<p>I was going to Rohingya refugee camps in Balukhali from Cox&rsquo;s town in a battery run three-wheeler locally called &ldquo;auto&rdquo;. Six people can commute in such vehicle. All my co-passengers were locals of this rural area, and it was understood from their discussion that they had no or primary level of education. Surprisingly, I found them discussing Rohingya crisis and the discussion included geopolitics in their own style. The driver of the three-wheeler also joined the discussion.</p>

<p>The time was early September. In the discussion, I found them to be very angry with China for its indirect support to Myanmar in the atrocities against Rohingya people. &ldquo; China er jonnoi Burma er ato sahosh barse&rdquo; was the gist of their discussion in Bangla meaning &ldquo;Myanmar is so arrogant for China&rsquo;s support&rdquo;.</p>

<p>A few days later when the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Myanmar and reportedly told Suu Kyi that India was with Myanmar, I witnessed how the anger against China just turned into anger against India. People were no longer concerned about China. It seemed to me that it was expected to them that China would side&nbsp;with Myanmar but they did not expect India to support Myanmar against Bangladesh.</p>

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<h5>Anti-Chinese sentiment could have grown rapidly in Bangladesh due to China&rsquo;s continued support to Myanmar government as Rohingya sentiment has been very high in Muslim majority Bangladesh.</h5>
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<p>The news that PM Modi said India was with Myanmar went viral on Bangladesh&rsquo;s social media. I found many people who were never critical of India were critical&nbsp;this time. Added to the injury, the BJP government also expressed their interest to deport Rohingya refugees who took shelter in India.</p>

<p>One Bangladeshi newspaper carried a report that some Rohingya refugees were pushed from India to Bangladesh through Satkhira border. There was a backlash in Bangladesh following this report. At the same time, in Assam, BJP reportedly carried out campaign to deport what they call &ldquo;illegal Bangladeshis&rdquo; there. There was an uproar in Bangladesh after local newspapers reported on this false claim of the Assam BJP.</p>

<p>And recently, when news circulated that India abstained from voting in a UN resolution on Rohingyas while Pakistan voted in favour of it, there was also uproar on Bangladeshi social media.</p>

<p>As I extensively covered Rohingya crisis and visited different parts of the country to work on varies reports in the last few weeks, it seemed to me that India missed an opportunity in the Rohingya crisis. Anti-Chinese sentiment could have grown rapidly in Bangladesh due to China&rsquo;s continued support to Myanmar government as Rohingya sentiment has been very high in Muslim majority Bangladesh. However, the wrong policy of the Modi government on the Rohingya issue has helped grow anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh instead.</p>

<p>There was another crucial aspect. The Bangladeshi Opposition parties have been criticising the government for putting all its eggs in one basket, i.e. depending on India in the foreign policy matters. When India turned its back on Bangladesh, during one of the biggest crises, the anti-Indian quarter got fuel and it is at all time high in Bangladesh.</p>

<p>There might be some equations of the Modi government to take this policy on Rohingya crisis. We have heard that this is due to India&rsquo;s &ldquo;Go East&rdquo; policy. The Modi government might have a fear that growing Chinese influence in East Asian nations might cause problems to India in the coming days and Myanmar is the gateway for India to establish ground in other East Asian nations.</p>

<p>It also might have fear about its North East and its huge investment in Rakhine state. China might be benefited in any tension between India and Myanmar. It has the real fear of insurgents in North East of India getting direct support from Myanmar.</p>

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<h5>As India has strong influence both on Suu Kyi and her party and on Bangladesh, it could easily meditate the Rohingya crisis.</h5>
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<p>However, the way Modi government dealt the crisis was a real disaster. Many Bangladeshis believe that the Modi government&rsquo;s Rohingya policy was the result of its anti-Muslim mindset. There were many discussions on different platforms in Bangladesh that India would not take the same policy if Rohingyas are not Muslims. Many also pointed out that the Modi government does not have the same policy for refugees of other religious groups like Tibetan and Tamil refugees.</p>

