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At the start of 2024, Europeans are of course deeply concerned by the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and by the conflict that has broken out again in the Middle East. However, we are not forgetting the broader picture: the centre of gravity of the world’s economy has shifted to the Indo-Pacific region, with close to 50 per cent of the world’s GDP and 60 per cent of the world’s population.

Peace and stability in this region are crucial for Europe and the world.

In recent years, the EU has worked steadily to improve its cooperation with the region, in particular by becoming in 2020 a strategic partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), launching its Indo-Pacific strategy in 2021, holding a successful EU- ASEAN Summit in 2022 and adopting the Samoa Agreement with Pacific countries in 2023. We will accelerate the path in 2024.

The economic links between the EU and the Indo-Pacific region have reached an impressive level, unimaginable 40 years ago. Maritime routes in the region have become the arteries of the world: every day 2000 ships transport goods across the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea to Europe and back.

However, the security environment is deteriorating. Major tensions are rising, from the South China Sea to the Taiwan Strait, the Korean peninsula, and the Red Sea. There is less trust among the main global and regional players; less respect for international law and multilateral agreements; force and coercion are on the rise. We are at risk of going back to a world where "might makes right".

The EU intends to counter this trend. Multilateral solutions and regional approaches are in our DNA and we will always defend international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the non-proliferation regime. To defend the rules-based world order, we want to cooperate more closely with our partners committed to multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific region.

The EU maintains regular security and defence dialogues with China, Japan, India, Australia, South Korea, and other nations. However, our cooperation increasingly extends beyond dialogue to concrete and operational activities.

Under our Strategic Partnership with ASEAN, security cooperation is also becoming more and more a major component. We are participating with members of ASEAN in regional navy exercises and the navies of our Asian partners are cooperating with us in Operation Atalanta, near the Horn of Africa. These are good examples of what we can do together.

To go further, we propose to use our member states’ advanced capabilities to become a “smart security enabler,” helping to build the capacities of our partners in the region on maritime security, cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and foreign information manipulation and interference.

We need each other to help stabilise this world. The challenges we are facing do not allow us any other way than to cooperate closely to help avoid conflicts and ensure respect for international law. To protect freedom of navigation, EU member states are already increasing their deployments between the EU and the Indo-Pacific. The region can count on us as a reliable partner.

On the economic side, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has shown us the high cost of the EU’s excessive dependency on Russian gas. We are therefore focusing on improving the EU’s economic security by reducing this type of excessive dependency. However, this does not mean closing our borders. On the contrary, it should lead to developing our economic ties with many countries in the Indo-Pacific region, to de-risk our economy and diversify our supply chains.

In this context, the EU has recently signed a free trade agreement with New Zealand and negotiations are ongoing with India, Indonesia, and Thailand. We are engaging also with Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and India to ensure stable and diversified supply chains in the field of digital technologies and have proposed to our Indo-Pacific partners to work together on the sustainable extraction and processing of critical raw materials, necessary for the green and digital transitions.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/eu-agriculture-commissioner-wojciechowski-upbeat-on-india-eu-fta-lauds-indian-farmers-667891">EU Agriculture Commissioner Wojciechowski upbeat on India-EU FTA, lauds Indian farmers</a>

The EU wants also to cooperate more actively with Indo-Pacific countries towards a green and sustainable future. The Green-Blue Alliance with the Pacific islands is helping strengthen their climate resilience. Together with our G7 partners, we have also agreed to Just Energy Transition Partnerships with South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam and the European Investment Bank is already investing €500 million ($540mn) to accelerate Vietnam’s green transition in a way that benefits both people and the planet.

Also watch |&nbsp;FTA agreement would need a paradigm shift: EU Lawmaker | World News | WION

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In short, we are well aware of the crucial importance of the EU’s engagement with the Indo-Pacific region. We are demonstrating it with a Pacific Day in the European Parliament on&nbsp;February 1, highlighting our burgeoning cooperation with our Pacific island partners. The next day, our third Indo-Pacific Ministerial Forum will bring together Foreign Ministers from the region and the EU. We will then hold our biennial EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting.

In a world of geopolitical turbulence and great power rivalry, these three high-level meetings illustrate the strong and shared interest that the EU and the Indo-Pacific countries have to cooperate more closely in improving their security, prosperity, and resilience.

Josep Borrell Fontelles is&nbsp;High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)
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At the start of 2024, Europeans are of course deeply concerned by the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and by the conflict that has broken out again in the Middle East.

