over the years the word &ldquo;sovereignty&rdquo; has been dropped out of the talking points. However, that does not make things any simpler considering the homeland contestations of the Nagas. They believe that the hills of Manipur are the original home of the Naga people and that they were separated by the tyranny of history in 1947 and earlier. But the word &lsquo;Naga&rsquo; itself is contested. It includes a disparate group of hill tribes in the easternmost frontier of India, who the British, for the purpose of better administration, classed as &lsquo;Naga.&rsquo; And herein lies the rub!

Successive state governments in Nagaland, barring SC Jamir a former chief minister, have kowtowed to the NSCN (IM) on account of its firepower. Many more Nagas have been killed in internecine clashes based on ideological differences, than by the Indian army which was sent there by Nehru to put down the uprising when it first started. Jamir, a Congressman and now the Governor of Odisha had felt that the contentious Naga conflict was pulling the state backwards and suggested alternative ways forward. The NSCN (IM) contested this and the rebel group has no love lost for Jamir. They have made several attempts on his life. The NSCN (IM) in fact made sure that their man Neiphiu Rio was made the chief minister of Nagaland in 2003&ndash;08, 2008&ndash;13 and 2013&ndash;14). Rio is the only Nagaland Chief Minister to have served three consecutive terms until he contested the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 and became MP.

Interestingly, Neiphiu Rio has now returned to the chaotic state politics of Nagaland which has seen three Chief Ministers since May 2014. Rio had joined national politics with the idea of getting a ministerial berth in Delhi but that did not happen. The Nagaland People&rsquo;s Front (NPF) of which Rio has been a founding member is now led by the 81-year-old, Dr Shurhozelie who does not want to relinquish his post or to take cognizance of the changing realities in Nagaland vis-a-vis the peace talks. On January 18 this year Neiphiu Rio formally joined the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) which also asked him to lead the 2018 election. Rio clearly has his task marked out. Interestingly the BJP which until a month ago was an alliance partner of the NPF &ndash;led Government in Nagaland has severed ties with the Party and also is now aligned to the NDPP.

Political analysts in Nagaland allege that the reason why the NBCC is so incensed with the BJP is because it is seen as an ally of Neiphiu Rio the man who has given the NSCN(IM) a free rein of Nagaland and had in a business summit held recently in Dimapur promised to hand over part of the Intanki forest &ndash; which is very dear to the heart of the Nagas- to the NSCN (IM) as part of the settlement. The Naga people see this as a complete sell-out to the NSCN(IM). The Intanki forest, now a Wildlife Sanctuary, is a verdant forest reserve in eastern Nagaland. It is 37 km away from Dimapur and 111 km from Kohima and spread over 200 sq km. Home to the hoolock gibbons, elephants, wild buffaloes (Mithun), sambhars, barking deer and the famous hornbill amongst others, this forest is the only carbon sink left in Nagaland. It is also alleged that the NSCN (IM) cadres have been felling trees within this reserved forest for commercial purposes.&nbsp;

The Nagas fear that this sanctuary will go out of their hands. To say this openly would be suicidal for the Naga people. Yet they know that if the NDPP-BJP and those inclined to ally with these two parties come to power in Nagaland, the Naga people are likely to lose their grip over the Intanki Forest. Hence the NBCC was used as a public platform to caution the people not to vote for BJP or parties aligned with it (meaning the NDPP). The only alibi that the NBCC could use to defeat the NDPP-BJP coalition is to rake up the anti-Christian activities of the Sangh Parivar and groups like the Bajrang Dal which are harassing Christian missionaries in other parts of India.

It remains to be seen whether the NBCC warning has any traction among large sections of Nagas. They are known to be politically astute and money has always been a key determinant in Nagaland elections. In fact, Naga chieftains are often used by political parties to bring people to the polling booths to vote for particular candidates. In the last election when this writer visited interior Nagaland, there were polling booths where the village chieftain voted for the entire village even as Election Commission hoardings on the Dimapur-Kohima highway spoke of free and fair elections and showed individuals with their black-inked forefingers. This is the ambiguity of elections in this country of 1.3 billion people who never fail to use their enterprise when the opportunity presents itself. No wonder elections in India are termed the &ldquo;dance of democracy&rdquo; except that such dances can sometimes be fatal.

As the people of Nagaland ready themselves for the 13th Assembly election which is fraught with ambiguities, such as the allegedly much hated Neiphiu Rio being elected unopposed, it would be interesting to watch how things finally play out in this state of the famous Hornbill Festival. People are keeping their fingers crossed that voting will be incident free considering the call earlier given by a confederation of NGOs demanding that the Naga solution should precede elections. Apparently the Interlocutor, RN Ravi had requested this confederation named the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) to allow for free and fair polling as the talks are progressing on schedule.

It is in this murky scenario that the 227 candidates who have filed their nominations are heading for the polls. The NPF is contesting 58 seats, the NDPP 40 seats, the BJP 20, and Congress 18 apart from Independents. It is intuitive that the Congress which had provided three chief ministers to Nagaland is relegated to a position lower than that of the BJP. The Congress is apparently trying to work out a post-poll alignment with the NPF. This time 5 brave women are also in the fray. We can only keep our fingers crossed that democracy wins the day! &nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC), has been openly warned voters against electing an anti-Christian party, that is the BJP.

