<p>Guessing games were probably his favourite. Actor Rajinikanth has been playing one for over two decades now. When on May 15 he declared &ndash; once again &ndash; that God-willing he would join politics &ndash; the actor might have had his fans excited but most certainly left the ordinary people of Tamil Nadu exasperated.</p>

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<h5>Rajinikanth&rsquo;s imminent entry into politics has kept doing rounds every time there was an election in the state.</h5>
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<p>Since 1996 when Rajinikanth had voiced his opinion against the &lsquo;autocratic&rsquo; Jayalalithaa regime and urged the electorate to vote it out of power, speculation about Rajinikanth&rsquo;s imminent entry into politics has kept doing rounds every time there was an election in the state. Even if the entry wouldn&rsquo;t happen, cadres hoped that Rajini would atleast lend his voice in favour or against a particular party indicating which way to go. So even when hashtag was a still new concept in Tamil Nadu, Rajinivoice was becoming a trend.</p>

<p>Whether the trend was in any way reflective of the larger public opinion in the state is anybody&rsquo;s guess. There has been a running dispute over the magic of Rajini voice in 1996. Some observers say that the voice worked only because it complemented the already-existing overwhelming sentiment against Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s misrule between 1991 to1996. The sentiment was so strong it led to split in Tamil Nadu Congress Committee when the party decided to align with Jayalalithaa. The newly launched Tamil Maanila Congress in alliance with the DMK swept the polls in 1996.</p>

<p>In 2004, Rajinikanth &lsquo;voiced&rsquo; his opinion yet again. This time it was against Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) which had earlier campaigned against his smoking scenes on screen. PMK was contesting in five Parliamentary constituencies and Rajinikanth not just gave his voice but exhorted his cadres to work in the five constituencies against the PMK. Ironically, PMK won in all the constituencies.</p>

<p>Despite the snub, Rajinikanth&rsquo;s voice or the absence of it, Rajinikanth&rsquo;s entry into politics or the indecisiveness of it has never failed to generate huge interest across the state. When Rajinikanth met his cadres in May, several Tamil channels went live with it and broke news about his &lsquo;hinting at entering politics.&rsquo; Only it was not the first time that he was dropping such a hint.</p>

<p>While he had always maintained that God-willing, he would &lsquo;don any role&rsquo; his ardent supporters think the time is just ripe for him to make his political entry.</p>

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<h5>For over three decades, Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi have dominated the Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics so emphatically that their absence has led the state&rsquo;s politics to chaos and in a state of flux.</h5>
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<p>Many opine Rajinikanth could fill the political vacuum created by Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s death and M Karunanidhi&rsquo;s inactivity. For over three decades, Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi have dominated the Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics so emphatically that their absence has led the state&rsquo;s politics to chaos and in a state of flux.</p>

<p>With the kind of charisma and following that Rajinikanth enjoys in the state, he could effortlessly step into their shoes. Or so they think. But there are others who think Rajinikanth has lost his chance in 1996 when the state was looking for a powerful alternative to Jayalalithaa. Rajinikanth might just have clicked if he had taken the plunge back then.</p>

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<p>But now, at least for the BJP, Rajinikanth could be their lucky charm to crack the tough Tamil Nadu nut. When the Modi wave swept the country in 2014 elections, Tamil Nadu gave just one representative to the Parliament. The party has since doubled up its efforts to gain a foothold in the state. The local BJP leaders hope that Raijnikanth&rsquo;s entry into politics will give BJP the much needed breakthrough in the state. It probably would not even matter that Rajinikanth might choose his own new outfit as long as&nbsp;he is willing to endorse the BJP in the state by way of alliances.</p>

<p>At the moment, Rajinikanth does seem inclined. Since May, the actor has been meeting leaders and personalities from different walks of life. When he met Ayya Kannu, the farmer who headed the Tamil Nadu farmer&rsquo;s protest at Jantar Mantar recently, Rajinikanth had apparently promised him to take up the issue of interlinking of rivers with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Several years ago, the actor had promised to make a donation of Rs 1 crore towards interlinking of rivers. For very evident reasons, it remains a promise on paper.</p>

<p>Rajinikanth had also met Hindu Makkal Katchi leader Arjun Sampath recently, giving greater room to speculations about his inching closer to the Hindutva brigade. At least two people Rajinikanth met recently including Sampath confirmed that he was seriously &lsquo;considering entry into politics.&rsquo; But when reporters raised a query recently, he sounded tired. He only had a terse one-line response to them: &ldquo;I do not want to discuss politics.&rdquo; This vacillation perhaps best defines Rajinikanth. Whether he will be able to break his over two decade long uncertainty to become BJP&rsquo;s face in the state is still a tall order. But for someone who has reached dizzying heights from being Kollywood&rsquo;s &lsquo;extra actor&rsquo;, it might not be all that impossible.</p>