At the start of 2024, Europeans are of course deeply concerned by the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine and by the conflict that has broken out again in the Middle East. However, we are not forgetting the broader picture: the centre of gravity of the world’s economy has shifted to the Indo-Pacific region, with close to 50 per cent of the world’s GDP and 60 per cent of the world’s population. Peace and stability in this region are crucial for Europe and the world. In recent years, the EU has worked steadily to improve its cooperation with the region, in particular by becoming in 2020 a strategic partner of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), launching its Indo-Pacific strategy in 2021, holding a successful EU- ASEAN Summit in 2022 and adopting the Samoa Agreement with Pacific countries in 2023. We will accelerate the path in 2024. The economic links between the EU and the Indo-Pacific region have reached an impressive level, unimaginable 40 years ago. Maritime routes in the region have become the arteries of the world: every day 2000 ships transport goods across the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea to Europe and back. However, the security environment is deteriorating. Major tensions are rising, from the South China Sea to the Taiwan Strait, the Korean peninsula, and the Red Sea. There is less trust among the main global and regional players; less respect for international law and multilateral agreements; force and coercion are on the rise. We are at risk of going back to a world where "might makes right". The EU intends to counter this trend. Multilateral solutions and regional approaches are in our DNA and we will always defend international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the non-proliferation regime. To defend the rules-based world order, we want to cooperate more closely with our partners committed to multilateralism in the Indo-Pacific region. The EU maintains regular security and defence dialogues with China, Japan, India, Australia, South Korea, and other nations. However, our cooperation increasingly extends beyond dialogue to concrete and operational activities. Under our Strategic Partnership with ASEAN, security cooperation is also becoming more and more a major component. We are participating with members of ASEAN in regional navy exercises and the navies of our Asian partners are cooperating with us in Operation Atalanta, near the Horn of Africa. These are good examples of what we can do together. To go further, we propose to use our member states’ advanced capabilities to become a “smart security enabler,” helping to build the capacities of our partners in the region on maritime security, cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and foreign information manipulation and interference. We need each other to help stabilise this world. The challenges we are facing do not allow us any other way than to cooperate closely to help avoid conflicts and ensure respect for international law. To protect freedom of navigation, EU member states are already increasing their deployments between the EU and the Indo-Pacific. The region can count on us as a reliable partner. On the economic side, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has shown us the high cost of the EU’s excessive dependency on Russian gas. We are therefore focusing on improving the EU’s economic security by reducing this type of excessive dependency. However, this does not mean closing our borders. On the contrary, it should lead to developing our economic ties with many countries in the Indo-Pacific region, to de-risk our economy and diversify our supply chains. In this context, the EU has recently signed a free trade agreement with New Zealand and negotiations are ongoing with India, Indonesia, and Thailand. We are engaging also with Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and India to ensure stable and diversified supply chains in the field of digital technologies and have proposed to our Indo-Pacific partners to work together on the sustainable extraction and processing of critical raw materials, necessary for the green and digital transitions. Also read | EU Agriculture Commissioner Wojciechowski upbeat on India-EU FTA, lauds Indian farmers The EU wants also to cooperate more actively with Indo-Pacific countries towards a green and sustainable future. The Green-Blue Alliance with the Pacific islands is helping strengthen their climate resilience. Together with our G7 partners, we have also agreed to Just Energy Transition Partnerships with South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam and the European Investment Bank is already investing €500 million ($540mn) to accelerate Vietnam’s green transition in a way that benefits both people and the planet. Also watch | FTA agreement would need a paradigm shift: EU Lawmaker | World News | WION × In short, we are well aware of the crucial importance of the EU’s engagement with the Indo-Pacific region. We are demonstrating it with a Pacific Day in the European Parliament on February 1, highlighting our burgeoning cooperation with our Pacific island partners. The next day, our third Indo-Pacific Ministerial Forum will bring together Foreign Ministers from the region and the EU. We will then hold our biennial EU-ASEAN ministerial meeting. In a world of geopolitical turbulence and great power rivalry, these three high-level meetings illustrate the strong and shared interest that the EU and the Indo-Pacific countries have to cooperate more closely in improving their security, prosperity, and resilience. Josep Borrell Fontelles is High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

The EU and the Indo-Pacific: Partners for a more stable and prosperous world

On 17 July, nearly one year after it was signed in Istanbul, Russia decided to not renew the Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) that allows Ukraine to export agricultural goods to global markets. As underlined by the Secretary General of the UN, this initiative has been ‘a beacon of hope in a world that desperately needs it’.&nbsp;

Before Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, a critical global food supplier, a fifth of the world’s barley came from Ukraine, as well as a sixth of the maize and an eighth of wheat. After Russia invaded Ukraine, attacking grain fields and silos and blocking Ukrainian ports, global food prices spiked to record levels and endangered much-needed food supply for many importer countries. The BSGI aimed to re-establish a vital route for agricultural exports from Ukraine and to lower global food prices.&nbsp;

Despite many challenges, it achieved its key purpose. Since August 2022, the export of almost 33 million tonnes of grains and food from Ukraine to 45 different countries played an instrumental role in reducing global food prices by some 25 per cent&nbsp;since the record high reached shortly after Russia’s attack. As public trade data shows, over half of the grain, including two-thirds of the wheat, went to developing countries.&nbsp;

Watch | Russia-Ukraine war: Kyiv drones target Moscow

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In addition, the BSGI ensured continued access to grain for the World Food Programme (WFP). In 2023, Ukraine supplied 80% of the wheat procured to support humanitarian operations in the most food-insecure countries like Afghanistan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Without the Black Sea route, the WFP has to get its grain elsewhere at higher prices and with a longer lead time at a time when the world is facing an unprecedented food crisis.&nbsp;

Russia’s decision was taken despite the UN Secretary General’s renewed proposals to work to address its concerns. In order to shift blame, Russia claims that its own agricultural exports were not sufficiently facilitated. This is not borne out by publicly available trade data, which shows that Russia’s agricultural exports are thriving. Russia gained also important benefits from the Memorandum of Understanding with the UN on fertiliser exports, which had been brokered in parallel to the BSGI. The UN has worked relentlessly to clarify regulatory frameworks and engage with the private sector to find dedicated solutions across the banking and insurance sectors. These efforts have been conducted in close collaboration with the EU and its partners.&nbsp;

Contrary to the lies spread by Russia, the EU has indeed ensured that our sanctions have no impact on global food security. There are no sanctions on Russian export of food and fertiliser to third countries and the EU has provided extensive guidance to economic operators, clarifying that these transfers to third countries are permitted. We have also worked with the UN to allow related payments.&nbsp;

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/another-ukrainian-drone-hits-high-rise-office-tower-in-moscow-621216">Another Ukrainian drone hits same high-rise office tower in Moscow</a>