The manner in which the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) has been openly warning voters against electing an anti-Christian party – the BJP, it would have us believe that the Church has a moral hold over the Naga people. If that is so, the effects of that moral authority are neither tangible nor visible. And while corruption is rampant in the entire North Eastern region, it is the bane of Nagaland. The national highway from Dimapur to Kohima and beyond to the state of Manipur (now known as Asian Highway-1) is the most decrepit. It is a mockery of the central funds repeatedly sanctioned over many decades. Indeed the roads of Nagaland are an indicator of a systemic governance malfunction. The mansions you see off the beaten track also tells you where public money has been invested. One is tempted to ask why the Church has failed to rein in corruption if it is such a moral force. The Naga conflict, dating back to India’s Independence (Nagaland declared Independence from India on August 14, 1947), has gone through many contortions to arrive at the present stage. Today the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Th Muivah a Tangkhul Naga from the hills of Manipur and the late Isaac Swu from Nagaland, hence, the acronym NSCN-IM, is the prime negotiator for the peace deal in Nagaland and other Naga-inhabited territories in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam – a proposition that is as contentious and thorny as it can get and which has got successive central governments in a tailspin. On August 3, 2015, the Modi Government which said it was serious about bringing the Naga conflict to a close, signed a Framework Agreement with the bare points listed out and which needed to be fleshed out after consultation with various stakeholders. The interlocutor, in this case, RN Ravi, a former IB Special Director has taken his task as a mission and for the first time brought in several civil society groups as stakeholders into the conversation as a consensus building exercise to ensure that the terms of engagement are acceptable to all. It is not easy to get this far. The NSCN (IM) is the most intransigent insurgent group that has seen many governments come and go. It is well acquainted with the finer points of negotiations and the semantics of it and that often is the reason why talks don’t progress beyond a point. But over the years the word “sovereignty” has been dropped out of the talking points. However, that does not make things any simpler considering the homeland contestations of the Nagas. They believe that the hills of Manipur are the original home of the Naga people and that they were separated by the tyranny of history in 1947 and earlier. But the word ‘Naga’ itself is contested. It includes a disparate group of hill tribes in the easternmost frontier of India, who the British, for the purpose of better administration, classed as ‘Naga.’ And herein lies the rub! Successive state governments in Nagaland, barring SC Jamir a former chief minister, have kowtowed to the NSCN (IM) on account of its firepower. Many more Nagas have been killed in internecine clashes based on ideological differences, than by the Indian army which was sent there by Nehru to put down the uprising when it first started. Jamir, a Congressman and now the Governor of Odisha had felt that the contentious Naga conflict was pulling the state backwards and suggested alternative ways forward. The NSCN (IM) contested this and the rebel group has no love lost for Jamir. They have made several attempts on his life. The NSCN (IM) in fact made sure that their man Neiphiu Rio was made the chief minister of Nagaland in 2003–08, 2008–13 and 2013–14). Rio is the only Nagaland Chief Minister to have served three consecutive terms until he contested the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 and became MP. Interestingly, Neiphiu Rio has now returned to the chaotic state politics of Nagaland which has seen three Chief Ministers since May 2014. Rio had joined national politics with the idea of getting a ministerial berth in Delhi but that did not happen. The Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) of which Rio has been a founding member is now led by the 81-year-old, Dr Shurhozelie who does not want to relinquish his post or to take cognizance of the changing realities in Nagaland vis-a-vis the peace talks. On January 18 this year Neiphiu Rio formally joined the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) which also asked him to lead the 2018 election. Rio clearly has his task marked out. Interestingly the BJP which until a month ago was an alliance partner of the NPF –led Government in Nagaland has severed ties with the Party and also is now aligned to the NDPP. Political analysts in Nagaland allege that the reason why the NBCC is so incensed with the BJP is because it is seen as an ally of Neiphiu Rio the man who has given the NSCN(IM) a free rein of Nagaland and had in a business summit held recently in Dimapur promised to hand over part of the Intanki forest – which is very dear to the heart of the Nagas- to the NSCN (IM) as part of the settlement. The Naga people see this as a complete sell-out to the NSCN(IM). The Intanki forest, now a Wildlife Sanctuary, is a verdant forest reserve in eastern Nagaland. It is 37 km away from Dimapur and 111 km from Kohima and spread over 200 sq km. Home to the hoolock gibbons, elephants, wild buffaloes (Mithun), sambhars, barking deer and the famous hornbill amongst others, this forest is the only carbon sink left in Nagaland. It is also alleged that the NSCN (IM) cadres have been felling trees within this reserved forest for commercial purposes. The Nagas fear that this sanctuary will go out of their hands. To say this openly would be suicidal for the Naga people. Yet they know that if the NDPP-BJP and those inclined to ally with these two parties come to power in Nagaland, the Naga people are likely to lose their grip over the Intanki Forest. Hence the NBCC was used as a public platform to caution the people not to vote for BJP or parties aligned with it (meaning the NDPP). The only alibi that the NBCC could use to defeat the NDPP-BJP coalition is to rake up the anti-Christian activities of the Sangh Parivar and groups like the Bajrang Dal which are harassing Christian missionaries in other parts of India. It remains to be seen whether the NBCC warning has any traction among large sections of Nagas. They are known to be politically astute and money has always been a key determinant in Nagaland elections. In fact, Naga chieftains are often used by political parties to bring people to the polling booths to vote for particular candidates. In the last election when this writer visited interior Nagaland, there were polling booths where the village chieftain voted for the entire village even as Election Commission hoardings on the Dimapur-Kohima highway spoke of free and fair elections and showed individuals with their black-inked forefingers. This is the ambiguity of elections in this country of 1.3 billion people who never fail to use their enterprise when the opportunity presents itself. No wonder elections in India are termed the “dance of democracy” except that such dances can sometimes be fatal. As the people of Nagaland ready themselves for the 13th Assembly election which is fraught with ambiguities, such as the allegedly much hated Neiphiu Rio being elected unopposed, it would be interesting to watch how things finally play out in this state of the famous Hornbill Festival. People are keeping their fingers crossed that voting will be incident free considering the call earlier given by a confederation of NGOs demanding that the Naga solution should precede elections. Apparently the Interlocutor, RN Ravi had requested this confederation named the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) to allow for free and fair polling as the talks are progressing on schedule. It is in this murky scenario that the 227 candidates who have filed their nominations are heading for the polls. The NPF is contesting 58 seats, the NDPP 40 seats, the BJP 20, and Congress 18 apart from Independents. It is intuitive that the Congress which had provided three chief ministers to Nagaland is relegated to a position lower than that of the BJP. The Congress is apparently trying to work out a post-poll alignment with the NPF. This time 5 brave women are also in the fray. We can only keep our fingers crossed that democracy wins the day! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: If Church is a moral force in Nagaland, why has it failed to control corruption?

On February 18 this year, the candidate from Williamnagar Constituency of Garo Hills Meghalaya, Jonathone N Sangma and three of his supporters were killed in an IED blast allegedly triggered by the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), a militant outfit active in Garo Hills. The GNLA, led by its elusive commander-in-chief Sohan D Shira, has been unleashing a reign of terror in areas where it dominates which are mainly East and South Garo Hills.

Jonathone and some of his supporters had gone to Sawilgre village under Samanda block for an election campaign that Sunday afternoon. He was called there by the villagers who said they wanted to discuss certain issues with him. But perhaps the villagers were used as decoys by the GNLA. The villagers never turned up at that village. Only the chairs and tables were kept there. After waiting for a while,&nbsp;Jonathone decided to return to Williamnagar. Just then the IED blast was triggered and Jonathone and three others died on the spot. They included a young volunteer, a security guard and one more supporter. The other three injured persons were taken to a Williamnagar Civil Hospital but one more had succumbed to his injuries recently.

And then, barely a week after the dreadful incident, on February 24, Sohan D Shira the GNLA supremo who had repeatedly given the slip to the Meghalaya Police, including its Special Force, was shot dead. What raises doubts about this killing is that there were no casualties on the police side or on the side of the rebel outfit. There were no signs of an encounter. It looked like a clean, well-planned operation.

After Jonathone&rsquo;s death, several troubling questions were raised. Posters had been put up in the constituency, asking people not to vote for him. The posters had pictures of blood and bullets, and warned the villagers of serious consequences if they vote for him. But this is not the first time such posters were out up. In 2013, too, Jonathone faced similar threats. He lodged an FIR even then but the case has progressed at snail pace and is lying unsolved at the lower courts.

Since Chief Minister Mukul Sangma has made peace, security and political stability his election plank, Jonathone&rsquo;s political assassination have given a lie to that claim. And then the equally sudden elimination of Sohan D Shira who has evaded arrest for a very long time has raised doubts about the whole chain of events. Following Jonathone&rsquo;s killing, political parties, especially the National People&rsquo;s Party, the main rival of the ruling Congress in Garo Hills, had demanded an independent probe by the National Investigating Agency (NIA).

Was it the fear that the Agency might get to the root of the militant-politician nexus, the reason why Sohan Shira was eliminated because with his death all the well-kept secrets about who his handlers were have died with him. &nbsp;Meanwhile, it is learned that the Deputy Commander of the dreaded ULFA (Independent) based in Myanmar, Drishti Rajkhowa will be taking Sohan Shira&rsquo;s place soon. That should spell more trouble for the land of clouds unless swift action is taken by the next government to be formed post-March 3, next. &nbsp;

Meanwhile, on the election front, Jonathone Sangma&rsquo;s death could make things a bit more difficult for the Congress Party to return to power in Meghalaya. The Party is now seen as being capable of killing a dreaded militant if it wants to and to allow things to simmer if it chooses to. The NPP and BJP (which hitherto had very little leeway in Garo Hills) might both be able to capitalise from this new turn of events.

At last, campaigning for the February 27 elections ended on Saturday 24 last. In Garo Hills, the mood was sombre following the death of Sohan Shira. In the rest of the state, people heaved a sigh of relief, especially students preparing for their respective Board examinations. It has been a raucous election in Meghalaya with political parties and candidate using music to score political points above their rivals. For music composers and singers this has been a very lucrative season.

The BJP commissioned the legendary singer, 70-year-old Lou Majaw, to compose their theme song. Other parties just took off from there. On Saturday there were huge motor rallies which brought traffic in Shillong and its suburbs to a standstill. The amount spent on these rallies and on feeding the candidates daily for a month, and if supporters are to be believed, then even money was actively distributed by candidates on Saturday to ensure they remain loyal, must far exceed the upper limit set by the ECI. But who cares?

Most sitting MLAs use the MLA (Local Area Development Scheme) funds of Rs 2 crore per year to meet their private election expenses. The loopholes are yet to be plugged to prevent siphoning of public money through the Scheme. And so we are all good!

With a heavy sense of despair and futility even as the much touted &ldquo;Change&rdquo; which every political party promises appear like a mirage, the people of Meghalaya goes to vote tomorrow. A total of 370 candidates are in the fray of which 32 are women. The Congress has fielded candidates in 59 seats (election in Williamnagar is countermanded due to the death of Jonathone Sangma, the NCP candidate); the BJP in 47, NPP in 52 seats and the regional parties between them are contesting 42 seats. Most of the faces are tried and tested; hence the pessimism!

This time the prediction is that Meghalaya is headed for a hung assembly with no party getting the absolute majority. The fight really is between the NPP and Congress. That Meghalaya&rsquo;s next government will be a coalition of parties, goes without saying and whether this will result in another period of political chaos is also a moot point.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Jonathone Sangma’s death could make things a bit more difficult for the Congress Party to return to power in Meghalaya.