Rajini would don any role and politics is no exception

Guessing games were probably his favourite. Actor Rajinikanth has been playing one for over two decades now. When on May 15 he declared – once again – that God-willing he would join politics – the actor might have had his fans excited but most certainly left the ordinary people of Tamil Nadu exasperated. Rajinikanth’s imminent entry into politics has kept doing rounds every time there was an election in the state. × Since 1996 when Rajinikanth had voiced his opinion against the ‘autocratic’ Jayalalithaa regime and urged the electorate to vote it out of power, speculation about Rajinikanth’s imminent entry into politics has kept doing rounds every time there was an election in the state. Even if the entry wouldn’t happen, cadres hoped that Rajini would atleast lend his voice in favour or against a particular party indicating which way to go. So even when hashtag was a still new concept in Tamil Nadu, Rajinivoice was becoming a trend. Whether the trend was in any way reflective of the larger public opinion in the state is anybody’s guess. There has been a running dispute over the magic of Rajini voice in 1996. Some observers say that the voice worked only because it complemented the already-existing overwhelming sentiment against Jayalalithaa’s misrule between 1991 to1996. The sentiment was so strong it led to split in Tamil Nadu Congress Committee when the party decided to align with Jayalalithaa. The newly launched Tamil Maanila Congress in alliance with the DMK swept the polls in 1996. In 2004, Rajinikanth ‘voiced’ his opinion yet again. This time it was against Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) which had earlier campaigned against his smoking scenes on screen. PMK was contesting in five Parliamentary constituencies and Rajinikanth not just gave his voice but exhorted his cadres to work in the five constituencies against the PMK. Ironically, PMK won in all the constituencies. Despite the snub, Rajinikanth’s voice or the absence of it, Rajinikanth’s entry into politics or the indecisiveness of it has never failed to generate huge interest across the state. When Rajinikanth met his cadres in May, several Tamil channels went live with it and broke news about his ‘hinting at entering politics.’ Only it was not the first time that he was dropping such a hint. While he had always maintained that God-willing, he would ‘don any role’ his ardent supporters think the time is just ripe for him to make his political entry. For over three decades, Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi have dominated the Tamil Nadu’s politics so emphatically that their absence has led the state’s politics to chaos and in a state of flux. × Many opine Rajinikanth could fill the political vacuum created by Jayalalithaa’s death and M Karunanidhi’s inactivity. For over three decades, Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi have dominated the Tamil Nadu’s politics so emphatically that their absence has led the state’s politics to chaos and in a state of flux. With the kind of charisma and following that Rajinikanth enjoys in the state, he could effortlessly step into their shoes. Or so they think. But there are others who think Rajinikanth has lost his chance in 1996 when the state was looking for a powerful alternative to Jayalalithaa. Rajinikanth might just have clicked if he had taken the plunge back then. It probably would not even matter that Rajinikanth might choose his own new outfit as long as he is willing to endorse the BJP in the State by way of alliances. × But now, at least for the BJP, Rajinikanth could be their lucky charm to crack the tough Tamil Nadu nut. When the Modi wave swept the country in 2014 elections, Tamil Nadu gave just one representative to the Parliament. The party has since doubled up its efforts to gain a foothold in the state. The local BJP leaders hope that Raijnikanth’s entry into politics will give BJP the much needed breakthrough in the state. It probably would not even matter that Rajinikanth might choose his own new outfit as long as he is willing to endorse the BJP in the state by way of alliances. At the moment, Rajinikanth does seem inclined. Since May, the actor has been meeting leaders and personalities from different walks of life. When he met Ayya Kannu, the farmer who headed the Tamil Nadu farmer’s protest at Jantar Mantar recently, Rajinikanth had apparently promised him to take up the issue of interlinking of rivers with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Several years ago, the actor had promised to make a donation of Rs 1 crore towards interlinking of rivers. For very evident reasons, it remains a promise on paper. Rajinikanth had also met Hindu Makkal Katchi leader Arjun Sampath recently, giving greater room to speculations about his inching closer to the Hindutva brigade. At least two people Rajinikanth met recently including Sampath confirmed that he was seriously ‘considering entry into politics.’ But when reporters raised a query recently, he sounded tired. He only had a terse one-line response to them: “I do not want to discuss politics.” This vacillation perhaps best defines Rajinikanth. Whether he will be able to break his over two decade long uncertainty to become BJP’s face in the state is still a tall order. But for someone who has reached dizzying heights from being Kollywood’s ‘extra actor’, it might not be all that impossible.

Can superhero Rajinikanth be BJP?s lucky charm in Tamil Nadu?

<p>Muthuvel Karunanidhi is difficult to be written off. When the grand old leader of Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics turned 94 on June 3, it is his characteristic resilience that will perhaps remain as the singular feature of the, arguably, most versatile politician in the state. In a career spanning over seventy years, and checkered by many ups and downs, Karunanidhi managed to redefine the political ethos of the state with an eloquence that remains unchallenged.</p>

<p>Karunanidhi&rsquo;s tryst with politics began when he was a student. When he was barely 17, he set up a forum for students. He was 29 when he laid his head on a railway track at Dalmiapuram station, demanding that the original Tamil name of the station Kallakudi be restored. The protest organised by the DMK in 1953 was a defining moment in Karunanidhi&rsquo;s political career. A prolific writer, Karunanidhi had also contributed to Tamil cinema by way of scripts and dialogues that fuelled the fiery imagination of a state high on Dravidian ideals. It was this literary bent of mind that earned Karunanidhi his moniker Kalaignar.</p>

<p>But when M G Ramachandran used cinema more effectively as an actor and rose to political power, it came as the first major setback to Karunanidhi. Riding on his immense film popularity and a slew of populist measures, MGR ruled the state for ten straight years &ndash; the period that critics called as Karunanidhi&rsquo;s &lsquo;vana vaasam&rsquo;. For many critics then, Karunanidhi&rsquo;s era was over. But when MGR passed away in 1987, Karunanidhi bounced back. Again in 1991 when Jayalalithaa swept to power, Karunanidhi had a setback but waited for his time yet again. The AIADMK suffered a humiliating defeat in 1996 and critics knew Karunanidhi could never be written off again.</p>

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<p>Even when he suffered terrible setbacks, Karunanidhi always managed to stay afloat, never losing any Assembly election he had contested. He is the only leader in the state to win thirteen Assembly elections in the State since 1957 &ndash; his first election when he contested from Kulithalai. Ten years later, the DMK would form a government in the State for the first time, unseating the Congress.</p>

<p>While politically, Karunanidhi always sought to hold the Dravidian flag high, the nonagenarian leader has also been criticised on various issues, including aligning with the BJP in 1999&nbsp; - which party defenders say was a &lsquo;strategy to defeat the AIADMK&rsquo;- and &lsquo;not doing much during the 2009 war against Tamils&rsquo; in Sri Lanka. Karunanidhi has also been accused of corruption and promoting his family in the party but the leader has ensured that he remains the focus of Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics in the last five decades.</p>

<p>Critics say politics in Tamil Nadu over the last fifty years can be narrowed down to being anti-Karunanidhi or pro-Karunanidhi. AIADMK&rsquo;s J Jayalalithaa, who died last year, would hardly end her political speech without hitting at the DMK leader. For politicians who either loved or hated him &ndash; the emotion was visceral. It was the same for the DMK&rsquo;s cadres who loved him over anything else. But Karunanidhi perhaps earned every bit of it.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He would tour the length and breadth of the state and would remember the ardent cadres by their names &ndash; something that was not easy for any other leader in the state. For nearly 60 years he wrote letters in party&rsquo;s official organ Murasoli. These letters addressed to cadres came to be known as Udanpirappu kadithangal (letters to brethren) that conversed directly with them. As late as in 2016 when Karunanidhi was 92, he travelled on roads to address election rallies in the state. Even then, as always, his speeches were peppered with vignettes from history and personal touches &ndash; something that always made him a delight to listen to.</p>