Despite these well-known and verifiable facts, Russia decided to pull out of the BSGI, using food as a weapon and endangering the global food supply. Hours after withdrawing from the initiative, Russia started also to destroy Ukraine’s grain storage facilities and port infrastructure with daily targeted attacks, not only in the Black Sea itself but also in the Danube. As an immediate reaction, wholesale wheat and maize prices saw their biggest increase since the start of Russia’s war of aggression. The increased food price volatility is likely to persist as long as Russia puts the global food supply under deliberate stress, aggravating the global cost-of-living crisis and most acutely for food-insecure people in import-dependent countries.&nbsp;&nbsp;This is unacceptable and should be resolutely condemned.&nbsp;

As the world deals with disrupted supplies and higher prices, Russia is now approaching vulnerable countries, notably in Africa, with bilateral offers of limited grain shipments, pretending to solve a problem it created itself. This is a cynical policy of deliberately using food as a weapon.

In response to Russia's irresponsible actions, the EU is active along three main lines. First, we will continue to support the tireless efforts of the United Nations and Türkiye to resume the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Second, we continue to strengthen our “Solidarity Lanes” as alternative routes for Ukrainian agricultural exports to reach global markets through the EU. These lanes have allowed the export of more than 41 million tonnes of Ukraine’s agricultural goods so far, and we are increasing this as much as possible to mitigate the consequences of Russia’s termination of the BSGI. Third, we increased our financial support to countries and people most in need, providing €18 billion (approx $19bn) to address food security until 2024.&nbsp;

We call on the international community and all countries to step up their own assistance in support of global food security. We ask all our partners to urge Russia to return to negotiations as the African Union already did, as well as to refrain from targeting Ukraine’s agricultural infrastructure. With a clear and unified voice, we can get Russia to resume its participation in the BSGI. The world has a shared interest in responsible stewardship of global food security. We owe it to the people most in need.&nbsp;

(Josep Borrell Fontelles is the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission)

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

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&nbsp;

On 17 July, nearly one year after it was signed in Istanbul, Russia decided to not renew the Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) that allows Ukraine to export agricultural goods to global markets.

On 17 July, nearly one year after it was signed in Istanbul, Russia decided to not renew the Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI) that allows Ukraine to export agricultural goods to global markets. As underlined by the Secretary General of the UN, this initiative has been ‘a beacon of hope in a world that desperately needs it’. Before Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, a critical global food supplier, a fifth of the world’s barley came from Ukraine, as well as a sixth of the maize and an eighth of wheat. After Russia invaded Ukraine, attacking grain fields and silos and blocking Ukrainian ports, global food prices spiked to record levels and endangered much-needed food supply for many importer countries. The BSGI aimed to re-establish a vital route for agricultural exports from Ukraine and to lower global food prices. Despite many challenges, it achieved its key purpose. Since August 2022, the export of almost 33 million tonnes of grains and food from Ukraine to 45 different countries played an instrumental role in reducing global food prices by some 25 per cent since the record high reached shortly after Russia’s attack. As public trade data shows, over half of the grain, including two-thirds of the wheat, went to developing countries. Watch | Russia-Ukraine war: Kyiv drones target Moscow × In addition, the BSGI ensured continued access to grain for the World Food Programme (WFP). In 2023, Ukraine supplied 80% of the wheat procured to support humanitarian operations in the most food-insecure countries like Afghanistan, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. Without the Black Sea route, the WFP has to get its grain elsewhere at higher prices and with a longer lead time at a time when the world is facing an unprecedented food crisis. Russia’s decision was taken despite the UN Secretary General’s renewed proposals to work to address its concerns. In order to shift blame, Russia claims that its own agricultural exports were not sufficiently facilitated. This is not borne out by publicly available trade data, which shows that Russia’s agricultural exports are thriving. Russia gained also important benefits from the Memorandum of Understanding with the UN on fertiliser exports, which had been brokered in parallel to the BSGI. The UN has worked relentlessly to clarify regulatory frameworks and engage with the private sector to find dedicated solutions across the banking and insurance sectors. These efforts have been conducted in close collaboration with the EU and its partners. Contrary to the lies spread by Russia, the EU has indeed ensured that our sanctions have no impact on global food security. There are no sanctions on Russian export of food and fertiliser to third countries and the EU has provided extensive guidance to economic operators, clarifying that these transfers to third countries are permitted. We have also worked with the UN to allow related payments. Also Read | Another Ukrainian drone hits same high-rise office tower in Moscow Despite these well-known and verifiable facts, Russia decided to pull out of the BSGI, using food as a weapon and endangering the global food supply. Hours after withdrawing from the initiative, Russia started also to destroy Ukraine’s grain storage facilities and port infrastructure with daily targeted attacks, not only in the Black Sea itself but also in the Danube. As an immediate reaction, wholesale wheat and maize prices saw their biggest increase since the start of Russia’s war of aggression. The increased food price volatility is likely to persist as long as Russia puts the global food supply under deliberate stress, aggravating the global cost-of-living crisis and most acutely for food-insecure people in import-dependent countries. This is unacceptable and should be resolutely condemned. As the world deals with disrupted supplies and higher prices, Russia is now approaching vulnerable countries, notably in Africa, with bilateral offers of limited grain shipments, pretending to solve a problem it created itself. This is a cynical policy of deliberately using food as a weapon. In response to Russia's irresponsible actions, the EU is active along three main lines. First, we will continue to support the tireless efforts of the United Nations and Türkiye to resume the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Second, we continue to strengthen our “Solidarity Lanes” as alternative routes for Ukrainian agricultural exports to reach global markets through the EU. These lanes have allowed the export of more than 41 million tonnes of Ukraine’s agricultural goods so far, and we are increasing this as much as possible to mitigate the consequences of Russia’s termination of the BSGI. Third, we increased our financial support to countries and people most in need, providing €18 billion (approx $19bn) to address food security until 2024. We call on the international community and all countries to step up their own assistance in support of global food security. We ask all our partners to urge Russia to return to negotiations as the African Union already did, as well as to refrain from targeting Ukraine’s agricultural infrastructure. With a clear and unified voice, we can get Russia to resume its participation in the BSGI. The world has a shared interest in responsible stewardship of global food security. We owe it to the people most in need. (Josep Borrell Fontelles is the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission) (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.) You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