On February 18 this year, the candidate from Williamnagar Constituency of Garo Hills Meghalaya, Jonathone N Sangma and three of his supporters were killed in an IED blast allegedly triggered by the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), a militant outfit active in Garo Hills. The GNLA, led by its elusive commander-in-chief Sohan D Shira, has been unleashing a reign of terror in areas where it dominates which are mainly East and South Garo Hills. Jonathone and some of his supporters had gone to Sawilgre village under Samanda block for an election campaign that Sunday afternoon. He was called there by the villagers who said they wanted to discuss certain issues with him. But perhaps the villagers were used as decoys by the GNLA. The villagers never turned up at that village. Only the chairs and tables were kept there. After waiting for a while, Jonathone decided to return to Williamnagar. Just then the IED blast was triggered and Jonathone and three others died on the spot. They included a young volunteer, a security guard and one more supporter. The other three injured persons were taken to a Williamnagar Civil Hospital but one more had succumbed to his injuries recently. And then, barely a week after the dreadful incident, on February 24, Sohan D Shira the GNLA supremo who had repeatedly given the slip to the Meghalaya Police, including its Special Force, was shot dead. What raises doubts about this killing is that there were no casualties on the police side or on the side of the rebel outfit. There were no signs of an encounter. It looked like a clean, well-planned operation. After Jonathone’s death, several troubling questions were raised. Posters had been put up in the constituency, asking people not to vote for him. The posters had pictures of blood and bullets, and warned the villagers of serious consequences if they vote for him. But this is not the first time such posters were out up. In 2013, too, Jonathone faced similar threats. He lodged an FIR even then but the case has progressed at snail pace and is lying unsolved at the lower courts. Since Chief Minister Mukul Sangma has made peace, security and political stability his election plank, Jonathone’s political assassination have given a lie to that claim. And then the equally sudden elimination of Sohan D Shira who has evaded arrest for a very long time has raised doubts about the whole chain of events. Following Jonathone’s killing, political parties, especially the National People’s Party, the main rival of the ruling Congress in Garo Hills, had demanded an independent probe by the National Investigating Agency (NIA). Was it the fear that the Agency might get to the root of the militant-politician nexus, the reason why Sohan Shira was eliminated because with his death all the well-kept secrets about who his handlers were have died with him. Meanwhile, it is learned that the Deputy Commander of the dreaded ULFA (Independent) based in Myanmar, Drishti Rajkhowa will be taking Sohan Shira’s place soon. That should spell more trouble for the land of clouds unless swift action is taken by the next government to be formed post-March 3, next. Meanwhile, on the election front, Jonathone Sangma’s death could make things a bit more difficult for the Congress Party to return to power in Meghalaya. The Party is now seen as being capable of killing a dreaded militant if it wants to and to allow things to simmer if it chooses to. The NPP and BJP (which hitherto had very little leeway in Garo Hills) might both be able to capitalise from this new turn of events. At last, campaigning for the February 27 elections ended on Saturday 24 last. In Garo Hills, the mood was sombre following the death of Sohan Shira. In the rest of the state, people heaved a sigh of relief, especially students preparing for their respective Board examinations. It has been a raucous election in Meghalaya with political parties and candidate using music to score political points above their rivals. For music composers and singers this has been a very lucrative season. The BJP commissioned the legendary singer, 70-year-old Lou Majaw, to compose their theme song. Other parties just took off from there. On Saturday there were huge motor rallies which brought traffic in Shillong and its suburbs to a standstill. The amount spent on these rallies and on feeding the candidates daily for a month, and if supporters are to be believed, then even money was actively distributed by candidates on Saturday to ensure they remain loyal, must far exceed the upper limit set by the ECI. But who cares? Most sitting MLAs use the MLA (Local Area Development Scheme) funds of Rs 2 crore per year to meet their private election expenses. The loopholes are yet to be plugged to prevent siphoning of public money through the Scheme. And so we are all good! With a heavy sense of despair and futility even as the much touted “Change” which every political party promises appear like a mirage, the people of Meghalaya goes to vote tomorrow. A total of 370 candidates are in the fray of which 32 are women. The Congress has fielded candidates in 59 seats (election in Williamnagar is countermanded due to the death of Jonathone Sangma, the NCP candidate); the BJP in 47, NPP in 52 seats and the regional parties between them are contesting 42 seats. Most of the faces are tried and tested; hence the pessimism! This time the prediction is that Meghalaya is headed for a hung assembly with no party getting the absolute majority. The fight really is between the NPP and Congress. That Meghalaya’s next government will be a coalition of parties, goes without saying and whether this will result in another period of political chaos is also a moot point. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Will BJP be able to capitalise on Jonathone Sangma's death in Meghalaya?

This morning we all woke up to the shocking news of Sridevi&rsquo;s death. She was one of the most enduring and versatile actors of Bollywood. Sridevi made a comeback after a self-imposed sabbatical of many years when she went through the rigours of a somewhat controversial marriage to film director and producer, Boney Kapoor, followed by those child-bearing years. Indeed Sridevi&rsquo;s death at 54 has left many of us fans shell-shocked. You don&rsquo;t die at that age if you are slim and trim and have an evidently well-maintained figure. But perhaps that&rsquo;s the problem &ndash; having to look your best always for the papparazi and for Bollywood so you can continue to act, for acting itself becomes the adrenalin that pumps up the &lsquo;stars&rsquo; and their glitzy lives. But who knows the stress of living on a circumscribed diet and subjecting the body to so many make-overs to not look one&rsquo;s age. &nbsp;

They say Bollywood unites India like nothing else does. For someone, India&rsquo;s North East where Hollywood movies were a staple, those of us who watched &lsquo;Hindi&rsquo; movies (the term Bollywood had not yet gained currency then) were looked askance by our peers in school. And if you studied in an English medium school then you don&rsquo;t discuss Hindi movies with your classmates but would listen to them holding forth about Marilyn Monroe or Elizabeth Taylor in Cleopatra. Many teenagers my age sported the Cleopatra fringe too. But my mother was, for reasons best known to her, a Hindi movie buff and she would take me for all of them. That&rsquo;s how I too got hooked to Bollywood although we didn&rsquo;t understand half of what was happening since we didn&rsquo;t speak Hindi. But we laughed at Johnny Walker and Mehmood&rsquo;s jokes and wept buckets when we watched Dosti. Cinema is not so much about dialogues but about conveying emotions through body language and we had plenty of that in Bollywood. My mother passed on but I transferred my love for Hindi movies to my kids.

So when Sridevi returned with English-Vinglish at age 49 she became a trailblazer. And the movie was spectacular because it resonated with so many of us who struggle with English and are looked down upon by those who speak the language flawlessly, courtesy their schooling and elitist upbringing. &nbsp;In the movie, Sridevi takes up the challenge of learning English and she did to the amazement of all. I love this part &ndash; when women stop becoming victims and stand up for what they want from life. So, Sridevi, you touched many hearts and I know of many who enrolled in personality development courses &ndash; both men and women after watching English-Vinglish for the simple reason that we live in a society of hypocrites &ndash; as if English makes a man or woman. But, well, if one speaks and writes English perhaps the circle of acquaintances grows bigger. If that matters! &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

At the personal level, I loved the movie &lsquo;Mom&rsquo;. It&rsquo;s a movie that many mothers found inspiring. It&rsquo;s a movie that defies the conventional Hindustani type of household where everything is near perfect and families live life along expected lines. Here Sridevi is married to a man who has a daughter who studies at a college she is teaching &ndash; a step-daughter, Arya who could never accept a stepmother and believes it is a disrespect to her late mother&rsquo;s memory. But when Arya is raped and thrown into a gutter after she was waylaid by a classmate (who fancied her but who she thwarted) and his relative, a local bully and his henchmen. Arya was found by a morning walker who admits her to a hospital.

When Sridevi was informed of this incident she was livid and asked Arya for details so she can file an FIR at the local police station which in itself was a tall order. The case comes up for hearing but as usual, falls flat due to the poor investigation. It was then that Sridevi vows revenge and teams up with a private detective to kill the perpetrators one by one. Only Sridevi could have carried out that role so brilliantly and meticulously to avenge the rape of her step-child. What happens in the process is what the movie is all about but Mom is about the untapped strength of every woman. It is said that &lsquo;hell hath no fury like a woman scorned.&rsquo; I would say a woman wronged can wreak havoc in her pursuit of justice. That&rsquo;s what symbolises Kali and Durga too. &nbsp;

In her second avatar, Sridevi did full justice to her roles. Of course, we all loved her body moves in the lilting Hawa-Haiwai of Mr. India and other movies before that but they never made that lasting impact.

In November last year, Sridevi was at the International Film Festival of India (IFFI) at Goa. My son, Merlvin an actor who two Khasi movies &lsquo;Ri-Homeland of Uncertainty and &lsquo;Onaatah&rsquo; won national awards and who was a jury member for the Indian Panorama selection of feature and non-feature films met Sridevi and received a commendation plaque from her. He could not stop talking about how honoured he was to have met such a professional actor.