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<p>Even as the party is gearing up to celebrate his 94th birthday and his diamond jubilee as a member of the State Assembly, Karunanidhi for the first time will probably be oblivious to what is happening around him. For over five months, the leader who has remained the epicenter of Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics is inactive due to various age-related issues, including dementia. Very recently DMK&rsquo;s senior leader Durai Murugan said the leader showed a semblance of improvement when he recognised him and remembered some names.</p>

<p>But after Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s death, Karunanidhi&rsquo;s inactivity has led the state to a lull. Except for AIADMK&rsquo;s internal issues, the state is not witnessing anything truly exciting as it often was when Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi were active.</p>

<p>Cadres have already begun to feel the sting of Karunanidhi&rsquo;s very conspicuous absence in the political scene. For many, things would have been different even with the AIADMK if only Karunanidhi was active. He would have probably raised objections to the BJP taking an upper hand in the state&rsquo;s affairs. Cadres hope that the diamond jubilee celebrations today, where leaders from across the parties converged at Chennai, will probably be a significant start to a non-BJP front in the state. Refusing to invite the BJP to the diamond jubilee celebrations, DMK&rsquo;s executive president M K Stalin said, since the nationalist party was determined to see the end of the Dravidian movement, it would be an embarrassment for them to share the dais with Dravidian leaders. For many cadres, Stalin&rsquo;s stand was in line with what Karunanidhi would have probably done under similar circumstances.</p>

<p>Yet the struggle to come to terms with Karunanidhi&rsquo;s inactivity is difficult for them. Many cadres still hope that Karunanidhi will do yet again what he was always good at &ndash; be resilient. That he will yet again prove he is still difficult to be written off.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


In a career spanning seventy years, and checkered by many ups and downs, Karunanidhi managed to redefine political ethos of Tamil Nadu with an unmatched eloquence

Muthuvel Karunanidhi is difficult to be written off. When the grand old leader of Tamil Nadu’s politics turned 94 on June 3, it is his characteristic resilience that will perhaps remain as the singular feature of the, arguably, most versatile politician in the state. In a career spanning over seventy years, and checkered by many ups and downs, Karunanidhi managed to redefine the political ethos of the state with an eloquence that remains unchallenged. Karunanidhi’s tryst with politics began when he was a student. When he was barely 17, he set up a forum for students. He was 29 when he laid his head on a railway track at Dalmiapuram station, demanding that the original Tamil name of the station Kallakudi be restored. The protest organised by the DMK in 1953 was a defining moment in Karunanidhi’s political career. A prolific writer, Karunanidhi had also contributed to Tamil cinema by way of scripts and dialogues that fuelled the fiery imagination of a state high on Dravidian ideals. It was this literary bent of mind that earned Karunanidhi his moniker Kalaignar. But when M G Ramachandran used cinema more effectively as an actor and rose to political power, it came as the first major setback to Karunanidhi. Riding on his immense film popularity and a slew of populist measures, MGR ruled the state for ten straight years – the period that critics called as Karunanidhi’s ‘vana vaasam’. For many critics then, Karunanidhi’s era was over. But when MGR passed away in 1987, Karunanidhi bounced back. Again in 1991 when Jayalalithaa swept to power, Karunanidhi had a setback but waited for his time yet again. The AIADMK suffered a humiliating defeat in 1996 and critics knew Karunanidhi could never be written off again. Even when he suffered terrible setbacks, Karunanidhi always managed to stay afloat, never losing any Assembly election he had contested × Even when he suffered terrible setbacks, Karunanidhi always managed to stay afloat, never losing any Assembly election he had contested. He is the only leader in the state to win thirteen Assembly elections in the State since 1957 – his first election when he contested from Kulithalai. Ten years later, the DMK would form a government in the State for the first time, unseating the Congress. While politically, Karunanidhi always sought to hold the Dravidian flag high, the nonagenarian leader has also been criticised on various issues, including aligning with the BJP in 1999 - which party defenders say was a ‘strategy to defeat the AIADMK’- and ‘not doing much during the 2009 war against Tamils’ in Sri Lanka. Karunanidhi has also been accused of corruption and promoting his family in the party but the leader has ensured that he remains the focus of Tamil Nadu’s politics in the last five decades. Critics say politics in Tamil Nadu over the last fifty years can be narrowed down to being anti-Karunanidhi or pro-Karunanidhi. AIADMK’s J Jayalalithaa, who died last year, would hardly end her political speech without hitting at the DMK leader. For politicians who either loved or hated him – the emotion was visceral. It was the same for the DMK’s cadres who loved him over anything else. But Karunanidhi perhaps earned every bit of it. He would tour the length and breadth of the state and would remember the ardent cadres by their names – something that was not easy for any other leader in the state. For nearly 60 years he wrote letters in party’s official organ Murasoli. These letters addressed to cadres came to be known as Udanpirappu kadithangal (letters to brethren) that conversed directly with them. As late as in 2016 when Karunanidhi was 92, he travelled on roads to address election rallies in the state. Even then, as always, his speeches were peppered with vignettes from history and personal touches – something that always made him a delight to listen to. Cadres hope that the diamond jubilee celebrations today, where leaders from across the parties converged at Chennai, will probably be a significant start to a non-BJP front in the state × Even as the party is gearing up to celebrate his 94th birthday and his diamond jubilee as a member of the State Assembly, Karunanidhi for the first time will probably be oblivious to what is happening around him. For over five months, the leader who has remained the epicenter of Tamil Nadu’s politics is inactive due to various age-related issues, including dementia. Very recently DMK’s senior leader Durai Murugan said the leader showed a semblance of improvement when he recognised him and remembered some names. But after Jayalalithaa’s death, Karunanidhi’s inactivity has led the state to a lull. Except for AIADMK’s internal issues, the state is not witnessing anything truly exciting as it often was when Jayalalithaa and Karunanidhi were active. Cadres have already begun to feel the sting of Karunanidhi’s very conspicuous absence in the political scene. For many, things would have been different even with the AIADMK if only Karunanidhi was active. He would have probably raised objections to the BJP taking an upper hand in the state’s affairs. Cadres hope that the diamond jubilee celebrations today, where leaders from across the parties converged at Chennai, will probably be a significant start to a non-BJP front in the state. Refusing to invite the BJP to the diamond jubilee celebrations, DMK’s executive president M K Stalin said, since the nationalist party was determined to see the end of the Dravidian movement, it would be an embarrassment for them to share the dais with Dravidian leaders. For many cadres, Stalin’s stand was in line with what Karunanidhi would have probably done under similar circumstances. Yet the struggle to come to terms with Karunanidhi’s inactivity is difficult for them. Many cadres still hope that Karunanidhi will do yet again what he was always good at – be resilient. That he will yet again prove he is still difficult to be written off.