Russia must stop using food as a weapon

Are the sanctions against Russia useful? Yes, they are already hitting Vladimir Putin and his accomplices hard, and their effects on the Russian economy will increase over time. Since Russia deliberately violated international law by invading Ukraine, the EU has adopted six packages of sanctions against Moscow. Our measures now target nearly 1,200 individuals and 98 entities in Russia, as well as a significant number of sectors of the Russian economy. These sanctions were adopted in coordination with the G7 members. Their effectiveness is enhanced by the fact that over forty other countries (including traditionally neutral countries) have adopted them or taken similar measures.

By the end of 2022, we will have reduced our Russian oil imports by 90%, and we are rapidly reducing our gas imports as well. These decisions are gradually freeing us from a dependence that has long inhibited our political choices in the face of Vladimir Putin's aggressiveness. He probably believed that Europe would not dare to engage in sanctions because of its energy dependence. This is not the most insignificant of the Russian regime's many miscalculations during this conflict. Of course, weaning ourselves off Russian energy so rapidly also creates serious difficulties for many EU countries and for several economic sectors. But this is the price we have to pay for defending our democracies and international law, and we are taking the necessary steps to deal with these problems in full solidarity.&nbsp;

Some may ask, Do these sanctions really have an impact on the Russian economy? The simple answer is yes. Although Russia exports a lot of raw materials, it also has no choice but to import many high value-added products that it does not manufacture. For all advanced technologies, it is 45% dependent on Europe and 21% on the United States, compared with only 11% on China.

In the military field, which is crucial in the context of the war in Ukraine, the sanctions limit Russia's capacity to produce precision missiles such as the Iskander or the KH 101. Almost all foreign car manufacturers have also decided to withdraw from Russia, and the few cars produced by Russian manufacturers will be sold without airbags or automatic transmission.

The oil industry is suffering not only from the departure of foreign operators but also from the difficulty of accessing advanced technologies such as horizontal drilling. The ability of the Russian industry to bring new wells on stream is likely to be limited. Finally, in order to maintain air traffic, Russia will have to withdraw a majority of its aircraft from circulation in order to recover the spare parts needed to allow the others to fly. Added to this, there is also the loss of access to financial markets, being disconnected from major global research networks and a massive brain drain.

As for the alternative offered by China to the Russian economy, in reality, it remains limited, especially for high-tech products. To date, the Chinese government, which is very dependent on its exports to developed countries, has not assisted Russia in circumventing Western sanctions. Chinese exports to Russia have fallen in line with those of Western countries.

Will these significant and growing impacts lead Vladimir Putin to modify his strategic calculations? Probably not in the immediate future, since his actions are not guided primarily by economic logic. However, by forcing him to choose either butter or guns, the sanctions lock him in a vice that is gradually tightening.

Regarding the impact of these sanctions on third countries, particularly African countries, which depend on Russian and Ukrainian wheat and fertilisers, where responsibility lies in terms of the food crisis is clear. Our sanctions do not, in any shape or form, target Russian wheat or fertiliser exports while Ukraine is prevented from exporting its wheat by the Black Sea blockade and destruction caused by Russian aggression. If such issues linked to our sanctions were to arise, we are ready to put in place the appropriate mechanisms to address them. I have informed my African counterparts of this and asked them not to be fooled by the Russian authorities' untruths regarding our sanctions.

The real answer to the difficulties in the world energy and food markets is an end to the war. This cannot be achieved by accepting the Russian diktat, it can only be achieved by Russia's withdrawal from Ukraine. Respect for the territorial integrity of states and the non-use of force are not Western or European principles. They are the basis of all international law. Russia is blithely trampling on them. To accept such a violation would open the door to the law of the jungle on a global scale.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Contrary to what we thought rather naively just a few years ago, economic interdependence does not automatically imply a pacification of international relations. This is why the transition to a Europe as a power, which I have been calling for since the beginning of my mandate, is imperative. Faced with the invasion of Ukraine, we have begun to move from intention to action by showing that, when provoked, Europe can respond. Since we do not want to go to war with Russia, economic sanctions are now at the core of this response. They are already beginning to have an effect and will do so even more in the coming months.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

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Are the sanctions against Russia useful? Yes, they are already hitting Vladimir Putin and his accomplices hard, and their effects on the Russian economy will increase over time.