<p>As India has strong influence both on Suu Kyi and her party and on Bangladesh, it could easily meditate the Rohingya crisis. Even if it could not successful, any such attempt would help grow anti-Chinese sentiment in Bangladesh. However, siding with a country against a friendly nation who helped smashed insurgents in its North East can never constitute a smart foreign policy.</p>

<p>In my opinion, after Doklam crisis which alarmed Bhutan of its national security and forced it to rethink about its full dependency on India, the Rohingya crisis is another foreign policy mistake of the Modi government. I fear that these might be two historical mistakes for India. They have potentials to end India&rsquo;s strong influence on these two neighbouring nations.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)</em>.</p>


India missed an opportunity to win over Bangladesh from China by siding with Myanmar on Rohingya issue.

I was going to Rohingya refugee camps in Balukhali from Cox’s town in a battery run three-wheeler locally called “auto”. Six people can commute in such vehicle. All my co-passengers were locals of this rural area, and it was understood from their discussion that they had no or primary level of education. Surprisingly, I found them discussing Rohingya crisis and the discussion included geopolitics in their own style. The driver of the three-wheeler also joined the discussion. The time was early September. In the discussion, I found them to be very angry with China for its indirect support to Myanmar in the atrocities against Rohingya people. “ China er jonnoi Burma er ato sahosh barse” was the gist of their discussion in Bangla meaning “Myanmar is so arrogant for China’s support”. A few days later when the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Myanmar and reportedly told Suu Kyi that India was with Myanmar, I witnessed how the anger against China just turned into anger against India. People were no longer concerned about China. It seemed to me that it was expected to them that China would side with Myanmar but they did not expect India to support Myanmar against Bangladesh. Anti-Chinese sentiment could have grown rapidly in Bangladesh due to China’s continued support to Myanmar government as Rohingya sentiment has been very high in Muslim majority Bangladesh. × The news that PM Modi said India was with Myanmar went viral on Bangladesh’s social media. I found many people who were never critical of India were critical this time. Added to the injury, the BJP government also expressed their interest to deport Rohingya refugees who took shelter in India. One Bangladeshi newspaper carried a report that some Rohingya refugees were pushed from India to Bangladesh through Satkhira border. There was a backlash in Bangladesh following this report. At the same time, in Assam, BJP reportedly carried out campaign to deport what they call “illegal Bangladeshis” there. There was an uproar in Bangladesh after local newspapers reported on this false claim of the Assam BJP. And recently, when news circulated that India abstained from voting in a UN resolution on Rohingyas while Pakistan voted in favour of it, there was also uproar on Bangladeshi social media. As I extensively covered Rohingya crisis and visited different parts of the country to work on varies reports in the last few weeks, it seemed to me that India missed an opportunity in the Rohingya crisis. Anti-Chinese sentiment could have grown rapidly in Bangladesh due to China’s continued support to Myanmar government as Rohingya sentiment has been very high in Muslim majority Bangladesh. However, the wrong policy of the Modi government on the Rohingya issue has helped grow anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh instead. There was another crucial aspect. The Bangladeshi Opposition parties have been criticising the government for putting all its eggs in one basket, i.e. depending on India in the foreign policy matters. When India turned its back on Bangladesh, during one of the biggest crises, the anti-Indian quarter got fuel and it is at all time high in Bangladesh. There might be some equations of the Modi government to take this policy on Rohingya crisis. We have heard that this is due to India’s “Go East” policy. The Modi government might have a fear that growing Chinese influence in East Asian nations might cause problems to India in the coming days and Myanmar is the gateway for India to establish ground in other East Asian nations. It also might have fear about its North East and its huge investment in Rakhine state. China might be benefited in any tension between India and Myanmar. It has the real fear of insurgents in North East of India getting direct support from Myanmar. As India has strong influence both on Suu Kyi and her party and on Bangladesh, it could easily meditate the Rohingya crisis. × However, the way Modi government dealt the crisis was a real disaster. Many Bangladeshis believe that the Modi government’s Rohingya policy was the result of its anti-Muslim mindset. There were many discussions on different platforms in Bangladesh that India would not take the same policy if Rohingyas are not Muslims. Many also pointed out that the Modi government does not have the same policy for refugees of other religious groups like Tibetan and Tamil refugees. As India has strong influence both on Suu Kyi and her party and on Bangladesh, it could easily meditate the Rohingya crisis. Even if it could not successful, any such attempt would help grow anti-Chinese sentiment in Bangladesh. However, siding with a country against a friendly nation who helped smashed insurgents in its North East can never constitute a smart foreign policy. In my opinion, after Doklam crisis which alarmed Bhutan of its national security and forced it to rethink about its full dependency on India, the Rohingya crisis is another foreign policy mistake of the Modi government. I fear that these might be two historical mistakes for India. They have potentials to end India’s strong influence on these two neighbouring nations. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: India missed an opportunity to counter China on Rohingyas