Karunanidhi at 94: Will the resilient DMK leader show the path to Tamil Nadu?

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>On December 29, 2016 &ndash; weeks after former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa had passed away &ndash; the AIADMK&rsquo;s general council met and passed a resolution handing over the party&rsquo;s leadership responsibility to Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s close confidante V K Sasikala.&nbsp; &ldquo;The general council hands over the party leadership to Chinnamma Sasikala who was with Amma for the last 33 years and has experience in handling the party affairs. In this very important moment in the history of AIADMK, the general council resolves to be faithful to the leadership and give no room for conspiracies by evil forces&rdquo; the resolution read. &ldquo;In Chinnamma, we see our Amma and we would continue to work for the party under her leadership, just as we did under Amma&rsquo;s leadership&rdquo; it further said.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In less than three months, the state cabinet headed by Chief Minister Edappadi Palanisamy &ndash; incidentally handpicked by Sasikala herself before she went to the Parappana Agraha jail after her conviction in Disproportionate Assets case &ndash; has decided to oust her nephew TTV Dinakaran and his family &ndash; from the party and government affairs. &ldquo;It is in keeping with the wishes of Amma that we have decided not to encourage centralisation of power in the hands of one family&rdquo;, state ministers say.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The story of the rise and fall of Sasikala&rsquo;s family over three decades is perhaps a lesson in the quintessential ruthlessness of politics.</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The story of the rise and fall of Sasikala&rsquo;s family over three decades is perhaps a lesson in the quintessential ruthlessness of politics.&nbsp; From being an extra-constitutional authority in the country&rsquo;s third largest party for about three decades to being reduced to its expelled members, Sasikala&rsquo;s and her family&rsquo;s story &ndash; is a potboiler of devotion inspired by fear and loyalty inspired by power. Appointed as deputy general secretary by his aunt Sasikala to fill in for her absence, Dinakaran was perhaps not hoping for a political journey without any glitches but he was certainly not expecting a coup d&#39;&eacute;tat from his own party men, most of whom had remained his hardcore loyalists till recently.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>For the handful of office-bearers, who still remain loyal to Dinakaran &ndash; the BJP, indisputably, has a role in all the commotion happening in the party. Many opine that BJP is trying to gain a foothold in the state by weakening the AIADMK and bringing it under its tacit control. But whether the BJP will be able to gain anything long term out of this confusion in the AIADMK remains a million dollar question.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>With its strong Dravidian roots, Tamil Nadu has essentially remained a state where the BJP is still struggling hard to make inroads. Despite its clout elsewhere, the BJP could manage to win a few seats only in alliance with either of the Dravidian majors. As recently as last year, the BJP could not win a single seat when it faced the Assembly elections almost alone. Even when a Modi wave swept across the country in 2014 Parliamentary elections, Tamil Nadu coldly remained untouched by it &ndash; winning just one seat in alliance with parties like the DMDK, PMK and MDMK.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Over the next four years, the BJP might be able to manipulate the ruling AIADMK government to suit its interests in the state.</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The BJP perhaps hopes to break this jinx. There perhaps couldn&rsquo;t be a more opportune moment to strengthen itself in the state than now. After all, AIADMK known for its military discipline until Jayalalithaa was around is in tatters. There would be no single leader to ride herd on the AIADMK, strange as it might sound, for a party never known to step out of line. The leaders have come up with the suggestion of forming a committee to guide the party and government in future, but whether it is feasible in the long run for a party used to monolithic leadership since its inception is anybody&rsquo;s guess.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Also, Dinakaran&rsquo;s exit from the party wouldn&rsquo;t mean an end to its problems. In fact, without a single leadership in place, more troubles might be brewing for the party. That includes possible power struggles between two factions after the merger. It is precisely this scenario that BJP perhaps hopes to take advantage of.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>But observers say the BJP&nbsp;can just about manage to use this confusion to their favor in the upcoming presidential elections and Rajya Sabha elections. Over the next four years, the BJP might be able to manipulate the ruling AIADMK government to suit its interests in the state. It may be recalled that the state government had towed the Centre&rsquo;s line on many issues that the former chief minister had vehemently opposed when she was alive. This may well continue and more so over the next four years, with the BJP&rsquo;s attempts to lord it over the now weakened AIADMK.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>But whether this would be converted into public support and votes, in the long run, is anybody&rsquo;s guess. For now, in the eyes of a common man, Dinakaran has gained an edge, however small, by deciding to exit instead of toppling the government as was expected. The social media that went gaga over O Paneerselvam&rsquo;s protest now is now using its other edge of the sword and accusing him of being BJP&rsquo;s minion. Clearly, Paneerselvam does not enjoy the same public support that he had enjoyed in the immediate aftermath of his revolt against Sasikala early February.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>With the kind of money and muscle power they are said to have, Dinakaran and Sasikala, will be hoping that after all the Sturm und Drang, the party will come back to them. Perhaps an unexpected denouement to this long drawn political drama might eventually unfold itself, yet again in Poes Garden. &nbsp;</p>


Arguably, BJP is trying to gain a foothold in the state by weakening the AIADMK and bringing it under its tacit control.