Are the sanctions against Russia useful? Yes, they are already hitting Vladimir Putin and his accomplices hard, and their effects on the Russian economy will increase over time. Since Russia deliberately violated international law by invading Ukraine, the EU has adopted six packages of sanctions against Moscow. Our measures now target nearly 1,200 individuals and 98 entities in Russia, as well as a significant number of sectors of the Russian economy. These sanctions were adopted in coordination with the G7 members. Their effectiveness is enhanced by the fact that over forty other countries (including traditionally neutral countries) have adopted them or taken similar measures. By the end of 2022, we will have reduced our Russian oil imports by 90%, and we are rapidly reducing our gas imports as well. These decisions are gradually freeing us from a dependence that has long inhibited our political choices in the face of Vladimir Putin's aggressiveness. He probably believed that Europe would not dare to engage in sanctions because of its energy dependence. This is not the most insignificant of the Russian regime's many miscalculations during this conflict. Of course, weaning ourselves off Russian energy so rapidly also creates serious difficulties for many EU countries and for several economic sectors. But this is the price we have to pay for defending our democracies and international law, and we are taking the necessary steps to deal with these problems in full solidarity. Some may ask, Do these sanctions really have an impact on the Russian economy? The simple answer is yes. Although Russia exports a lot of raw materials, it also has no choice but to import many high value-added products that it does not manufacture. For all advanced technologies, it is 45% dependent on Europe and 21% on the United States, compared with only 11% on China. In the military field, which is crucial in the context of the war in Ukraine, the sanctions limit Russia's capacity to produce precision missiles such as the Iskander or the KH 101. Almost all foreign car manufacturers have also decided to withdraw from Russia, and the few cars produced by Russian manufacturers will be sold without airbags or automatic transmission. The oil industry is suffering not only from the departure of foreign operators but also from the difficulty of accessing advanced technologies such as horizontal drilling. The ability of the Russian industry to bring new wells on stream is likely to be limited. Finally, in order to maintain air traffic, Russia will have to withdraw a majority of its aircraft from circulation in order to recover the spare parts needed to allow the others to fly. Added to this, there is also the loss of access to financial markets, being disconnected from major global research networks and a massive brain drain. As for the alternative offered by China to the Russian economy, in reality, it remains limited, especially for high-tech products. To date, the Chinese government, which is very dependent on its exports to developed countries, has not assisted Russia in circumventing Western sanctions. Chinese exports to Russia have fallen in line with those of Western countries. Will these significant and growing impacts lead Vladimir Putin to modify his strategic calculations? Probably not in the immediate future, since his actions are not guided primarily by economic logic. However, by forcing him to choose either butter or guns, the sanctions lock him in a vice that is gradually tightening. Regarding the impact of these sanctions on third countries, particularly African countries, which depend on Russian and Ukrainian wheat and fertilisers, where responsibility lies in terms of the food crisis is clear. Our sanctions do not, in any shape or form, target Russian wheat or fertiliser exports while Ukraine is prevented from exporting its wheat by the Black Sea blockade and destruction caused by Russian aggression. If such issues linked to our sanctions were to arise, we are ready to put in place the appropriate mechanisms to address them. I have informed my African counterparts of this and asked them not to be fooled by the Russian authorities' untruths regarding our sanctions. The real answer to the difficulties in the world energy and food markets is an end to the war. This cannot be achieved by accepting the Russian diktat, it can only be achieved by Russia's withdrawal from Ukraine. Respect for the territorial integrity of states and the non-use of force are not Western or European principles. They are the basis of all international law. Russia is blithely trampling on them. To accept such a violation would open the door to the law of the jungle on a global scale. Contrary to what we thought rather naively just a few years ago, economic interdependence does not automatically imply a pacification of international relations. This is why the transition to a Europe as a power, which I have been calling for since the beginning of my mandate, is imperative. Faced with the invasion of Ukraine, we have begun to move from intention to action by showing that, when provoked, Europe can respond. Since we do not want to go to war with Russia, economic sanctions are now at the core of this response. They are already beginning to have an effect and will do so even more in the coming months. (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

Moscow will have to choose either butter or guns, EU foreign policy chief writes for WION

At this dark hour,when we see Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine and massive disinformation campaigns and information manipulation, it is essential to separate lies -- invented to justify what cannot be justified -- from facts. The facts are that Russia, a major nuclear power, has attacked and invaded a peaceful and democratic neighbouring country,which posed no threat to it, nor provoked it. Moreover, President Putin is threatening reprisals on any other state that may come to the rescue of the people of Ukraine. Such use of force and coercion has no place in the 21st century. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-ukraine-war-trump-calls-the-us-a-stupid-country-and-putin-smart-457337">Also read | Russia-Ukraine war: Trump calls the US a ‘stupid country’ and Putin 'smart'</a>

What President Putin is doing is not only a grave violation of international law, it is a violation of the basic principles of human co-existence. With his choice to bring war back to Europe, we see the return of the “law of the jungle” where might makes right. The target is not only Ukraine, but the security of Europe and the whole international rules-based order, based on the UN system and international law.&nbsp; 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russias-ruble-falls-to-117-per-us-dollar-a-decline-of-41-457280">Also read | Russia's ruble falls to 117 per US dollar, a decline of 41%</a>

His aggression is taking innocent lives, crushing people’s wish to live in peace. Civilian targets are being struck, clearly violating international humanitarian law, forcing people to flee. We see a humanitarian catastrophe developing.For months, we pursued unparalleled efforts to achieve a diplomatic solution. But Putin lied to the faces of all who met him, pretending to be interested in a peaceful solution. Instead, he opted for a full-scale invasion, a fully-fledged war.&nbsp;

Russia must cease its military operations immediately, and to unconditionally withdraw from the entire territory of Ukraine. The same goes for Belarus, which has to immediately stop its involvement in this aggression and respect its international obligations. The European Union is united in offering its strong support to Ukraine and its people. This is a matter of life and death.I am preparing an emergency package to support the Ukrainian armed forces in their fight.&nbsp; 
 
Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russian-president-vladimir-putin-orders-deterrence-forces-on-high-alert-457165">Russian President Vladimir Putin orders 'deterrence forces' on high alert</a>

The international community will now in response opt for a full-scale isolation of Russia, to hold President Putin accountable for this aggression. We are sanctioning those who finance the war, crippling the Russian banking system and it access to international reserves.