<p>With high economic growth and increasing military capabilities of some of the Asian countries in the recent years, many are predicting that the Asian Century will come earlier than previously predicted. The discussion is a hot topic of discussion in many Asian countries.&nbsp;Especially, people of China and India are already preparing to lead the world. In Bangladesh, the economic and military growth of China and India are popular topics even in the remote rural areas. America&rsquo;s reluctance to address global matters, such as climate change issues has made the Asian people more optimistic about a possible Asian Century. The other day, a tea stall owner was telling me that he thinks the global leadership will soon be shifted to China. He told me that he has got the idea after reading some reports on the newspapers.</p>

<p>The idea of an Asian Century is the first thought to come in the mid to late 1980s.<strong> </strong>It is believed that the phrase is attributed to a 1988 meeting between People&#39;s Republic of China (PRC) leader Deng Xiaoping and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. In the meeting, Deng, reportedly, said &quot;In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the &lsquo;four little dragons&rsquo;, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. &quot;&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>With high economic growth and increasing military capabilities of some of the Asian countries in the recent years, many are predicting that the Asian Century will come earlier than previously predicted.</h5>
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<p>But Deng&#39;s reading of the economic might of Asian powers will prove to be wrong over the years. The economic growth of some of the Asian countries is indeed impressive. In May this year, the International Monetary Fund in the Regional Economic Outlook for Asia and the Pacific estimated growth for the region to increase in 2017 to 5.5 per cent from 5.3 per cent in 2016. It also said that growth will remain strong at 5.4 per cent in 2018, as the region continues to be the leader of global growth.</p>

<p>Despite this high economic growth and other potentials, many fear that an Asian war might come first. The recent face off of China and India might be an indication that this notion is not baseless. It seems that things will get worse as both the countries took a hard line over the border disputes.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The situation in the Kashmir front where India and Pakistan have long been engaged in a face-off has also been tense&nbsp;in the recent months. Often we read the news of exchanging fire between the border forces and there are casualties. Many fear that the two countries might go into a war over Kashmir issues in the coming years.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There are fears that the South China Sea can turn into a battleground among major regional players in the coming years. Last month, when a US warship sailed near a disputed island in the South China Sea, Beijing protested of &ldquo;serious political and military provocation&rdquo;.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>If an Asian war comes before the Asian Century, the Asian Century will never come.</h5>
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<p>And, we have an increasingly rogue state- North Korea. On Friday, July 28, North Korea tested an intercontinental ballistic missile that appears to have the range to hit major US cities. It seems that North Korea will not stop testing missile without any military intervention by the US.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There many other small regional disputes in other Asian countries which can transform into a full-scale war. If there is a large scale war between China and India, this might affect the whole region. Small neighboring countries of these two nations like Bangladesh will be seriously affected. Most importantly, a large scale and prolonged war will certainly slow down the economic growth to a great extent. The worst sufferer will be the world&rsquo;s half of the poor people whose home is Asia. It will take many years to recover from the effects of any possible large-scale and prolonged war in Asia.&nbsp;</p>

<p>While Asia has potentials to lead the world in the recent future there are also fears of a possible big war in Asia. If an Asian war comes before the Asian Century, the Asian Century will never come. Asian leaders have a very important role to play. People want sensible and pragmatic leadership from the Asian leaders. &nbsp;</p>


While Asia has potentials to lead the world in the recent future there are also fears of a possible big war in Asia.