On December 29, 2016 – weeks after former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa had passed away – the AIADMK’s general council met and passed a resolution handing over the party’s leadership responsibility to Jayalalithaa’s close confidante V K Sasikala. “The general council hands over the party leadership to Chinnamma Sasikala who was with Amma for the last 33 years and has experience in handling the party affairs. In this very important moment in the history of AIADMK, the general council resolves to be faithful to the leadership and give no room for conspiracies by evil forces” the resolution read. “In Chinnamma, we see our Amma and we would continue to work for the party under her leadership, just as we did under Amma’s leadership” it further said. In less than three months, the state cabinet headed by Chief Minister Edappadi Palanisamy – incidentally handpicked by Sasikala herself before she went to the Parappana Agraha jail after her conviction in Disproportionate Assets case – has decided to oust her nephew TTV Dinakaran and his family – from the party and government affairs. “It is in keeping with the wishes of Amma that we have decided not to encourage centralisation of power in the hands of one family”, state ministers say. The story of the rise and fall of Sasikala’s family over three decades is perhaps a lesson in the quintessential ruthlessness of politics. × The story of the rise and fall of Sasikala’s family over three decades is perhaps a lesson in the quintessential ruthlessness of politics. From being an extra-constitutional authority in the country’s third largest party for about three decades to being reduced to its expelled members, Sasikala’s and her family’s story – is a potboiler of devotion inspired by fear and loyalty inspired by power. Appointed as deputy general secretary by his aunt Sasikala to fill in for her absence, Dinakaran was perhaps not hoping for a political journey without any glitches but he was certainly not expecting a coup d'état from his own party men, most of whom had remained his hardcore loyalists till recently. For the handful of office-bearers, who still remain loyal to Dinakaran – the BJP, indisputably, has a role in all the commotion happening in the party. Many opine that BJP is trying to gain a foothold in the state by weakening the AIADMK and bringing it under its tacit control. But whether the BJP will be able to gain anything long term out of this confusion in the AIADMK remains a million dollar question. With its strong Dravidian roots, Tamil Nadu has essentially remained a state where the BJP is still struggling hard to make inroads. Despite its clout elsewhere, the BJP could manage to win a few seats only in alliance with either of the Dravidian majors. As recently as last year, the BJP could not win a single seat when it faced the Assembly elections almost alone. Even when a Modi wave swept across the country in 2014 Parliamentary elections, Tamil Nadu coldly remained untouched by it – winning just one seat in alliance with parties like the DMDK, PMK and MDMK. Over the next four years, the BJP might be able to manipulate the ruling AIADMK government to suit its interests in the state. × The BJP perhaps hopes to break this jinx. There perhaps couldn’t be a more opportune moment to strengthen itself in the state than now. After all, AIADMK known for its military discipline until Jayalalithaa was around is in tatters. There would be no single leader to ride herd on the AIADMK, strange as it might sound, for a party never known to step out of line. The leaders have come up with the suggestion of forming a committee to guide the party and government in future, but whether it is feasible in the long run for a party used to monolithic leadership since its inception is anybody’s guess. Also, Dinakaran’s exit from the party wouldn’t mean an end to its problems. In fact, without a single leadership in place, more troubles might be brewing for the party. That includes possible power struggles between two factions after the merger. It is precisely this scenario that BJP perhaps hopes to take advantage of. But observers say the BJP can just about manage to use this confusion to their favor in the upcoming presidential elections and Rajya Sabha elections. Over the next four years, the BJP might be able to manipulate the ruling AIADMK government to suit its interests in the state. It may be recalled that the state government had towed the Centre’s line on many issues that the former chief minister had vehemently opposed when she was alive. This may well continue and more so over the next four years, with the BJP’s attempts to lord it over the now weakened AIADMK. But whether this would be converted into public support and votes, in the long run, is anybody’s guess. For now, in the eyes of a common man, Dinakaran has gained an edge, however small, by deciding to exit instead of toppling the government as was expected. The social media that went gaga over O Paneerselvam’s protest now is now using its other edge of the sword and accusing him of being BJP’s minion. Clearly, Paneerselvam does not enjoy the same public support that he had enjoyed in the immediate aftermath of his revolt against Sasikala early February. With the kind of money and muscle power they are said to have, Dinakaran and Sasikala, will be hoping that after all the Sturm und Drang, the party will come back to them. Perhaps an unexpected denouement to this long drawn political drama might eventually unfold itself, yet again in Poes Garden.

Is this really the BJP?s moment in Tamil Nadu?