It&rsquo;s hard to believe that Sridevi is no longer with us. It&#39;s sadder that she will not be able to see her elder daughter Jahnvi&rsquo;s debut film Dhadak, directed by Karan Johar and due for release in July this year. But that&rsquo;s life, whose other side is death. Sridevi&rsquo;s memories will live on through her films. Rest in Peace wherever you are!

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Sridevi was one such iconic figure of Bollywood who zapped her fans even in North East India, where people do not watch Hindi movies.

This morning we all woke up to the shocking news of Sridevi’s death. She was one of the most enduring and versatile actors of Bollywood. Sridevi made a comeback after a self-imposed sabbatical of many years when she went through the rigours of a somewhat controversial marriage to film director and producer, Boney Kapoor, followed by those child-bearing years. Indeed Sridevi’s death at 54 has left many of us fans shell-shocked. You don’t die at that age if you are slim and trim and have an evidently well-maintained figure. But perhaps that’s the problem – having to look your best always for the papparazi and for Bollywood so you can continue to act, for acting itself becomes the adrenalin that pumps up the ‘stars’ and their glitzy lives. But who knows the stress of living on a circumscribed diet and subjecting the body to so many make-overs to not look one’s age. They say Bollywood unites India like nothing else does. For someone, India’s North East where Hollywood movies were a staple, those of us who watched ‘Hindi’ movies (the term Bollywood had not yet gained currency then) were looked askance by our peers in school. And if you studied in an English medium school then you don’t discuss Hindi movies with your classmates but would listen to them holding forth about Marilyn Monroe or Elizabeth Taylor in Cleopatra. Many teenagers my age sported the Cleopatra fringe too. But my mother was, for reasons best known to her, a Hindi movie buff and she would take me for all of them. That’s how I too got hooked to Bollywood although we didn’t understand half of what was happening since we didn’t speak Hindi. But we laughed at Johnny Walker and Mehmood’s jokes and wept buckets when we watched Dosti. Cinema is not so much about dialogues but about conveying emotions through body language and we had plenty of that in Bollywood. My mother passed on but I transferred my love for Hindi movies to my kids. So when Sridevi returned with English-Vinglish at age 49 she became a trailblazer. And the movie was spectacular because it resonated with so many of us who struggle with English and are looked down upon by those who speak the language flawlessly, courtesy their schooling and elitist upbringing. In the movie, Sridevi takes up the challenge of learning English and she did to the amazement of all. I love this part – when women stop becoming victims and stand up for what they want from life. So, Sridevi, you touched many hearts and I know of many who enrolled in personality development courses – both men and women after watching English-Vinglish for the simple reason that we live in a society of hypocrites – as if English makes a man or woman. But, well, if one speaks and writes English perhaps the circle of acquaintances grows bigger. If that matters! At the personal level, I loved the movie ‘Mom’. It’s a movie that many mothers found inspiring. It’s a movie that defies the conventional Hindustani type of household where everything is near perfect and families live life along expected lines. Here Sridevi is married to a man who has a daughter who studies at a college she is teaching – a step-daughter, Arya who could never accept a stepmother and believes it is a disrespect to her late mother’s memory. But when Arya is raped and thrown into a gutter after she was waylaid by a classmate (who fancied her but who she thwarted) and his relative, a local bully and his henchmen. Arya was found by a morning walker who admits her to a hospital. When Sridevi was informed of this incident she was livid and asked Arya for details so she can file an FIR at the local police station which in itself was a tall order. The case comes up for hearing but as usual, falls flat due to the poor investigation. It was then that Sridevi vows revenge and teams up with a private detective to kill the perpetrators one by one. Only Sridevi could have carried out that role so brilliantly and meticulously to avenge the rape of her step-child. What happens in the process is what the movie is all about but Mom is about the untapped strength of every woman. It is said that ‘hell hath no fury like a woman scorned.’ I would say a woman wronged can wreak havoc in her pursuit of justice. That’s what symbolises Kali and Durga too. In her second avatar, Sridevi did full justice to her roles. Of course, we all loved her body moves in the lilting Hawa-Haiwai of Mr. India and other movies before that but they never made that lasting impact. In November last year, Sridevi was at the International Film Festival of India (IFFI) at Goa. My son, Merlvin an actor who two Khasi movies ‘Ri-Homeland of Uncertainty and ‘Onaatah’ won national awards and who was a jury member for the Indian Panorama selection of feature and non-feature films met Sridevi and received a commendation plaque from her. He could not stop talking about how honoured he was to have met such a professional actor. It’s hard to believe that Sridevi is no longer with us. It's sadder that she will not be able to see her elder daughter Jahnvi’s debut film Dhadak, directed by Karan Johar and due for release in July this year. But that’s life, whose other side is death. Sridevi’s memories will live on through her films. Rest in Peace wherever you are! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Sridevi reigned in NE India where Bollywood movies are not popular

Polling in Tripura recorded an 89.96 % turn out. This is not exactly a record turn-out. It means 10 % of 25.73 lakh or 2.5 lakh people (approximately) never turned up to vote. Considering that Tripura is one of the few states with high voter literacy and since both the Left Front and the BJP have undertaken considerable booth management exercises, the turn-out is rather dismal. Be that as it may, Tripura&rsquo;s fate is now sealed. We have to wait till March 3 for the verdict.&nbsp;

But until yesterday, Manik Sarkar, Tripura&rsquo;s chief minister till date and for the last 20 years confidently claimed that the Left Front would return to power even as BJP stalwarts in Tripura countered his claims and say the voters will decide whether they want to be stuck with a non-delivering socialistic paradigm or a development-oriented government that people have been deprived of for several decades. Prime Minister Modi made a special appeal to the voters of Tripura to come out and vote for the BJP which promises &#39;Change&#39;.

The BJP has made a clutter of promises from the universal health insurance to farm loan waiver and smartphone for youths to direct funding for ADC &ndash; 2018 and above all implementation of the 7th Pay Commission and enhanced daily wages to Rs 340 per day. Countering the BJP claims, working president of the Congress Party (which is now reduced to a complete non-entity and which might not get even a single seat this time), Pradyot Debbarma says the BJP is promising the moon but will find it hard to deliver. &ldquo;They are talking about the 7th Pay Commission here but have not implemented the same in Assam, Madhya Pradesh and other BJP-ruled states. The daily wages under MNREGA in Assam where BJP is ruling is Rs 170, so how can they pay Rs 340 in Tripura?&rdquo; The problem is that the Congress offers nothing better except to counter the BJP&rsquo;s claims.&nbsp;

This, in fact, is the problem with the Congress Party in the poll-bound states of Meghalaya and Nagaland. The Party has no vision for the region and the states. It has just been lambasting the BJP and voters are actually tired of these political slugfests on a daily basis. Rahul Gandhi, the AICC President, came to campaign in Tripura only on the penultimate date, 48 hours before polling. This has not enchanted people to vote for Congress.&nbsp;

In fact, the rise of the Left Parties in Tripura is proportionate to the failure of the Congress Party to win hearts and minds. From a movement initiated by enlightened youth in the 1940s the CPI which later morphed into the CPI (M), went on to form the first Left Front government in alliance with two other parties - the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and All India Forward Bloc in 1978. The Congress aligned with Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) &ndash; a party of the indigenous people of Tripura and defeated the Left Front in 1988. But this coalition was short-lived. By the next election in 1993, the Left Front returned to power.

Much has been said about Manik Sarkar&rsquo;s honesty and him being the poorest chief minister of Tripura but this claim is busted by the Rose Valley chit fund scam where Sarkar&rsquo;s ministers were singed. The Company is alleged to have looted Rs 35 crore of public deposits, according to State Finance Minister Bhanulal Saha. No action taken against the accused has created disaffection in the depositors.

&nbsp;Moreover, the failure of the Left Front to address unemployment; its failure to attract industries for employment generation and a general sense that even the Digital India drive that has enabled the country to connect with the world, has not worked for Tripura and you have an anatomy of failed governance.

&nbsp;Then there is the infamous ruling by the Supreme Court where 10,323 government teachers were terminated because the state Education Department flouted the rules under which the teachers under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan had to be recruited which required a certain qualification and three years of experience. The state created over 12 thousand non-teaching posts where they might have been rehabilitated but again the Supreme Court prevented the Government from going ahead with this plan. Hence, the 12,000 odd jobless people are bound to retaliate against the Government. Or that is what is expected in normal circumstances.

