<p>After announcing the next-generation Snapdragon 845 SoC at the Snapdragon Tech Summit 2017 in Maui, Hawaii, Qualcomm&nbsp;has today detailed the features of the new mobile platform. The new chipset is based on the 10nm FinFET process with big.LITTLE architecture. Qualcomm has already mentioned that the new chipsets will be manufactured by Samsung Foundry. Here are the changes that the new chipset brings over last year&rsquo;s Snapdragon 835 SoC.</p>

<p><strong>Kryo 385 CPU</strong></p>

<p>The key enhancements over Snapdragon 835 comes in the form of better battery life and faster performance. The chipset is manufactured using Samsung&rsquo;s second-gen 10nm LPP FinFET process. The Kryo CPU architecture includes four performance cores (Cortex A75) clocked up to 2.8GHz with up to 30 percent performance improvement over Snapdragon 835. These performance cores are paired with four efficiency cores (Cortex A55) clocked at 1.8GHz, which Qualcomm says is 30 percent more energy efficient compared to its predecessor.</p>

<p>The Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with Quick Charge 4 support, which Qualcomm claims can take the battery from empty to 50 percent in 15 minutes. Also, on full charge, the chipmaker says that smartphones powered by Snapdragon 845 SoC can offer around four hours of Ultra HD 4K video playback, up to three hours of immersive unwired VR usage, and talk time of up to two days on VoLTE.</p>

<p><strong>Adreno 630 GPU</strong></p>

<p>The Snapdragon 845 SoC is paired with the Adreno 630 GPU, which Qualcomm says is faster and more efficient in processing. The new GPU is designed to offer 30 percent faster graphics, 30 percent improved energy efficiency and 2.5 times faster display throughput. It will also support 2K + 2K 120fps XR for virtual and augmented reality devices.</p>

<p><strong>X20 LTE modem</strong></p>

<p>The X20 is Qualcomm&rsquo;s second-generation Gigabit LTE modem with TrueWireless connectivity. It is designed to over 20 percent improvement over X16 modem on the Snapdragon 835 SoC. The X20 modem can offer maximum speeds of up to 1.2Gbps over 12 streams. It comes with 5 carrier aggregation with 4&times;4 MIMO technology. So, what do these specifications mean? Well, it can offer faster upload and download data speeds on upcoming 5G networks.</p>

<p>It also supports multi-Gigabit Wi-Fi with 60GHz range with ad baseband. The modem also supports Wi-Fi 802.11ac for 16 times faster connection setup and 30 percent efficiency. The X20 modem on the Snapdragon 845 SoC now supports dual-SIM 4G connectivity and Dual-VoLTE on both SIMs. It also comes with advanced Bluetooth capabilities to broadcast HD quality music or live audio to connect to multiple devices. Also, the modem is designed to consume 50 percent less power when using wireless earbuds.</p>

<p><strong>Camera</strong></p>

<p>The Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with Hexagon 685 DSP and Spectra 280 ISP (Image Signal Processing) for improved photography. The smartphone camera will also support capturing Ultra HD Premium videos at 60fps. Qualcomm has also made improvements to the ISP to correct the color gamut, color depth and luminance to make your captured photos look more lifelike.</p>

<p>It basically helps to correct the color volume, dynamic range and improve the banding. The new chipset will also support slow-motion video capture at 720p in HDR10 format, with a frame rate of 480fps. The chipset will also consume 30 percent less power when recording videos.</p>

<p>Most smartphones today come with dual-camera setups and they allow capturing photos with DSLR-like bokeh effects. The new Snapdragon chipset comes with &lsquo;Computer Vision&rsquo; for depth mapping and to add the depth-of-field effects even when using a single camera. It also supports Face scanning for biometric authentication and security.</p>

<p><strong>Artificial Intelligence</strong></p>

<p>Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (ML) is everywhere today, right from finance to healthcare, entertainment, insurance, and transportation. The Snapdragon 845 SoC is the third generation mobile AI platform from Qualcomm. With the new chipset, Qualcomm is moving intelligence from cloud to edge to improve low latency, privacy and reliability.</p>