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Like her friend and soul-sister J Jayalalithaa, V K Sasikala has this incomprehensible ability to bounce back from an adversity. Even when Jayalalithaa herself had twice banished her from her household, warning cadres against any kind of association with Sasikala, Chinnama (junior mother) had quietly managed to get back into Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s good books and stay there till her death on December 5.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The perseverance may have just begun to pay off.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>After over three decades of being Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s friend and soul-sister, Sasikala is now emerging out of the shadows of Jayalalithaa to become a leader in her own right. This was the moment that Sasikala was perhaps waiting for, through the three decades of her roller-coaster friendship with Jayalalithaa.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The friendship between Sasikala and Jayalalithaa was not as rosy as is being painted out to be.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Sasikala first met Jayalalithaa in 1984 as proprietor of a video company with a proposal to record all her public meetings. Sasikala began visiting Poes Garden at the pretext of handing over cassettes and the friendship grew. Soon enough Sasikala moved in with Jayalalithaa to take care of all her personal affairs. But at least twice in their three-decade long friendship, Jayalalithaa had publicly renounced Sasikala and accused her family of conspiring against her. Till her death in December 2016, Jayalalithaa kept Sasikala&rsquo;s family at bay.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Even when apologising to Jayalalithaa in 2011 for the misdeeds of her family, Sasikala wrote saying she would not aspire for any political post or favor with &lsquo;Amma.&rsquo; &ldquo;All I want to be is her sister and serve her,&rdquo; she had said. But Sasikala perhaps knew she just has to wait long enough.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&ldquo;She took all the right decisions ever since she met Jayalalithaa. Even if it was placing Jayalalithaa over her family&rdquo; says journalist Durai Karuna who has covered AIADMK in Tamil Nadu for three decades. &ldquo;I am not surprised that almost the entire party was at Poes Garden asking Sasikala to take over after Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s death&rdquo;, he says.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Jayalalithaa might not have named Sasikala successor, she was not even given any party post when Jayalalithaa was around. Yet, almost the entire party queued up at Poes Garden, asking Sasikala to step into her shoes. This happened primarily because they thought &quot;no one else can hold the party together.&quot; For many leaders accustomed to receiving orders from Sasikala, there was no one else who could lead them after &lsquo;Amma&rsquo;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&ldquo;O Paneerselvam is one among us. Yes, Amma chose him to replace her as chief minister but it was a very temporary arrangement and he was only standing in for Amma. He could never become her,&rdquo; says a senior AIADMK leader from Sasikala&rsquo;s camp.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In what seemed like a well-scripted and well-played out drama, O Paneerselvam&rsquo;s revolt against Sasikala, two days after he put in his resignation to pave for her to take over as the chief minister, was an unexpected anti-climax. This revolt threatens to put an end to her yet to be launched political career but Sasikala is bracing herself for a long fight. &ldquo;Even if she goes down, she won&rsquo;t without a fight&rdquo;, says a political observer.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>So what are the challenges that Sasikala is facing now?</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Paneerselvam&rsquo;s revolt is a thorn in her flesh she could well do without. Despite not having numbers on his side, Paneerselvam was perhaps cashing in on the overwhelming public sentiment against Sasikala. She would perhaps eventually take over as the chief minister as, at the moment, the numbers are on her side.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>But even Sasikala&rsquo;s supporters say that she will have to work really hard to earn the public acceptance. &ldquo;We are supporting Sasikala because we want to be loyal to Amma and the two leaves symbol. But Sasikala has to somehow change the public perception of her being corrupt. She has to keep her family out like Amma did. She met the governor along with her nephew T T V Dinakaran and obviously, it doesn&rsquo;t go well with the cadres. We hope she will do a course correction soon&rdquo;, says the AIADMK leader.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>That would be another big challenge for Sasikala if she intends to stay the political course. The overwhelming public sentiment against Sasikala is largely due to the alleged influence of her family over the AIADMK and the family&rsquo;s widespread corruption. So much so that the family has come to be referred as Mannargudi mafia by commoners.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The biggest challenge, however, and one that effectively puts a spoke on Sasikala&#39;s plans is the Disproportionate Assets case, the judgment of which will be delivered by the Supreme Court anytime now. If Sasikala is convicted in the case, she could neither become an MLA nor stay a chief minister. Sources say Governor Vidya Sagar Rao has put his decision to invite Sasikala to form the government on hold, pending the Supreme Court judgment.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>IF the judgment is adverse, it would be an adversity that Sasikala might find real tough to overcome.</p>


Sasikala has to somehow change the public perception of her being corrupt. She has to keep her family out like Amma did.

Like her friend and soul-sister J Jayalalithaa, V K Sasikala has this incomprehensible ability to bounce back from an adversity. Even when Jayalalithaa herself had twice banished her from her household, warning cadres against any kind of association with Sasikala, Chinnama (junior mother) had quietly managed to get back into Jayalalithaa’s good books and stay there till her death on December 5. The perseverance may have just begun to pay off. After over three decades of being Jayalalithaa’s friend and soul-sister, Sasikala is now emerging out of the shadows of Jayalalithaa to become a leader in her own right. This was the moment that Sasikala was perhaps waiting for, through the three decades of her roller-coaster friendship with Jayalalithaa. The friendship between Sasikala and Jayalalithaa was not as rosy as is being painted out to be. But at least twice in their three-decade long friendship, Jayalalithaa had publicly renounced Sasikala and accused her family of conspiring against her × Sasikala first met Jayalalithaa in 1984 as proprietor of a video company with a proposal to record all her public meetings. Sasikala began visiting Poes Garden at the pretext of handing over cassettes and the friendship grew. Soon enough Sasikala moved in with Jayalalithaa to take care of all her personal affairs. But at least twice in their three-decade long friendship, Jayalalithaa had publicly renounced Sasikala and accused her family of conspiring against her. Till her death in December 2016, Jayalalithaa kept Sasikala’s family at bay. Even when apologising to Jayalalithaa in 2011 for the misdeeds of her family, Sasikala wrote saying she would not aspire for any political post or favor with ‘Amma.’ “All I want to be is her sister and serve her,” she had said. But Sasikala perhaps knew she just has to wait long enough. “She took all the right decisions ever since she met Jayalalithaa. Even if it was placing Jayalalithaa over her family” says journalist Durai Karuna who has covered AIADMK in Tamil Nadu for three decades. “I am not surprised that almost the entire party was at Poes Garden asking Sasikala to take over after Jayalalithaa’s death”, he says. For many leaders accustomed to receiving orders from Sasikala, there was no one else who could lead them after ‘Amma’ × Jayalalithaa might not have named Sasikala successor, she was not even given any party post when Jayalalithaa was around. Yet, almost the entire party queued up at Poes Garden, asking Sasikala to step into her shoes. This happened primarily because they thought "no one else can hold the party together." For many leaders accustomed to receiving orders from Sasikala, there was no one else who could lead them after ‘Amma’. “O Paneerselvam is one among us. Yes, Amma chose him to replace her as chief minister but it was a very temporary arrangement and he was only standing in for Amma. He could never become her,” says a senior AIADMK leader from Sasikala’s camp. In what seemed like a well-scripted and well-played out drama, O Paneerselvam’s revolt against Sasikala, two days after he put in his resignation to pave for her to take over as the chief minister, was an unexpected anti-climax. This revolt threatens to put an end to her yet to be launched political career but Sasikala is bracing herself for a long fight. “Even if she goes down, she won’t without a fight”, says a political observer. So what are the challenges that Sasikala is facing now? The overwhelming public sentiment against Sasikala is largely due to the alleged influence of her family over the AIADMK and the family’s widespread corruption × Paneerselvam’s revolt is a thorn in her flesh she could well do without. Despite not having numbers on his side, Paneerselvam was perhaps cashing in on the overwhelming public sentiment against Sasikala. She would perhaps eventually take over as the chief minister as, at the moment, the numbers are on her side. But even Sasikala’s supporters say that she will have to work really hard to earn the public acceptance. “We are supporting Sasikala because we want to be loyal to Amma and the two leaves symbol. But Sasikala has to somehow change the public perception of her being corrupt. She has to keep her family out like Amma did. She met the governor along with her nephew T T V Dinakaran and obviously, it doesn’t go well with the cadres. We hope she will do a course correction soon”, says the AIADMK leader. That would be another big challenge for Sasikala if she intends to stay the political course. The overwhelming public sentiment against Sasikala is largely due to the alleged influence of her family over the AIADMK and the family’s widespread corruption. So much so that the family has come to be referred as Mannargudi mafia by commoners. The biggest challenge, however, and one that effectively puts a spoke on Sasikala's plans is the Disproportionate Assets case, the judgment of which will be delivered by the Supreme Court anytime now. If Sasikala is convicted in the case, she could neither become an MLA nor stay a chief minister. Sources say Governor Vidya Sagar Rao has put his decision to invite Sasikala to form the government on hold, pending the Supreme Court judgment. IF the judgment is adverse, it would be an adversity that Sasikala might find real tough to overcome.