The Medical College started in Tripura, has not been functioning well and the BJP has called out all the scams that it has documented meticulously. To start industries in a Left-ruled state has always been a challenge because of the rent-seeking mafia. Hence industries that opened up with much fanfare quickly shut down because there was no scope for their enterprise to bloom in Tripura.

Tripura has about 8 lakh of unemployed youth and jobs in the government sector have stagnated. Government employees are still stuck with the 4th Pay Commission. Dissatisfaction is writ large on their faces. Meanwhile, the BJP has come in with a basketful of promises and hopes to cash in on this feeling of large-scale disaffection. The BJP used its students&rsquo; wing- the ABVP and the disciplined RSS machinery. They were able to build grassroots contact.

To add to this extensive exercise the BJP also flew in its central ministers. Prime Minister Modi flew in twice to Tripura. Amit Shah, the BJP President, organised mega rallies. Other senior ministers flew in and out of Tripura. So did the ministers from neighbouring Assam and Manipur, both BJP ruled states. It is alleged that the BJP also had the moolah which Manik Sarkar&rsquo;s Party could not afford. Political observers said, &ldquo;Never before have we seen four private planes parked at Agartala airport&quot;. Central ministers were literally flying in and out of Tripura.&nbsp;

So eager is the BJP to win this Left bastion that it has pulled out all the stops. It remains to be seen if this effort would pay dividends. The BJP has been pitching for change in Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland.&nbsp;

What change party brings,&nbsp;will be revealed when and if the BJP comes to power? Until then the voters of Tripura must wait and watch. So to the two main political rivals!&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The BJP has come in with a basketful of promises and hopes to cash in on this feeling of large-scale disaffection in Tripura.

Polling in Tripura recorded an 89.96 % turn out. This is not exactly a record turn-out. It means 10 % of 25.73 lakh or 2.5 lakh people (approximately) never turned up to vote. Considering that Tripura is one of the few states with high voter literacy and since both the Left Front and the BJP have undertaken considerable booth management exercises, the turn-out is rather dismal. Be that as it may, Tripura’s fate is now sealed. We have to wait till March 3 for the verdict. But until yesterday, Manik Sarkar, Tripura’s chief minister till date and for the last 20 years confidently claimed that the Left Front would return to power even as BJP stalwarts in Tripura countered his claims and say the voters will decide whether they want to be stuck with a non-delivering socialistic paradigm or a development-oriented government that people have been deprived of for several decades. Prime Minister Modi made a special appeal to the voters of Tripura to come out and vote for the BJP which promises 'Change'. The BJP has made a clutter of promises from the universal health insurance to farm loan waiver and smartphone for youths to direct funding for ADC – 2018 and above all implementation of the 7th Pay Commission and enhanced daily wages to Rs 340 per day. Countering the BJP claims, working president of the Congress Party (which is now reduced to a complete non-entity and which might not get even a single seat this time), Pradyot Debbarma says the BJP is promising the moon but will find it hard to deliver. “They are talking about the 7th Pay Commission here but have not implemented the same in Assam, Madhya Pradesh and other BJP-ruled states. The daily wages under MNREGA in Assam where BJP is ruling is Rs 170, so how can they pay Rs 340 in Tripura?” The problem is that the Congress offers nothing better except to counter the BJP’s claims. This, in fact, is the problem with the Congress Party in the poll-bound states of Meghalaya and Nagaland. The Party has no vision for the region and the states. It has just been lambasting the BJP and voters are actually tired of these political slugfests on a daily basis. Rahul Gandhi, the AICC President, came to campaign in Tripura only on the penultimate date, 48 hours before polling. This has not enchanted people to vote for Congress. In fact, the rise of the Left Parties in Tripura is proportionate to the failure of the Congress Party to win hearts and minds. From a movement initiated by enlightened youth in the 1940s the CPI which later morphed into the CPI (M), went on to form the first Left Front government in alliance with two other parties - the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and All India Forward Bloc in 1978. The Congress aligned with Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) – a party of the indigenous people of Tripura and defeated the Left Front in 1988. But this coalition was short-lived. By the next election in 1993, the Left Front returned to power. Much has been said about Manik Sarkar’s honesty and him being the poorest chief minister of Tripura but this claim is busted by the Rose Valley chit fund scam where Sarkar’s ministers were singed. The Company is alleged to have looted Rs 35 crore of public deposits, according to State Finance Minister Bhanulal Saha. No action taken against the accused has created disaffection in the depositors. Moreover, the failure of the Left Front to address unemployment; its failure to attract industries for employment generation and a general sense that even the Digital India drive that has enabled the country to connect with the world, has not worked for Tripura and you have an anatomy of failed governance. Then there is the infamous ruling by the Supreme Court where 10,323 government teachers were terminated because the state Education Department flouted the rules under which the teachers under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan had to be recruited which required a certain qualification and three years of experience. The state created over 12 thousand non-teaching posts where they might have been rehabilitated but again the Supreme Court prevented the Government from going ahead with this plan. Hence, the 12,000 odd jobless people are bound to retaliate against the Government. Or that is what is expected in normal circumstances. The Medical College started in Tripura, has not been functioning well and the BJP has called out all the scams that it has documented meticulously. To start industries in a Left-ruled state has always been a challenge because of the rent-seeking mafia. Hence industries that opened up with much fanfare quickly shut down because there was no scope for their enterprise to bloom in Tripura. Tripura has about 8 lakh of unemployed youth and jobs in the government sector have stagnated. Government employees are still stuck with the 4th Pay Commission. Dissatisfaction is writ large on their faces. Meanwhile, the BJP has come in with a basketful of promises and hopes to cash in on this feeling of large-scale disaffection. The BJP used its students’ wing- the ABVP and the disciplined RSS machinery. They were able to build grassroots contact. To add to this extensive exercise the BJP also flew in its central ministers. Prime Minister Modi flew in twice to Tripura. Amit Shah, the BJP President, organised mega rallies. Other senior ministers flew in and out of Tripura. So did the ministers from neighbouring Assam and Manipur, both BJP ruled states. It is alleged that the BJP also had the moolah which Manik Sarkar’s Party could not afford. Political observers said, “Never before have we seen four private planes parked at Agartala airport". Central ministers were literally flying in and out of Tripura. So eager is the BJP to win this Left bastion that it has pulled out all the stops. It remains to be seen if this effort would pay dividends. The BJP has been pitching for change in Tripura, Meghalaya and Nagaland. What change party brings, will be revealed when and if the BJP comes to power? Until then the voters of Tripura must wait and watch. So to the two main political rivals! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Tripura is disappointed with Left but can BJP do better?

For a party that started off without any base in Tripura and only made an entry as late as 2013, the BJP has come a long way.&nbsp;

In the 2013 Assembly polls, which BJP contested, it managed with a poor vote share of 1.54 per cent. On the other hand, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won 49 out of 60 seats, leaving the Congress, its major rival, with only 10 seats.&nbsp;

Indeed Tripura is the last Left bastion after Kerala. So from a non-entity in 2013, for the BJP to have sounded the poll bugle with confidence for the past one year is some achievement. If the CPI (M) and its sister organisations are known to be cadre-based then the BJP is not far behind. Its ability to mobilise booth level volunteers and mandals is legendary.

The BJP posted RSS pracharak Sunil Deodhar, a man with a mission, who has worked silently in Meghalaya for over two decades before he was made the BJP election-in-charge in Tripura. Deodhar is a committed worker and a great community mobiliser. During his tenure in Meghalaya, he learned the local language and could speak Khasi and Pnar better than the locals here. One of the ways in which the RSS spreads its ideology is by understanding the culture and sensitivities of the people it works with.&nbsp;

Deodhar was a founder member of an organisation called, &lsquo;My Home India&rsquo; with branches across all states. Within this Organisation he set up a sister organisation called &lsquo;ONE&rsquo; an acronym for Our North East. ONE identifies people from the North East who have done exemplary work in their respective fields whether that be social work, journalism, music etc, and awards them. My Home India and ONE also assist students from the North Eastern states who go out to study and encounter problems in their respective colleges and universities. So this benign aspect of the RSS is worth mentioning when people take a dig at the organisation and call it a Hindutva task force.

So in the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions. The BJP has tied up with the Indigenous Peoples&rsquo; Front of Tripura (IPFT), a tribal political outfit. Manik Sarkar, Tripura&rsquo;s Chief Minister, alleges IPTF to be a militant outfit that once demanded a sovereign Tripura and has now toned down its demand to a separate state. The BJP-IPFT alliance is a dichotomous one because the BJP says it is against granting statehood to the tribal areas of Tripura but the IPFT&rsquo;s major demand is a separate state. Yet the two parties shared the dais&nbsp;on Thursday&nbsp;when Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in Tripura.