<p>With AI integration, Qualcomm wants to offer richer and more personalized experiences. It works with multiple platforms, such as Android, Linux and Windows, and Qualcomm is working with a number of partners such as Facebook, Google, Amazon Alexa, Baidu, and more for improved experiences.</p>

<p>AI on Snapdragon 845 comes with features such as speech recognition, object detection, face recognition, single camera bokeh effects to your camera photos, landmark detection, malware detection and more.</p>

<p><strong>Security</strong></p>

<p>The security architecture on the Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with a secure vault. It is hardware based and comes with its own Secure Processing Unit to keep your photos, videos, content and other details safe and secure. We have moved from typing passwords to fingerprint scanning, iris scanning and face scanning biometric authentication systems. And because biometrics is important to us from a privacy viewpoint, the data is encrypted and validated in the secure processing unit, thus keeping it secure. Also, with mobile payments becoming increasingly mainstream, the integration of secure vault in the chipset will enable higher level of security of your biometrics.</p>

<p><em>Disclaimer: The correspondent Ritesh Bendre is in Maui, Hawaii on Qualcomm&rsquo;s invite. Qualcomm paid for his travel and accommodation in Hawaii. The article was originally published in BGR.in, <a href="http://www.bgr.in/features/qualcomm-snapdragon-845-soc-with-kryo-385-cpu-x20-lte-modem-ai-capabilities-launched/">click here</a> to read it.</em></p>


Gujarat tops the list with more than three-fourths of its working population in the informal sector being blatantly vulnerable

After announcing the next-generation Snapdragon 845 SoC at the Snapdragon Tech Summit 2017 in Maui, Hawaii, Qualcomm has today detailed the features of the new mobile platform. The new chipset is based on the 10nm FinFET process with big.LITTLE architecture. Qualcomm has already mentioned that the new chipsets will be manufactured by Samsung Foundry. Here are the changes that the new chipset brings over last year’s Snapdragon 835 SoC. Kryo 385 CPU The key enhancements over Snapdragon 835 comes in the form of better battery life and faster performance. The chipset is manufactured using Samsung’s second-gen 10nm LPP FinFET process. The Kryo CPU architecture includes four performance cores (Cortex A75) clocked up to 2.8GHz with up to 30 percent performance improvement over Snapdragon 835. These performance cores are paired with four efficiency cores (Cortex A55) clocked at 1.8GHz, which Qualcomm says is 30 percent more energy efficient compared to its predecessor. The Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with Quick Charge 4 support, which Qualcomm claims can take the battery from empty to 50 percent in 15 minutes. Also, on full charge, the chipmaker says that smartphones powered by Snapdragon 845 SoC can offer around four hours of Ultra HD 4K video playback, up to three hours of immersive unwired VR usage, and talk time of up to two days on VoLTE. Adreno 630 GPU The Snapdragon 845 SoC is paired with the Adreno 630 GPU, which Qualcomm says is faster and more efficient in processing. The new GPU is designed to offer 30 percent faster graphics, 30 percent improved energy efficiency and 2.5 times faster display throughput. It will also support 2K + 2K 120fps XR for virtual and augmented reality devices. X20 LTE modem The X20 is Qualcomm’s second-generation Gigabit LTE modem with TrueWireless connectivity. It is designed to over 20 percent improvement over X16 modem on the Snapdragon 835 SoC. The X20 modem can offer maximum speeds of up to 1.2Gbps over 12 streams. It comes with 5 carrier aggregation with 4×4 MIMO technology. So, what do these specifications mean? Well, it can offer faster upload and download data speeds on upcoming 5G networks. It also supports multi-Gigabit Wi-Fi with 60GHz range with ad baseband. The modem also supports Wi-Fi 802.11ac for 16 times faster connection setup and 30 percent efficiency. The X20 modem on the Snapdragon 845 SoC now supports dual-SIM 4G connectivity and Dual-VoLTE on both SIMs. It also comes with advanced Bluetooth capabilities to broadcast HD quality music or live audio to connect to multiple devices. Also, the modem is designed to consume 50 percent less power when using wireless earbuds. Camera The Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with Hexagon 685 DSP and Spectra 280 ISP (Image Signal Processing) for improved photography. The smartphone camera will also support capturing Ultra HD Premium videos at 60fps. Qualcomm has also made improvements to the ISP to correct the color gamut, color depth and luminance to make your captured photos look more lifelike. It basically helps to correct the color volume, dynamic range and improve the banding. The new chipset will also support slow-motion video capture at 720p in HDR10 format, with a frame rate of 480fps. The chipset will also consume 30 percent less power when recording videos. Most smartphones today come with dual-camera setups and they allow capturing photos with DSLR-like bokeh effects. The new Snapdragon chipset comes with ‘Computer Vision’ for depth mapping and to add the depth-of-field effects even when using a single camera. It also supports Face scanning for biometric authentication and security. Artificial Intelligence Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (ML) is everywhere today, right from finance to healthcare, entertainment, insurance, and transportation. The Snapdragon 845 SoC is the third generation mobile AI platform from Qualcomm. With the new chipset, Qualcomm is moving intelligence from cloud to edge to improve low latency, privacy and reliability. With AI integration, Qualcomm wants to offer richer and more personalized experiences. It works with multiple platforms, such as Android, Linux and Windows, and Qualcomm is working with a number of partners such as Facebook, Google, Amazon Alexa, Baidu, and more for improved experiences. AI on Snapdragon 845 comes with features such as speech recognition, object detection, face recognition, single camera bokeh effects to your camera photos, landmark detection, malware detection and more. Security The security architecture on the Snapdragon 845 SoC comes with a secure vault. It is hardware based and comes with its own Secure Processing Unit to keep your photos, videos, content and other details safe and secure. We have moved from typing passwords to fingerprint scanning, iris scanning and face scanning biometric authentication systems. And because biometrics is important to us from a privacy viewpoint, the data is encrypted and validated in the secure processing unit, thus keeping it secure. Also, with mobile payments becoming increasingly mainstream, the integration of secure vault in the chipset will enable higher level of security of your biometrics. Disclaimer: The correspondent Ritesh Bendre is in Maui, Hawaii on Qualcomm’s invite. Qualcomm paid for his travel and accommodation in Hawaii. The article was originally published in BGR.in, click here to read it.