With high economic growth and increasing military capabilities of some of the Asian countries in the recent years, many are predicting that the Asian Century will come earlier than previously predicted. The discussion is a hot topic of discussion in many Asian countries. Especially, people of China and India are already preparing to lead the world. In Bangladesh, the economic and military growth of China and India are popular topics even in the remote rural areas. America’s reluctance to address global matters, such as climate change issues has made the Asian people more optimistic about a possible Asian Century. The other day, a tea stall owner was telling me that he thinks the global leadership will soon be shifted to China. He told me that he has got the idea after reading some reports on the newspapers. The idea of an Asian Century is the first thought to come in the mid to late 1980s. It is believed that the phrase is attributed to a 1988 meeting between People's Republic of China (PRC) leader Deng Xiaoping and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. In the meeting, Deng, reportedly, said "In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the ‘four little dragons’, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. " With high economic growth and increasing military capabilities of some of the Asian countries in the recent years, many are predicting that the Asian Century will come earlier than previously predicted. × But Deng's reading of the economic might of Asian powers will prove to be wrong over the years. The economic growth of some of the Asian countries is indeed impressive. In May this year, the International Monetary Fund in the Regional Economic Outlook for Asia and the Pacific estimated growth for the region to increase in 2017 to 5.5 per cent from 5.3 per cent in 2016. It also said that growth will remain strong at 5.4 per cent in 2018, as the region continues to be the leader of global growth. Despite this high economic growth and other potentials, many fear that an Asian war might come first. The recent face off of China and India might be an indication that this notion is not baseless. It seems that things will get worse as both the countries took a hard line over the border disputes. The situation in the Kashmir front where India and Pakistan have long been engaged in a face-off has also been tense in the recent months. Often we read the news of exchanging fire between the border forces and there are casualties. Many fear that the two countries might go into a war over Kashmir issues in the coming years. There are fears that the South China Sea can turn into a battleground among major regional players in the coming years. Last month, when a US warship sailed near a disputed island in the South China Sea, Beijing protested of “serious political and military provocation”. If an Asian war comes before the Asian Century, the Asian Century will never come. × And, we have an increasingly rogue state- North Korea. On Friday, July 28, North Korea tested an intercontinental ballistic missile that appears to have the range to hit major US cities. It seems that North Korea will not stop testing missile without any military intervention by the US. There many other small regional disputes in other Asian countries which can transform into a full-scale war. If there is a large scale war between China and India, this might affect the whole region. Small neighboring countries of these two nations like Bangladesh will be seriously affected. Most importantly, a large scale and prolonged war will certainly slow down the economic growth to a great extent. The worst sufferer will be the world’s half of the poor people whose home is Asia. It will take many years to recover from the effects of any possible large-scale and prolonged war in Asia. While Asia has potentials to lead the world in the recent future there are also fears of a possible big war in Asia. If an Asian war comes before the Asian Century, the Asian Century will never come. Asian leaders have a very important role to play. People want sensible and pragmatic leadership from the Asian leaders.

Are we heading towards an Asian Century or an Asian war?

<p>On July 13, Professor Abul Mansur, a professor at Dhaka University&rsquo;s Mass Communication and Journalism department, filed a case against his colleague Fahmidul Haque. Evidently, Haque made a post in a closed group on Facebook that blamed Mansur for the delay in publications of Master course results. Mansur called this allegation false and ended up lodging a complaint at a local police station under section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act. That a Facebook post made by a closed group can result in a police case has caused an all round furore in Bangladesh against the ICT Act.</p>

<p>Many past supporters have come to review their initial endorsement of the Act and several Human Rights group have criticised it as anti to the fundamental rights of freedom of expression. While members of the civil society in Bangladesh have criticised Abul Mansur, they are failing to discuss the long term impact of the provision of the ICT Act on the Bangladeshi society.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Enacted in 2006 by the contemporary government of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Islamist Jamaat-E-Islami, the ICT Act allows law enforcement officials to arrest any citizen for things they post on social media or any other electronic media.</p>