The major points in the BJP&rsquo;s vision document are (a) one employment per household (b) free education for women up to graduation level (what the Left Front government is already&nbsp; providing) (c) Free smartphones for the youth to further the Digital India agenda (d) 7th Pay Commission to be implemented (d) 33 Social security schemes&nbsp; amongst which pension for widows will be raised to Rs 2000 from Rs 700 (e) daily labourers to get minimum wage of Rs 340 which is the national minimum wage (f) housing to every BPL family under the PMAY (g)&nbsp; Family health Insurance of up to Rs 5 lakh for BPL families.

One important announcement that BJP made is, changing the name of Agartala airport to Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore airport in honour of the royal family of Tripura. Incidentally, the Congress Party also has promised the same &lsquo;if&rsquo; it comes to power.&nbsp;

And of course, the BJP cannot let go the one important agenda which is to investigate into the Rose Valley chit fund scam in which Chief Minister Manik Sarkar&rsquo;s name also features, amongst those of other ministers.

In Tripura, the Congress Party is reduced to a non-entity. The Party bigwigs only started fanning out to campaign about a fortnight ago. Rahul Gandhi will be campaigning in Tripura&nbsp;on Friday&nbsp;which is a tad too late. The royal family of Tripura have been traditional Congress supporters and have represented the Party in the Assembly and Parliament. But as elsewhere, the Congress which lacks the commitment of cadre-based parties is shriveling in Tripura and political analysts believe it might not even get a single seat this time.

The fight in Tripura is between the CPI(M) and BJP. While BJP claims that it will get at least 35 seats, political observers feel that this is a tall claim. They feel that the Left Front will get at least 39-40 seats.&nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;It was in March last year that the saffron party first launched its massive campaign at the Swami Vivekananda multi-purpose stadium, where the BJP national general secretary, Ram Madhav, declared that the party would oust the ruling Left Front in the Assembly elections. This was a rather unusual experience for many in Tripura &ndash; a traditional Left bastion where the red flag is the only thing they are used to seeing. But last year, when I visited Tripura University for some work I was surprised to see the saffron-lotus flag flying atop rooftops and small business establishments. It was almost as if the hoi-polloi had accepted the BJP. I engaged a few university professors on this issue but they ducked my question and that is understandable since all universities are traditionally Left bastions.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Since the BJP won Assam in 2016, and later formed the Government in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the saffron party has been on a high. The formation of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) headed by Assam&rsquo;s Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who is also the BJP&rsquo;s poster boy in the North East has only emboldened the Party to make inroads into every nook and corner of the region, including Meghalaya and Nagaland where the BJP has launched a bold campaign.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In Tripura, the BJP has been coming second in by-elections and elections to the tribal autonomous councils. They have moved from a vote share of 22% in 2015 to 36% in 2016. The fact that people want a change after two decades of the Left rule is also a reality. Bijan Dhar the general secretary of the CPI(M) unit of Agartala admits that the BJP is their main rival and that the Left cannot underestimate the rise of the BJP. But the fact also remains that the BJP has poached people from the Congress, the TMC and the IPFT because it had no known faces.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In Tripura 20 of the 60 seats are reserved for tribals. The strategic alliance with the IPFT is expected to win the BJP a few seats in these areas.&nbsp; Former MLA of the IPFT, Rajeswar Debbarma who leads the Party has been blowing hot and cold about an alliance with the BJP but even he sees the futility of relying on the Congress Party to achieve the goals of his Party; hence the last minute alliance with the BJP!

Tripura is one day away from the elections. The campaign period has seen a lot of bloodsheds, and we can only hope that polling is peaceful.

Meanwhile,&nbsp; the CPI(M)&rsquo;s main poll plank has been to ensure a climate of peace and security which has been won after a long innings provided by a stable government led by Manik Sarkar. It merits mentioning that Tripura is the first troubled state in the country where the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) has been revoked by any chief minister and that is no mean achievement.&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

In the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions

For a party that started off without any base in Tripura and only made an entry as late as 2013, the BJP has come a long way. In the 2013 Assembly polls, which BJP contested, it managed with a poor vote share of 1.54 per cent. On the other hand, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won 49 out of 60 seats, leaving the Congress, its major rival, with only 10 seats. Indeed Tripura is the last Left bastion after Kerala. So from a non-entity in 2013, for the BJP to have sounded the poll bugle with confidence for the past one year is some achievement. If the CPI (M) and its sister organisations are known to be cadre-based then the BJP is not far behind. Its ability to mobilise booth level volunteers and mandals is legendary. The BJP posted RSS pracharak Sunil Deodhar, a man with a mission, who has worked silently in Meghalaya for over two decades before he was made the BJP election-in-charge in Tripura. Deodhar is a committed worker and a great community mobiliser. During his tenure in Meghalaya, he learned the local language and could speak Khasi and Pnar better than the locals here. One of the ways in which the RSS spreads its ideology is by understanding the culture and sensitivities of the people it works with. Deodhar was a founder member of an organisation called, ‘My Home India’ with branches across all states. Within this Organisation he set up a sister organisation called ‘ONE’ an acronym for Our North East. ONE identifies people from the North East who have done exemplary work in their respective fields whether that be social work, journalism, music etc, and awards them. My Home India and ONE also assist students from the North Eastern states who go out to study and encounter problems in their respective colleges and universities. So this benign aspect of the RSS is worth mentioning when people take a dig at the organisation and call it a Hindutva task force. So in the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions. The BJP has tied up with the Indigenous Peoples’ Front of Tripura (IPFT), a tribal political outfit. Manik Sarkar, Tripura’s Chief Minister, alleges IPTF to be a militant outfit that once demanded a sovereign Tripura and has now toned down its demand to a separate state. The BJP-IPFT alliance is a dichotomous one because the BJP says it is against granting statehood to the tribal areas of Tripura but the IPFT’s major demand is a separate state. Yet the two parties shared the dais on Thursday when Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in Tripura. The major points in the BJP’s vision document are (a) one employment per household (b) free education for women up to graduation level (what the Left Front government is already providing) (c) Free smartphones for the youth to further the Digital India agenda (d) 7th Pay Commission to be implemented (d) 33 Social security schemes amongst which pension for widows will be raised to Rs 2000 from Rs 700 (e) daily labourers to get minimum wage of Rs 340 which is the national minimum wage (f) housing to every BPL family under the PMAY (g) Family health Insurance of up to Rs 5 lakh for BPL families. One important announcement that BJP made is, changing the name of Agartala airport to Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore airport in honour of the royal family of Tripura. Incidentally, the Congress Party also has promised the same ‘if’ it comes to power. And of course, the BJP cannot let go the one important agenda which is to investigate into the Rose Valley chit fund scam in which Chief Minister Manik Sarkar’s name also features, amongst those of other ministers. In Tripura, the Congress Party is reduced to a non-entity. The Party bigwigs only started fanning out to campaign about a fortnight ago. Rahul Gandhi will be campaigning in Tripura on Friday which is a tad too late. The royal family of Tripura have been traditional Congress supporters and have represented the Party in the Assembly and Parliament. But as elsewhere, the Congress which lacks the commitment of cadre-based parties is shriveling in Tripura and political analysts believe it might not even get a single seat this time. The fight in Tripura is between the CPI(M) and BJP. While BJP claims that it will get at least 35 seats, political observers feel that this is a tall claim. They feel that the Left Front will get at least 39-40 seats. It was in March last year that the saffron party first launched its massive campaign at the Swami Vivekananda multi-purpose stadium, where the BJP national general secretary, Ram Madhav, declared that the party would oust the ruling Left Front in the Assembly elections. This was a rather unusual experience for many in Tripura – a traditional Left bastion where the red flag is the only thing they are used to seeing. But last year, when I visited Tripura University for some work I was surprised to see the saffron-lotus flag flying atop rooftops and small business establishments. It was almost as if the hoi-polloi had accepted the BJP. I engaged a few university professors on this issue but they ducked my question and that is understandable since all universities are traditionally Left bastions. Since the BJP won Assam in 2016, and later formed the Government in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the saffron party has been on a high. The formation of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) headed by Assam’s Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who is also the BJP’s poster boy in the North East has only emboldened the Party to make inroads into every nook and corner of the region, including Meghalaya and Nagaland where the BJP has launched a bold campaign. In Tripura, the BJP has been coming second in by-elections and elections to the tribal autonomous councils. They have moved from a vote share of 22% in 2015 to 36% in 2016. The fact that people want a change after two decades of the Left rule is also a reality. Bijan Dhar the general secretary of the CPI(M) unit of Agartala admits that the BJP is their main rival and that the Left cannot underestimate the rise of the BJP. But the fact also remains that the BJP has poached people from the Congress, the TMC and the IPFT because it had no known faces. In Tripura 20 of the 60 seats are reserved for tribals. The strategic alliance with the IPFT is expected to win the BJP a few seats in these areas. Former MLA of the IPFT, Rajeswar Debbarma who leads the Party has been blowing hot and cold about an alliance with the BJP but even he sees the futility of relying on the Congress Party to achieve the goals of his Party; hence the last minute alliance with the BJP! Tripura is one day away from the elections. The campaign period has seen a lot of bloodsheds, and we can only hope that polling is peaceful. Meanwhile, the CPI(M)’s main poll plank has been to ensure a climate of peace and security which has been won after a long innings provided by a stable government led by Manik Sarkar. It merits mentioning that Tripura is the first troubled state in the country where the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) has been revoked by any chief minister and that is no mean achievement. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP's gain in Tripura comes from understanding local culture