Challenges before Sasikala: Family, party and the people of Tamil Nadu

<p>Little would have Tamil Nadu expected that J Jayalalithaa would be as feisty in her death, as she was in her life. When Jayalalithaa breathed her last on the night of December 5, she had dashed the hopes of millions of citizens who had fervently hoped that she would, yet again, stage a powerful comeback from the &quot;adversity&quot;&nbsp;as she always did.</p>

<p>The sight of her mortal remains in the Rajaji Hall served as a stark reminder of the personality that she had come to be in three decades of Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s political history. Three decades ago, it was from the same Rajaji Hall that Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s political career had pretty much begun. On a similar December morning in 1987, Jayalalithaa was sitting next to the mortal remains of her mentor M G Ramachandran, braving the humiliations heaped on her by supporters of V N Janaki, MGR&rsquo;s widow. For hours together, Jayalalithaa sat there even as she was jeered, called all kinds of names and even physically assaulted. They were detractors who had always resented her proximity to M G Ramachandran and her astonishing rise in the party. After hours of heaping humiliation, the detractors were successful in sending her home banishing her from attending MGR&rsquo;s funeral.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>They had thought she was banished, politically too. But those who had known Jayalalithaa, knew she would come back. Even though MGR had not announced her as his political heir, the party threw its lot behind her. After some minor squabbles for about two years, V N Janaki relinquished her rights in the party, paving way for Jayalalithaa to become AIADMK&rsquo;s supremo, something that she would continue to be till her death in December 2016.</p>

<p>Like her mentor M G Ramachandran, Jayalalithaa largely relied on her screen persona to cultivate among the masses an emotional bonding bordering on hysteria. In fact, when MGR made her AIADMK&rsquo;s propaganda secretary in the 1980s, it was also because that he couldn&rsquo;t go to public meetings as often as he would like to and he needed a leader with a mass appeal to maintain the party&rsquo;s ties with the public. Jayalalithaa used the opportunity to the hilt. Old timers recall how her public speeches evoked hysterical reactions. She always made impassionate speeches, giving attention to detail.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Jeevasundari Balan, biographer of Moovalur Ramamirutham Ammal &ndash; a Dravidian woman icon who worked towards ending the Devadasi system &ndash; recalls how she had first heard the name of Ramamirutham Ammal in a public meeting of Jayalalithaa. &ldquo;It was 1984 and Jayalalithaa was addressing a public meeting in Moovalur. Pointing to a house in front of the venue, Jayalalithaa said it was where Moovalur Ramamirutham Ammal had lived and that she was proud to be standing in front of the Dravidian leader&rsquo;s house and delivering her speech. That was the first time I heard Ramamirutham Ammal&rsquo;s name. My search to document her began from there.&rdquo; For many others in the meeting too, Jayalalithaa had probably disclosed an information that not many were aware of. But Jayalalithaa had always loved to do that &ndash; strike a deeply personal chord with the audiences.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>But unlike her mentor MGR, Jayalalitha perhaps loved to exhibit her tough exterior. While MGR was very cautious about maintaining cordial ties with the power centre in Delhi, Jayalalithaa sought to firmly establish her authority in Delhi. When she declared that the Congress-AIADMK combine swept the Assembly elections in 1991 not because of Rajiv Gandhi&rsquo;s assassination but because of her own charisma, it was considered an audacious statement. Jayalalithaa would continue to be almost recklessly audacious throughout the rest of her life.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She was the first leader from Tamil Nadu to align with the BJP, allowing them space to grow in a rigidly Dravidian land. But the Central Ministers were made to wait at her beck and call, were made to attend to her whims and fancies. In a year, Jayalalithaa walked out of the Central government, and the alliance, paving way for another election in 1999. &nbsp;</p>

<p>From putting an end to the forest brigand Veerappan to arresting Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswathi, Jayalalithaa did the unthinkable. Her admirers always say how &quot;such acts&quot;&nbsp;would not have been possible in any other regime. But during her tenures as the chief minister, Jayalalithaa also did the unthinkable in terms of large-scale corruption and gross misuse of office. Critics were brutally silenced. Sycophancy was blindly encouraged. Vaasanthi, a seasoned journalist and author of <em>Amma: Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s journey from movie star to political queen</em>, mentions in her book how Jayalalithaa had &quot;initiated a new cult of leader worship when ministers prostrated themselves full length on the floor in front of her&quot;&nbsp;soon after she took over in 1991.&nbsp;The leader worship would continue to dominate the state&rsquo;s political scene though the world continued to ridicule it.</p>

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<p>But Jayalalithaa&rsquo;s supporters also point to her vulnerability as a woman and claim that she would have been finished off in no time, had she not been so ruthless. Perhaps for a woman to be as successful as she had been in a heavily male dominated political scenario, required a certain amount of ruthlessness. But it will never be easy to judge if Jayalalithaa over did it.</p>

<p>In public domain, Jayalalithaa made up to her ruthlessness by unleashing a slew of populist measures just as her mentor MGR did. There were some schemes like cradle baby to put an end to female infanticide that was largely seen by activists as a token measure, but there were other schemes like free bicycles to rural girl students that meant well. When she won the elections in 2016 and was re-elected as the chief minister, she again created a record of sorts. She became the first leader to be re-elected to office in thirty years and the victory was credited to freebies announced by her.</p>