The EU and its partners have already imposed massive sanctions on Russia that target its leaders and elites and strategic sectors of the Kremlin-run economy. The aim is not to harm the Russian people, but to weaken the Kremlin’s ability to finance this unjust war. In doing this, we are closely aligned with our partners and allies – the US, Canada, the United Kingdom, Japan, South Korea and Australia. We also see many countries from around the world rallying to protect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, including our friends.We stand together on the right side of history in the face of Russia’s horrifying attack on a free and sovereign country.

To justify its crimes, the Kremlin and its supporters have engaged in a massive disinformation campaign, which started already weeks ago. We have seen Russian state media and their ecosystem peddling untruths in social media networks with the aim to deceive and manipulate. The Western Balkans as well have been targeted by the Kremlin’s disinformation operations for far too long and know how to detect when being exposed to information manipulation.

The Kremlin propagandists call the invasion “a special operation”, but this cynical euphemism cannot hide the fact that we witness a fully-fledged invasion of Ukraine, with the aim to crush its freedom, legitimate government and democratic structures.Calling the Kyiv government “neo-nazi” and “Russophobic” is nonsense: all manifestations of Nazism are banned in Ukraine. In modern Ukraine, extreme right-wing candidates are a fringe phenomenon with minimal support, without passing the barrier to enter the parliament.The Ukrainian Government did not cut the Donbass off and it has not prohibited the use of Russian language and culture. Donetsk and Luhansk are no republics, they are Ukrainian regions controlled by Russia-backed and armed separatist groupings.

We know this -and many Russians know this. There have been courageous protests in cities across Russia since the invasion started, demanding the end of the aggression against a peaceful neighbouring nation. We hear their voices and recognise their courage in speaking out, and we also see many prominent public figures in Russia protesting this senseless invasion.

I continue to work with our partners around the world to ensure the joint action of the international community against the Kremlin’s behaviour. On 25 February, only Russia vetoed a UN Security Council Resolution on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, with China, India and the United Arab Emirates abstaining.From all over the world,countries condemn Russia’s attacks and at the General Assembly,the entire international community needs to join forces and help to end Russia’s military aggression by adopting the related UN Resolution. We particularly thank Albania as co-penholder of the resolution.

At this defining moment, it is important that the international community comes together to defend the UN Charter. It is a matter of life and death. It is about the future of our global community.

With this war on Ukraine, the world will never be the same again. It is now, more than ever,the time forsocieties and alliances to come together to build our future on trust, justice and freedom.It is the moment to stand up and to speak out. Might does not make right. Never did. Never will. 
 
(Disclaimer: The views of the experts do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views.)

At this dark hour,when we see Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine and massive disinformation campaigns and information manipulation, it is essential to separate lies -- invented to justify what cannot be justified -- from facts.

At this dark hour,when we see Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified invasion of Ukraine and massive disinformation campaigns and information manipulation, it is essential to separate lies -- invented to justify what cannot be justified -- from facts. The facts are that Russia, a major nuclear power, has attacked and invaded a peaceful and democratic neighbouring country,which posed no threat to it, nor provoked it. Moreover, President Putin is threatening reprisals on any other state that may come to the rescue of the people of Ukraine. Such use of force and coercion has no place in the 21st century. Also read | Russia-Ukraine war: Trump calls the US a ‘stupid country’ and Putin 'smart' What President Putin is doing is not only a grave violation of international law, it is a violation of the basic principles of human co-existence. With his choice to bring war back to Europe, we see the return of the “law of the jungle” where might makes right. The target is not only Ukraine, but the security of Europe and the whole international rules-based order, based on the UN system and international law. Also read | Russia's ruble falls to 117 per US dollar, a decline of 41% His aggression is taking innocent lives, crushing people’s wish to live in peace. Civilian targets are being struck, clearly violating international humanitarian law, forcing people to flee. We see a humanitarian catastrophe developing.For months, we pursued unparalleled efforts to achieve a diplomatic solution. But Putin lied to the faces of all who met him, pretending to be interested in a peaceful solution. Instead, he opted for a full-scale invasion, a fully-fledged war. Russia must cease its military operations immediately, and to unconditionally withdraw from the entire territory of Ukraine. The same goes for Belarus, which has to immediately stop its involvement in this aggression and respect its international obligations. The European Union is united in offering its strong support to Ukraine and its people. This is a matter of life and death.I am preparing an emergency package to support the Ukrainian armed forces in their fight. Also Read: Russian President Vladimir Putin orders 'deterrence forces' on high alert The international community will now in response opt for a full-scale isolation of Russia, to hold President Putin accountable for this aggression. We are sanctioning those who finance the war, crippling the Russian banking system and it access to international reserves. The EU and its partners have already imposed massive sanctions on Russia that target its leaders and elites and strategic sectors of the Kremlin-run economy. The aim is not to harm the Russian people, but to weaken the Kremlin’s ability to finance this unjust war. In doing this, we are closely aligned with our partners and allies – the US, Canada, the United Kingdom, Japan, South Korea and Australia. We also see many countries from around the world rallying to protect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, including our friends.We stand together on the right side of history in the face of Russia’s horrifying attack on a free and sovereign country. To justify its crimes, the Kremlin and its supporters have engaged in a massive disinformation campaign, which started already weeks ago. We have seen Russian state media and their ecosystem peddling untruths in social media networks with the aim to deceive and manipulate. The Western Balkans as well have been targeted by the Kremlin’s disinformation operations for far too long and know how to detect when being exposed to information manipulation. The Kremlin propagandists call the invasion “a special operation”, but this cynical euphemism cannot hide the fact that we witness a fully-fledged invasion of Ukraine, with the aim to crush its freedom, legitimate government and democratic structures.Calling the Kyiv government “neo-nazi” and “Russophobic” is nonsense: all manifestations of Nazism are banned in Ukraine. In modern Ukraine, extreme right-wing candidates are a fringe phenomenon with minimal support, without passing the barrier to enter the parliament.The Ukrainian Government did not cut the Donbass off and it has not prohibited the use of Russian language and culture. Donetsk and Luhansk are no republics, they are Ukrainian regions controlled by Russia-backed and armed separatist groupings. We know this -and many Russians know this. There have been courageous protests in cities across Russia since the invasion started, demanding the end of the aggression against a peaceful neighbouring nation. We hear their voices and recognise their courage in speaking out, and we also see many prominent public figures in Russia protesting this senseless invasion. I continue to work with our partners around the world to ensure the joint action of the international community against the Kremlin’s behaviour. On 25 February, only Russia vetoed a UN Security Council Resolution on Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, with China, India and the United Arab Emirates abstaining.From all over the world,countries condemn Russia’s attacks and at the General Assembly,the entire international community needs to join forces and help to end Russia’s military aggression by adopting the related UN Resolution. We particularly thank Albania as co-penholder of the resolution. At this defining moment, it is important that the international community comes together to defend the UN Charter. It is a matter of life and death. It is about the future of our global community. With this war on Ukraine, the world will never be the same again. It is now, more than ever,the time forsocieties and alliances to come together to build our future on trust, justice and freedom.It is the moment to stand up and to speak out. Might does not make right. Never did. Never will. (Disclaimer: The views of the experts do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views.)