The BJP is no stranger in Nagaland. Nor is the RSS. There are RSS functionaries who have worked for decades in that state trying to lay the foundation for the saffron party. The BJP was part of the outgoing Naga People&rsquo;s Front (NPF) led government. In fact, this time the BJP has set up twenty candidates to contest the upcoming polls on February 27. Senior RSS functionary Ram Madhav has been spending considerable time in Nagaland to prepare the field for the BJP to play a more pro-active role in the next government after having made a pre-poll alliance with the Nagaland Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) led by Neiphiu Rio.

&nbsp;

But a missive from the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) General Secretary Dr Zelhou Kelho to all political parties, literally pointing at the anti-Christian agenda of the BJP, could spoil the carefully prepared menu of Ram Madhav. The church has never been so outspoken in the past. It has never directed its adherents to vote for a particular party or candidate. So what has suddenly prompted the NBCC to issue what is nothing short of a diktat to its followers against the BJP?&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Dr Keyho pointed at the BJP&rsquo;s direct assault on Christians by declaring Christmas Day as Good Governance Day where offices had to be kept open. While this has subsequently been toned down and exempted for the North Eastern states but the damage to the Christian psyche is complete.

&nbsp;

Dr Keyhou in his letter said, &ldquo;India has experienced worst persecution ever in 2015-2017. You will be fully aware that persecutions have tripled in recent years. Pastors, evangelists and missionaries are dragged openly in the streets, harassed and insulted and many made to suffer. Their homes destroyed and children discriminated in schools. Worship places were burnt down and believers are often disturbed and harassed. God must be weeping when Naga politicians are running after those who seek to destroy Christianity in India and our land.&rdquo;

&nbsp;

Such a letter coming from a church pulpit is bound to have a lasting impact on the voters&rsquo; mind. At least this is what anti-BJP forces in Nagaland hope. However, the Catholic Church which also has a significant presence in Nagaland has chosen to remain silent and let its followers make an informed choice.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Keyho also made an issue of the denial of visa to the President, Baptist World Alliance, Rev Paul Msiza was who was scheduled to attend the 150th year celebration of the Baptist Church in Garo Hills, Meghalaya last week. Since Msiza&rsquo;s status is equivalent to that of the Pope in the Catholic Church this is seen as a direct affront to the Baptist Church and on Christians in general. Whether the visa was rejected on grounds that it did not fulfill certain criteria or if the rejection is nuanced is hard to understand at this juncture. But considering that this is election time, the damage done can hardly be repaired.

&nbsp;

It is hard for the BJP to acquit itself this time around what with its so-called &ldquo;fringe&rdquo; wanting to do Saraswati Puja in a Christian school or its student wing the ABVP asking the UP Government not to allow Christmas celebrations in school in Uttar Pradesh.

&nbsp;

The beef ban and atrocities on those carrying or storing beef at home and the hyper-ventilated actions of the Gau rakshaks across the country are being viewed by Christians in the North Eastern states of Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya with fear and trepidation. They are unsure what agenda other than development will be unleashed in these states.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

It is difficult for the BJP to allay these fears since the Party has remained a silent spectator to all the goings-on, including the latest one by the Rajput Karni Sena which stood in the way of the film Padmavat being shown in several states. That the Rajput Karni Sena was allowed to go berserk and even stone a school bus has created a general sense of apprehension about the future of India itself under the present dispensation. And it will be difficult to blame the Christian minority groups for harbouring those fears. The fears are real and present and the BJP&rsquo;s damage control machine seems to be on the back-foot.

&nbsp;

Interestingly, in 2015, when Prime Minister Modi visited Nagaland and Meghalaya there was enthusiasm that he would bring in better governance and change for the better. But the fact that the Framework Agreement signed with the Naga rebels in August 2015 is yet to be concluded has also created some resentment. On the whole, there is a general sense of dismay about this one big unkept promise of the BJP government at the Centre.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

People are apprehensive that the next government in Nagaland might concede too much or that the Framework Agreement which has been built brick by brick in consultation with several Naga civil society groups might fall apart. No one can blame the Naga people and the churches for the current antagonism they harbour against the BJP.&nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;

The fears of Christian minority voters are real and present and the BJP’s damage control machine seems to be on the back-foot.

The BJP is no stranger in Nagaland. Nor is the RSS. There are RSS functionaries who have worked for decades in that state trying to lay the foundation for the saffron party. The BJP was part of the outgoing Naga People’s Front (NPF) led government. In fact, this time the BJP has set up twenty candidates to contest the upcoming polls on February 27. Senior RSS functionary Ram Madhav has been spending considerable time in Nagaland to prepare the field for the BJP to play a more pro-active role in the next government after having made a pre-poll alliance with the Nagaland Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) led by Neiphiu Rio. But a missive from the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) General Secretary Dr Zelhou Kelho to all political parties, literally pointing at the anti-Christian agenda of the BJP, could spoil the carefully prepared menu of Ram Madhav. The church has never been so outspoken in the past. It has never directed its adherents to vote for a particular party or candidate. So what has suddenly prompted the NBCC to issue what is nothing short of a diktat to its followers against the BJP? Dr Keyho pointed at the BJP’s direct assault on Christians by declaring Christmas Day as Good Governance Day where offices had to be kept open. While this has subsequently been toned down and exempted for the North Eastern states but the damage to the Christian psyche is complete. Dr Keyhou in his letter said, “India has experienced worst persecution ever in 2015-2017. You will be fully aware that persecutions have tripled in recent years. Pastors, evangelists and missionaries are dragged openly in the streets, harassed and insulted and many made to suffer. Their homes destroyed and children discriminated in schools. Worship places were burnt down and believers are often disturbed and harassed. God must be weeping when Naga politicians are running after those who seek to destroy Christianity in India and our land.” Such a letter coming from a church pulpit is bound to have a lasting impact on the voters’ mind. At least this is what anti-BJP forces in Nagaland hope. However, the Catholic Church which also has a significant presence in Nagaland has chosen to remain silent and let its followers make an informed choice. Keyho also made an issue of the denial of visa to the President, Baptist World Alliance, Rev Paul Msiza was who was scheduled to attend the 150th year celebration of the Baptist Church in Garo Hills, Meghalaya last week. Since Msiza’s status is equivalent to that of the Pope in the Catholic Church this is seen as a direct affront to the Baptist Church and on Christians in general. Whether the visa was rejected on grounds that it did not fulfill certain criteria or if the rejection is nuanced is hard to understand at this juncture. But considering that this is election time, the damage done can hardly be repaired. It is hard for the BJP to acquit itself this time around what with its so-called “fringe” wanting to do Saraswati Puja in a Christian school or its student wing the ABVP asking the UP Government not to allow Christmas celebrations in school in Uttar Pradesh. The beef ban and atrocities on those carrying or storing beef at home and the hyper-ventilated actions of the Gau rakshaks across the country are being viewed by Christians in the North Eastern states of Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya with fear and trepidation. They are unsure what agenda other than development will be unleashed in these states. It is difficult for the BJP to allay these fears since the Party has remained a silent spectator to all the goings-on, including the latest one by the Rajput Karni Sena which stood in the way of the film Padmavat being shown in several states. That the Rajput Karni Sena was allowed to go berserk and even stone a school bus has created a general sense of apprehension about the future of India itself under the present dispensation. And it will be difficult to blame the Christian minority groups for harbouring those fears. The fears are real and present and the BJP’s damage control machine seems to be on the back-foot. Interestingly, in 2015, when Prime Minister Modi visited Nagaland and Meghalaya there was enthusiasm that he would bring in better governance and change for the better. But the fact that the Framework Agreement signed with the Naga rebels in August 2015 is yet to be concluded has also created some resentment. On the whole, there is a general sense of dismay about this one big unkept promise of the BJP government at the Centre. People are apprehensive that the next government in Nagaland might concede too much or that the Framework Agreement which has been built brick by brick in consultation with several Naga civil society groups might fall apart. No one can blame the Naga people and the churches for the current antagonism they harbour against the BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Are fears of Christian voters real in Nagaland?