<p>But beneath the tough exterior that she had always loved to show, was a reluctant leader and a vulnerable woman. Her huge dependence on Sasikala Natarajan was perhaps a demonstration of this vulnerability. Jayalalithaa needed someone who would take care of everything in her life, who would accept her unconditionally.</p>

<p>But she had never wanted to exhibit this vulnerability. Jayalalithaa perhaps wanted to be remembered as a tough politician, and in fighting death for over 70 days in the hospitals, she proved to&nbsp;her followers that she was a fighter always. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Little would have Tamil Nadu expected that J Jayalalithaa would be as feisty in her death, as she was in her life

Little would have Tamil Nadu expected that J Jayalalithaa would be as feisty in her death, as she was in her life. When Jayalalithaa breathed her last on the night of December 5, she had dashed the hopes of millions of citizens who had fervently hoped that she would, yet again, stage a powerful comeback from the "adversity" as she always did. The sight of her mortal remains in the Rajaji Hall served as a stark reminder of the personality that she had come to be in three decades of Tamil Nadu’s political history. Three decades ago, it was from the same Rajaji Hall that Jayalalithaa’s political career had pretty much begun. On a similar December morning in 1987, Jayalalithaa was sitting next to the mortal remains of her mentor M G Ramachandran, braving the humiliations heaped on her by supporters of V N Janaki, MGR’s widow. For hours together, Jayalalithaa sat there even as she was jeered, called all kinds of names and even physically assaulted. They were detractors who had always resented her proximity to M G Ramachandran and her astonishing rise in the party. After hours of heaping humiliation, the detractors were successful in sending her home banishing her from attending MGR’s funeral. For hours together, Jayalalithaa sat there even as she was jeered, called all kinds of names and even physically assaulted. × They had thought she was banished, politically too. But those who had known Jayalalithaa, knew she would come back. Even though MGR had not announced her as his political heir, the party threw its lot behind her. After some minor squabbles for about two years, V N Janaki relinquished her rights in the party, paving way for Jayalalithaa to become AIADMK’s supremo, something that she would continue to be till her death in December 2016. Like her mentor M G Ramachandran, Jayalalithaa largely relied on her screen persona to cultivate among the masses an emotional bonding bordering on hysteria. In fact, when MGR made her AIADMK’s propaganda secretary in the 1980s, it was also because that he couldn’t go to public meetings as often as he would like to and he needed a leader with a mass appeal to maintain the party’s ties with the public. Jayalalithaa used the opportunity to the hilt. Old timers recall how her public speeches evoked hysterical reactions. She always made impassionate speeches, giving attention to detail. Jeevasundari Balan, biographer of Moovalur Ramamirutham Ammal – a Dravidian woman icon who worked towards ending the Devadasi system – recalls how she had first heard the name of Ramamirutham Ammal in a public meeting of Jayalalithaa. “It was 1984 and Jayalalithaa was addressing a public meeting in Moovalur. Pointing to a house in front of the venue, Jayalalithaa said it was where Moovalur Ramamirutham Ammal had lived and that she was proud to be standing in front of the Dravidian leader’s house and delivering her speech. That was the first time I heard Ramamirutham Ammal’s name. My search to document her began from there.” For many others in the meeting too, Jayalalithaa had probably disclosed an information that not many were aware of. But Jayalalithaa had always loved to do that – strike a deeply personal chord with the audiences. But Jayalalithaa had always loved to do that – strike a deeply personal chord with the audiences. × But unlike her mentor MGR, Jayalalitha perhaps loved to exhibit her tough exterior. While MGR was very cautious about maintaining cordial ties with the power centre in Delhi, Jayalalithaa sought to firmly establish her authority in Delhi. When she declared that the Congress-AIADMK combine swept the Assembly elections in 1991 not because of Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination but because of her own charisma, it was considered an audacious statement. Jayalalithaa would continue to be almost recklessly audacious throughout the rest of her life. She was the first leader from Tamil Nadu to align with the BJP, allowing them space to grow in a rigidly Dravidian land. But the Central Ministers were made to wait at her beck and call, were made to attend to her whims and fancies. In a year, Jayalalithaa walked out of the Central government, and the alliance, paving way for another election in 1999. From putting an end to the forest brigand Veerappan to arresting Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswathi, Jayalalithaa did the unthinkable. Her admirers always say how "such acts" would not have been possible in any other regime. But during her tenures as the chief minister, Jayalalithaa also did the unthinkable in terms of large-scale corruption and gross misuse of office. Critics were brutally silenced. Sycophancy was blindly encouraged. Vaasanthi, a seasoned journalist and author of Amma: Jayalalithaa’s journey from movie star to political queen, mentions in her book how Jayalalithaa had "initiated a new cult of leader worship when ministers prostrated themselves full length on the floor in front of her" soon after she took over in 1991. The leader worship would continue to dominate the state’s political scene though the world continued to ridicule it. Jayalalithaa’s supporters also point to her vulnerability as a woman and claim that she would have been finished off in no time, had she not been so ruthless. × But Jayalalithaa’s supporters also point to her vulnerability as a woman and claim that she would have been finished off in no time, had she not been so ruthless. Perhaps for a woman to be as successful as she had been in a heavily male dominated political scenario, required a certain amount of ruthlessness. But it will never be easy to judge if Jayalalithaa over did it. In public domain, Jayalalithaa made up to her ruthlessness by unleashing a slew of populist measures just as her mentor MGR did. There were some schemes like cradle baby to put an end to female infanticide that was largely seen by activists as a token measure, but there were other schemes like free bicycles to rural girl students that meant well. When she won the elections in 2016 and was re-elected as the chief minister, she again created a record of sorts. She became the first leader to be re-elected to office in thirty years and the victory was credited to freebies announced by her. But beneath the tough exterior that she had always loved to show, was a reluctant leader and a vulnerable woman. Her huge dependence on Sasikala Natarajan was perhaps a demonstration of this vulnerability. Jayalalithaa needed someone who would take care of everything in her life, who would accept her unconditionally. But she had never wanted to exhibit this vulnerability. Jayalalithaa perhaps wanted to be remembered as a tough politician, and in fighting death for over 70 days in the hospitals, she proved to her followers that she was a fighter always.

The making of 'Amma': The audacious and vulnerable Jayalalithaa

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Zee News Rajasthan

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Kavitha Muralidharan

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