Might makes not right, unjust wars are doomed to be lost : EU foreign minister writes for WION

Rarely in the world have women’s and girls’ rights been challenged as they have been in Afghanistan. The latest developments give cause for great concern.&nbsp;The EU has made it clear that future development assistance to Afghanistan will depend on the respect for the international legal framework and for norms on human rights, including women’s and girls’ rights. The EU is determined and committed to continue to support the women and girls of Afghanistan and worldwide, sticking to our values and beliefs.&nbsp;

Together with human rights, freedom and democracy, equality represents one of the core values that make the European Union what it is. It enriches our societies and strengthens their resilience. Gender equality is a core part of peace, security, economic prosperity and sustainable development. Moreover, defending and promoting gender equality is required by the EU Treaties.&nbsp;

That is why working politically, operationally and financially to promote and safeguard progress on gender equality is a political priority and a key objective for the EU. The EU Gender Action Plan III and the new EU external action budget provide a roadmap for global action towards a gender-equal world. We work closely together with multilateral, regional and bilateral partners, including civil society organisations, to achieve those objectives. We still have a long way to go; there is no room for complacency. However, we are stronger together while many challenges remain.

In many countries, the COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated existing gender inequalities across different areas: education, vocational training, health, security and safety, sexual and reproductive health and rights, decision-making, and economic opportunities.&nbsp;

The COVID-19 lockdowns have often seen an increase in gender-based violence, in particular domestic violence, while women and girls’ access to sexual and reproductive health services has been reduced. At the same time, a significant part of the care burden has fallen on women and girls. Workers in the informal economy and in low-skilled jobs (most of whom are women), migrants, and those belonging to minorities, have been more at risk and face multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination.&nbsp;

Moreover, school closures have exposed girls to an increased risk of sexual exploitation, early pregnancy, child labour and forced marriage. The Malala Fund estimates that 20 million more girls risk dropping out of school, adding up to a total of 150 million girls – equivalent to a third of the EU population – without educational prospects.

According to a recent UN report, military spending in 2020 still outplaced the worldwide expenses on health, even in a year that was dominated by the corona pandemic. For a sustainable recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, we need to redouble our efforts to promote gender equality.&nbsp;

Now is the time to do more&nbsp;

This challenge requires a global response and needs to be tackled now, when we are building the future we wish for our children and grandchildren to grow up in a post-pandemic world that is more equal, more diverse, and where equal opportunities are a reality. We need to address the root causes of gender inequality and gender-based discrimination in order to achieve sustainable change.

The European Union and its members states, as well as the European financial institutions have stood with the women and girls of the world throughout the pandemic. As Team Europe, we have already mobilised €46 billion in support of over 130 partner countries, with a particular focus on women and youth.

Three examples as an illustration: In Nepal, we helped one million girls and boys continue their education through radio-based learning. In Togo, we supported the creation of a universal income scheme and the appointment of women to head new municipalities. Worldwide, the EU-UN Spotlight Initiative has helped 650,000 women and girls prevent or address violence against them, and educated 880,000 men and boys on positive masculinity, non-violent conflict resolution and parenting.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Still, to meet the growing challenges, we need to do more and better. That is the purpose of the Gender Action Plan III. It promotes leadership and meaningful participation of women, girls and young people in political, economic, social and cultural life, as well as in all matters related to peace and security, worldwide.

We work to get human development back on track

We are now making this plan a reality with the help of the new €79.5 billion NDICI-Global Europe instrument that will support the EU’s external action for the next seven years.&nbsp;

Support for education and particularly girls’ education will have a central role. Just as we support education in emergencies, the EU has worked with partner countries throughout the pandemic to minimise its impact on learning and the well-being of children and to facilitate a safe return to school.&nbsp;

We already provide more than half of all global aid to education as Team Europe. But we will increase funding further, to promote gender equality through quality education at all levels. Our joint €1.7 billion pledge to the Global Partnership for Education in July – to transform education for girls and boys in up to 90 countries and territories – is part of this new beginning.&nbsp;

We are multiplying our efforts across the board, from supporting women and girls’ education and economic opportunities to improving their access to sexual and reproductive health services. By 2025, 85% of all the EU’s new external actions, across all sectors, will contribute to gender equality and women's empowerment.