Opinion: Gujarat is prosperous, but where is the job security

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Employment makes a woman financially independent and also empowers her. At least, ideally, that is how it should be. More often than not, her income becomes meaningful for the family as she allots the resources for more productive uses.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Women&#39;s employment is not simply about the work but involves the workplace too. Various conventions and legislations both at the international level and the national level intend to provide enabling work environment for the women employees. The resolute efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) towards providing the benchmark of &lsquo;decent work&rsquo; and various other crucial labour welfare directives are commendable. In consonance with the global standard, India has ratified several ILO conventions and the government&#39;s efforts to translate them into action are reflected in various labour welfare legislations.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Besides education and skill, age, fertility, cultural and normative practices regulate women&rsquo;s decision to participate in the labour market</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The factors affecting female participation in the labour market are more diverse and complex than her male counterpart. Besides education and skill, age, fertility, cultural and normative practices regulate women&rsquo;s decision to participate in the labour market.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, less than one-third of the women participate in the labour market. This is in contrast to the global average of 52 per cent. A number of South Asian countries show a perplexing trend of female labour force participation. For instance, while in India there has been gradual decline (except 2004 -05) in the women&rsquo;s labour force participation, Bangladesh has performed reasonably well, as have Nepal (79.4 per cent) and Maldives (54 per cent). Even Pakistan and Sri Lanka has shown a steady increase.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Female Work Participation (FWPR) rate in India has declined from 28.5 per cent in 1987-88 to 21.9 per cent in (2011-12). Though 2004-05 witnessed a significant rise in FWPR (marginally less than 30 per cent), the growth has&nbsp;not been sustainable. Scholars indicate, globalisation is a major factor behind increasing female participation which prompts the question: why is female work participation declining despite overall economic growth?&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Some scholars attribute proliferation of educational opportunities to be the&nbsp;reason behind females missing from employment. But this only partially explains declining FWPR because the decline in work participation has been witnessed across all age categories. The recession in 2008 could be a probable reason for the declining FWPR too. However, this fact falls short as an explanation if we include the performance of other South Asian countries. &nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Women with elementary education seem to be particularly missing from the labour force as they mostly perform the duties of unpaid caregivers</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Women with elementary education seem to be particularly missing from the labour force as they mostly perform the duties of unpaid caregivers. Apart from the care economy, a substantial proportion of the female workers contribute as unpaid family labour in domestic enterprises, more so in rural India. Perceptions about paid labour and unpaid household work are also undergoing profound changes and ceaseless efforts are being made to assess the value of care economy and at least give some recognition to the traditional caregivers of the society.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Manufacturing and construction sectors have emerged as two important sectors of employment generation. Feminisation of the low skill jobs in these two sectors has become a regular feature. Most of these workers are informally employed. Even in globalised giants like the garment export sector, majority of the artisans and tailors are informally employed. Tweaking of various labour welfare legislations and gross misappropriation of data has become a dominant feature. Within the garment industries in the National Capital Region, informal forms of employment are thriving. It is believed that globalisation puts a premium on skill. However, a closer look at the labour market arrangements and work conditions do not resonate this faith.