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<h5>With the amendment, the maximum jail term was raised to 14 years.</h5>
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<p>The ICT Act passed in 2006 has the provisions for maximum punishment, including imprisonment for 10 years and a fine of Tk 1 crore. However, the 2006 law stipulated that police had to seek permission from the concerned authorities to file a case and arrest any person. However, the present government amended the law in 2013. With the amendment, the maximum jail term was raised to 14 years. Moreover, law enforcers were empowered to make arrests without a warrant.</p>

<p>Bangladesh&rsquo;s English language daily the Daily Star reported recently that at least 21 journalists were sued under section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act in the last four months. One of Bangladesh&rsquo;s Human Rights group Odhikar said that at least 82 people have been arrested under this law between January 2014 and December of last year.</p>

<p>There are many prominent figures who have suffered from the misutilisation of the Act. Veteran Bangladeshi journalist and researcher Afsan Chowdhury was sued over a Facebook post. In a case filed under Section 57 of the ICT Act, Masud Uddin Chowdhury, a retired lieutenant general, filed a case, accusing Mr Afsan of defamation by making &lsquo;false, concocted and baseless&rsquo; comment about the ownership of Picasso restaurant co-owned by Masud&rsquo;s.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In another instance, Golam Mostofa Rafiq, the editor of a local daily in Habiganj, was arrested in June in a case filed under the same Act. A local ruling party leader filed a case against him for a report in his newspaper that stated the local Member of Parliament might not get ruling party nomination in the next election and for posting this piece on the social media. Similarly, a senior journalist of a national daily Azmal Haque Helal was sued under the law early this month for making comments against a local lawmaker on Facebook.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Two journalists were sued under the section in Bangladesh&rsquo;s Khulna district for publishing a report on recruitment tests conducted by a government office.</h5>
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<p>In June, a judge of the Manikganj court has filed a case under the controversial section 57 of the ICT Act against a reporter for reporting how a truck rented by the judge was obstructing the road and kept a child from going to the hospital. In the same month, two journalists were sued under the section in Bangladesh&rsquo;s Khulna district for publishing a report on recruitment tests conducted by a government office.</p>

<p>The list of cases where the ICT Act has been misused is long and tedious. Many international human rights organisations, including the Amnesty International, have time and again criticised the provision for being short of international standard. Amnesty International termed the clauses of the law vaguely worded and said that the Act empowers authorities to prosecute people &ldquo;in the interest of the sovereignty, integrity or security of Bangladesh&rdquo; or if action is deemed to &ldquo;prejudice the image of the state&rdquo; or &ldquo;hurt religious beliefs.&rdquo;</p>

<p>In its annual report for 2016, Article 19, a London based Human Rights group, urged the Bangladesh government to repeal Section 57 of the ICT Act and bring the law in line with international standards maintained on freedom of expression. It also urged the government to drop all cases filed under this provision against journalists and online activists.</p>

<p>Despite the concerns expressed in home and abroad, however, cases under the section continue to be filed. And things are worsening every day.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>There must be some laws to ensure that Facebooks or other social media sites are not used for making hate speeches but 14 years of jail is too much for writing something.</h5>
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<p>In every society, there must be some laws to ensure that Facebooks or other social media sites are not used for making hate speeches but 14 years of jail is too much for writing something. To resolve the situation many suggestions have been forwarded. For instance, in an interview with a national daily, Bangladeshi journalist and BRAC University professor Afsan Chowdhury suggested that if someone files a case, it should not be accepted immediately without a review. &nbsp;Mr Chowdhury also suggested that the government should form a committee to review the existing cases filed under Section 57. This looks like a very sensible suggestion but, in the long run, the Bangladesh government must think about repealing the law as per the recommendations of international rights groups before it is too late.</p>


The draconian Information and Communication Technology Act of Bangladesh is receiving all round criticism for falling short of international norms of human rights.