This is now being finalised with our partner countries based on close consultation with civil society organisations, women's rights activists and youth.&nbsp;

We need to put human development back on track and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, leaving no woman or girl behind.&nbsp;

It is crucial that we get it right.

This article was written on the occasion of International Day to Eliminate Violence Against Women, which falls on November 25.

Authored by: Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/VP of the European Commission; Jutta Urpilainen, EU’s Commissioner for International Partnerships, and EU Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Development from 24 Member States.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.) &nbsp;&nbsp;

Rarely in the world have women’s and girls’ rights been challenged as they have been in Afghanistan. The latest developments give cause for great concern. The EU has made it clear that future development assistance to Afghanistan will depend on the respect for the international legal framework and for norms on human rights, including women’s and girls’ rights.

Rarely in the world have women’s and girls’ rights been challenged as they have been in Afghanistan. The latest developments give cause for great concern. The EU has made it clear that future development assistance to Afghanistan will depend on the respect for the international legal framework and for norms on human rights, including women’s and girls’ rights. The EU is determined and committed to continue to support the women and girls of Afghanistan and worldwide, sticking to our values and beliefs. Together with human rights, freedom and democracy, equality represents one of the core values that make the European Union what it is. It enriches our societies and strengthens their resilience. Gender equality is a core part of peace, security, economic prosperity and sustainable development. Moreover, defending and promoting gender equality is required by the EU Treaties. That is why working politically, operationally and financially to promote and safeguard progress on gender equality is a political priority and a key objective for the EU. The EU Gender Action Plan III and the new EU external action budget provide a roadmap for global action towards a gender-equal world. We work closely together with multilateral, regional and bilateral partners, including civil society organisations, to achieve those objectives. We still have a long way to go; there is no room for complacency. However, we are stronger together while many challenges remain. In many countries, the COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated existing gender inequalities across different areas: education, vocational training, health, security and safety, sexual and reproductive health and rights, decision-making, and economic opportunities. The COVID-19 lockdowns have often seen an increase in gender-based violence, in particular domestic violence, while women and girls’ access to sexual and reproductive health services has been reduced. At the same time, a significant part of the care burden has fallen on women and girls. Workers in the informal economy and in low-skilled jobs (most of whom are women), migrants, and those belonging to minorities, have been more at risk and face multiple and intersecting forms of discrimination. Moreover, school closures have exposed girls to an increased risk of sexual exploitation, early pregnancy, child labour and forced marriage. The Malala Fund estimates that 20 million more girls risk dropping out of school, adding up to a total of 150 million girls – equivalent to a third of the EU population – without educational prospects. According to a recent UN report, military spending in 2020 still outplaced the worldwide expenses on health, even in a year that was dominated by the corona pandemic. For a sustainable recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, we need to redouble our efforts to promote gender equality. Now is the time to do more This challenge requires a global response and needs to be tackled now, when we are building the future we wish for our children and grandchildren to grow up in a post-pandemic world that is more equal, more diverse, and where equal opportunities are a reality. We need to address the root causes of gender inequality and gender-based discrimination in order to achieve sustainable change. The European Union and its members states, as well as the European financial institutions have stood with the women and girls of the world throughout the pandemic. As Team Europe, we have already mobilised €46 billion in support of over 130 partner countries, with a particular focus on women and youth. Three examples as an illustration: In Nepal, we helped one million girls and boys continue their education through radio-based learning. In Togo, we supported the creation of a universal income scheme and the appointment of women to head new municipalities. Worldwide, the EU-UN Spotlight Initiative has helped 650,000 women and girls prevent or address violence against them, and educated 880,000 men and boys on positive masculinity, non-violent conflict resolution and parenting. Still, to meet the growing challenges, we need to do more and better. That is the purpose of the Gender Action Plan III. It promotes leadership and meaningful participation of women, girls and young people in political, economic, social and cultural life, as well as in all matters related to peace and security, worldwide. We work to get human development back on track We are now making this plan a reality with the help of the new €79.5 billion NDICI-Global Europe instrument that will support the EU’s external action for the next seven years. Support for education and particularly girls’ education will have a central role. Just as we support education in emergencies, the EU has worked with partner countries throughout the pandemic to minimise its impact on learning and the well-being of children and to facilitate a safe return to school. We already provide more than half of all global aid to education as Team Europe. But we will increase funding further, to promote gender equality through quality education at all levels. Our joint €1.7 billion pledge to the Global Partnership for Education in July – to transform education for girls and boys in up to 90 countries and territories – is part of this new beginning. We are multiplying our efforts across the board, from supporting women and girls’ education and economic opportunities to improving their access to sexual and reproductive health services. By 2025, 85% of all the EU’s new external actions, across all sectors, will contribute to gender equality and women's empowerment. This is now being finalised with our partner countries based on close consultation with civil society organisations, women's rights activists and youth. We need to put human development back on track and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, leaving no woman or girl behind. It is crucial that we get it right. This article was written on the occasion of International Day to Eliminate Violence Against Women, which falls on November 25. Authored by: Josep Borrell Fontelles, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/VP of the European Commission; Jutta Urpilainen, EU’s Commissioner for International Partnerships, and EU Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Development from 24 Member States. (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

Putting gender equality first 

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Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

Josep Borrell Fontelles

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