It&rsquo;s election season for the three North Eastern states of Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya. While voting in Tripura is scheduled for February 18, Nagaland and Meghalaya will go to the polls on February 27. In Tripura, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has had an uninterrupted rule of 25 years. Its chief minister Manik Sarkar is dubbed as the poorest of the chief ministers in the region. The CPI (M) draws its strength from its cadres who fan out into the districts and rural outback of Tripura. This is also the only state in the region where people have ideological leanings towards the Left Parties. So much so that the Congress has all but withered here! Even the Trinamool Congress has an insignificant presence in Tripura. &nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;

Perhaps, the only reason why the Congress continues to have some presence in Tripura is that the ruling scion of the Tripura royal family, Pradyot Debbarma has patronised the Party and is its Working President, although for reasons that are unclear Debbarma has never taken the electoral plunge. This time too, he has let the election pass him by. Sources say he is waiting for a Rajya Sabha nomination from the Congress Party, now that its fortunes are on the upswing. Pradyot Debbarma is a tribal and commands respect amongst the tribes of Tripura.

&nbsp;

It is the BJP&rsquo;s advent in Tripura and its ability to mobilise voters at the booth level &ndash; its inherent strength - that appears to be giving the CPI(M) a headache this time. That the BJP has been able to contest from 51 out of 60 seats is quite a feat. The BJP has struck a deal with the Indigenous People&rsquo;s Front of Tripura (IPFT) which is contesting from 9 seats, mainly reserved for scheduled tribes. The Congress is contesting from 59 seats, the CPI (M) from 57 seats leaving the other three seats for its Left Front partners the CPI, Forward Bloc and Revolutionary Socialist Party, while the Trinamool is has set up 24 candidates.

&nbsp;

Prime Minister Modi who was in Tripura on Thursday has promised to deliver it from a regime that has kept people at subsistence level &ndash;a socialist trademark. He has committed three T&rsquo;s, Trade, Training and Tourism, for jump-starting development in Tripura. Twenty-five years is a long time for any government and change seems imminent what with the BJP putting its best foot forward in the state. This time it may no longer be a cakewalk for Manik Sarkar in his bastion of a quarter century.

&nbsp;

In the tribal states of Nagaland and Meghalaya elections are not won by political parties but by personalities. He who has the money wins the votes. People jump in and out of parties without any qualms. A person who is denied a ticket from the BJP will coolly jump to the Congress camp the next day and be given a ticket to contest the election. But this also means that there are few takers for the Congress ticket this time especially in Meghalaya where the Party is fighting anti-incumbency. Money plays a big role in the elections in both states but more so in Nagaland where the stakes are high and voters openly demand a price for their votes. No amount of vigilance from the Election Commission can reduce election spending in both states.

&nbsp;

In Meghalaya, the BJP is contesting from 47 constituencies while the Congress has set up candidates in all 60 seats. The National People&rsquo;s Party (NPP) founded by the former Speaker of the Lok Sabha, PA Sangma has fielded 53 candidates. In all probability, the NPP will emerge as the single largest party but whether it will get a majority is doubtful.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The NPP is known to keep its options open for a tie-up with the BJP and perhaps a few Independents and some from the regional parties too. But whether that sort of hybrid government will bring stability to Meghalaya is a conundrum that will face the people of Meghalaya. This state has witnessed political instability since its inception. Governments and chief ministers come and go, sometimes thrice in a tenure of five years. One thing that the outgoing Mukul Sangma government has given to Meghalaya is political stability in the last five years and a period of relative peace.

&nbsp;

In Nagaland, things are in a state of great flux and people are confused what with a new party being set up by former Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio &ndash; the Nagaland Democratic People&rsquo;s Party (NDPP) a breakaway faction from the Naga People&rsquo;s Front led by octogenarian Shurhozelie. The BJP is a big player now in Nagaland with central ministers landing there in hordes to capture the political space.

&nbsp;

For the voters, political parties are all the same. Cynicism clouds the political landscape even as voters realise nothing will change in the next five years except the faces that will run the government. So they have learned to make capital out of the election season.

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;&nbsp;

BJP is set to give a headache to Manik Sarkar in Tripura, emerge as a big player in Nagaland, and in Meghalaya, the Party may tie up with the largest regional party the NPP.

It’s election season for the three North Eastern states of Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya. While voting in Tripura is scheduled for February 18, Nagaland and Meghalaya will go to the polls on February 27. In Tripura, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has had an uninterrupted rule of 25 years. Its chief minister Manik Sarkar is dubbed as the poorest of the chief ministers in the region. The CPI (M) draws its strength from its cadres who fan out into the districts and rural outback of Tripura. This is also the only state in the region where people have ideological leanings towards the Left Parties. So much so that the Congress has all but withered here! Even the Trinamool Congress has an insignificant presence in Tripura. Perhaps, the only reason why the Congress continues to have some presence in Tripura is that the ruling scion of the Tripura royal family, Pradyot Debbarma has patronised the Party and is its Working President, although for reasons that are unclear Debbarma has never taken the electoral plunge. This time too, he has let the election pass him by. Sources say he is waiting for a Rajya Sabha nomination from the Congress Party, now that its fortunes are on the upswing. Pradyot Debbarma is a tribal and commands respect amongst the tribes of Tripura. It is the BJP’s advent in Tripura and its ability to mobilise voters at the booth level – its inherent strength - that appears to be giving the CPI(M) a headache this time. That the BJP has been able to contest from 51 out of 60 seats is quite a feat. The BJP has struck a deal with the Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura (IPFT) which is contesting from 9 seats, mainly reserved for scheduled tribes. The Congress is contesting from 59 seats, the CPI (M) from 57 seats leaving the other three seats for its Left Front partners the CPI, Forward Bloc and Revolutionary Socialist Party, while the Trinamool is has set up 24 candidates. Prime Minister Modi who was in Tripura on Thursday has promised to deliver it from a regime that has kept people at subsistence level –a socialist trademark. He has committed three T’s, Trade, Training and Tourism, for jump-starting development in Tripura. Twenty-five years is a long time for any government and change seems imminent what with the BJP putting its best foot forward in the state. This time it may no longer be a cakewalk for Manik Sarkar in his bastion of a quarter century. In the tribal states of Nagaland and Meghalaya elections are not won by political parties but by personalities. He who has the money wins the votes. People jump in and out of parties without any qualms. A person who is denied a ticket from the BJP will coolly jump to the Congress camp the next day and be given a ticket to contest the election. But this also means that there are few takers for the Congress ticket this time especially in Meghalaya where the Party is fighting anti-incumbency. Money plays a big role in the elections in both states but more so in Nagaland where the stakes are high and voters openly demand a price for their votes. No amount of vigilance from the Election Commission can reduce election spending in both states. In Meghalaya, the BJP is contesting from 47 constituencies while the Congress has set up candidates in all 60 seats. The National People’s Party (NPP) founded by the former Speaker of the Lok Sabha, PA Sangma has fielded 53 candidates. In all probability, the NPP will emerge as the single largest party but whether it will get a majority is doubtful. The NPP is known to keep its options open for a tie-up with the BJP and perhaps a few Independents and some from the regional parties too. But whether that sort of hybrid government will bring stability to Meghalaya is a conundrum that will face the people of Meghalaya. This state has witnessed political instability since its inception. Governments and chief ministers come and go, sometimes thrice in a tenure of five years. One thing that the outgoing Mukul Sangma government has given to Meghalaya is political stability in the last five years and a period of relative peace. In Nagaland, things are in a state of great flux and people are confused what with a new party being set up by former Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio – the Nagaland Democratic People’s Party (NDPP) a breakaway faction from the Naga People’s Front led by octogenarian Shurhozelie. The BJP is a big player now in Nagaland with central ministers landing there in hordes to capture the political space. For the voters, political parties are all the same. Cynicism clouds the political landscape even as voters realise nothing will change in the next five years except the faces that will run the government. So they have learned to make capital out of the election season. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: In elections 2018, BJP set to gain grounds in Tripura, Meghalaya, Nagaland

Author

Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

Patricia Mukhim

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