On July 13, Professor Abul Mansur, a professor at Dhaka University’s Mass Communication and Journalism department, filed a case against his colleague Fahmidul Haque. Evidently, Haque made a post in a closed group on Facebook that blamed Mansur for the delay in publications of Master course results. Mansur called this allegation false and ended up lodging a complaint at a local police station under section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Act. That a Facebook post made by a closed group can result in a police case has caused an all round furore in Bangladesh against the ICT Act. Many past supporters have come to review their initial endorsement of the Act and several Human Rights group have criticised it as anti to the fundamental rights of freedom of expression. While members of the civil society in Bangladesh have criticised Abul Mansur, they are failing to discuss the long term impact of the provision of the ICT Act on the Bangladeshi society. Enacted in 2006 by the contemporary government of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Islamist Jamaat-E-Islami, the ICT Act allows law enforcement officials to arrest any citizen for things they post on social media or any other electronic media. With the amendment, the maximum jail term was raised to 14 years. × The ICT Act passed in 2006 has the provisions for maximum punishment, including imprisonment for 10 years and a fine of Tk 1 crore. However, the 2006 law stipulated that police had to seek permission from the concerned authorities to file a case and arrest any person. However, the present government amended the law in 2013. With the amendment, the maximum jail term was raised to 14 years. Moreover, law enforcers were empowered to make arrests without a warrant. Bangladesh’s English language daily the Daily Star reported recently that at least 21 journalists were sued under section 57 of the Information and Communication Technology Act in the last four months. One of Bangladesh’s Human Rights group Odhikar said that at least 82 people have been arrested under this law between January 2014 and December of last year. There are many prominent figures who have suffered from the misutilisation of the Act. Veteran Bangladeshi journalist and researcher Afsan Chowdhury was sued over a Facebook post. In a case filed under Section 57 of the ICT Act, Masud Uddin Chowdhury, a retired lieutenant general, filed a case, accusing Mr Afsan of defamation by making ‘false, concocted and baseless’ comment about the ownership of Picasso restaurant co-owned by Masud’s. In another instance, Golam Mostofa Rafiq, the editor of a local daily in Habiganj, was arrested in June in a case filed under the same Act. A local ruling party leader filed a case against him for a report in his newspaper that stated the local Member of Parliament might not get ruling party nomination in the next election and for posting this piece on the social media. Similarly, a senior journalist of a national daily Azmal Haque Helal was sued under the law early this month for making comments against a local lawmaker on Facebook. Two journalists were sued under the section in Bangladesh’s Khulna district for publishing a report on recruitment tests conducted by a government office. × In June, a judge of the Manikganj court has filed a case under the controversial section 57 of the ICT Act against a reporter for reporting how a truck rented by the judge was obstructing the road and kept a child from going to the hospital. In the same month, two journalists were sued under the section in Bangladesh’s Khulna district for publishing a report on recruitment tests conducted by a government office. The list of cases where the ICT Act has been misused is long and tedious. Many international human rights organisations, including the Amnesty International, have time and again criticised the provision for being short of international standard. Amnesty International termed the clauses of the law vaguely worded and said that the Act empowers authorities to prosecute people “in the interest of the sovereignty, integrity or security of Bangladesh” or if action is deemed to “prejudice the image of the state” or “hurt religious beliefs.” In its annual report for 2016, Article 19, a London based Human Rights group, urged the Bangladesh government to repeal Section 57 of the ICT Act and bring the law in line with international standards maintained on freedom of expression. It also urged the government to drop all cases filed under this provision against journalists and online activists. Despite the concerns expressed in home and abroad, however, cases under the section continue to be filed. And things are worsening every day. There must be some laws to ensure that Facebooks or other social media sites are not used for making hate speeches but 14 years of jail is too much for writing something. × In every society, there must be some laws to ensure that Facebooks or other social media sites are not used for making hate speeches but 14 years of jail is too much for writing something. To resolve the situation many suggestions have been forwarded. For instance, in an interview with a national daily, Bangladeshi journalist and BRAC University professor Afsan Chowdhury suggested that if someone files a case, it should not be accepted immediately without a review. Mr Chowdhury also suggested that the government should form a committee to review the existing cases filed under Section 57. This looks like a very sensible suggestion but, in the long run, the Bangladesh government must think about repealing the law as per the recommendations of international rights groups before it is too late.

In Bangladesh a Facebook post can land you in jail for 14 years

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Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

Mushfique Wadud

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