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>In the garment export sector, majority of the artisans and tailors are informally employed (WION)</p>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The government needs to be sensitive about the implementation of various schemes and policies. The &lsquo;Sumangali&rsquo; scheme in Tamil Nadu, which have been traditionally employing girl child in the textile industry, glaringly testifies the gap between the rhetoric and the reality. Various export lanes (SEZs) across the country are replete with such bondage situations.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>A case study of 90 women workers in Delhi-NCR revealed that only 3 female workers among&nbsp;them got maternity benefits. Maternity benefits form a crucial part of female employment as the most productive years of a woman worker is also her reproductive years. The recent amendments to the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961, though laudable, has limited coverage as it keeps the remaining 95 per cent of the population who are engaged in the informal sector outside the safety net.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The informal economy represents a huge sector in our country&rsquo;s employment scenario supporting around 95 per cent of the jobs created. Besides earning less, informal workers are also more vulnerable to violations of basic human rights, particularly those related to reasonable working conditions and work safety. With little job security and limited access to safety nets, most of the informally employed remain extremely vulnerable to setbacks, such as illnesses and loss of income.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Not surprisingly, a strong correlation exists between informality and poverty in India. Evidence strongly suggests women have the poorest access and control over resources. Though the wage gaps between male and female workers are declining, other improvements at work also need to be ensured to realise the potential of the nation. ILO&rsquo;s decent work directives, and even the best of various central and state legislations, are of little use if the workers are unaware of their rights and role in the economy. Therefore, knowledge about legal rights is a crucial step towards facilitating the environment for &lsquo;decent&rsquo; work. Participation of various stakeholders like civil society, trade unions and NGOs would prove to be beneficial in this respect. A nation can never flourish with half of her labour force remaining unnourished and underutilised.</p>


Tweaking of various labour welfare legislations and gross misappropriation of data has become a dominant feature in India

Employment makes a woman financially independent and also empowers her. At least, ideally, that is how it should be. More often than not, her income becomes meaningful for the family as she allots the resources for more productive uses. Women's employment is not simply about the work but involves the workplace too. Various conventions and legislations both at the international level and the national level intend to provide enabling work environment for the women employees. The resolute efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) towards providing the benchmark of ‘decent work’ and various other crucial labour welfare directives are commendable. In consonance with the global standard, India has ratified several ILO conventions and the government's efforts to translate them into action are reflected in various labour welfare legislations. Besides education and skill, age, fertility, cultural and normative practices regulate women’s decision to participate in the labour market × The factors affecting female participation in the labour market are more diverse and complex than her male counterpart. Besides education and skill, age, fertility, cultural and normative practices regulate women’s decision to participate in the labour market. In the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia, less than one-third of the women participate in the labour market. This is in contrast to the global average of 52 per cent. A number of South Asian countries show a perplexing trend of female labour force participation. For instance, while in India there has been gradual decline (except 2004 -05) in the women’s labour force participation, Bangladesh has performed reasonably well, as have Nepal (79.4 per cent) and Maldives (54 per cent). Even Pakistan and Sri Lanka has shown a steady increase. Female Work Participation (FWPR) rate in India has declined from 28.5 per cent in 1987-88 to 21.9 per cent in (2011-12). Though 2004-05 witnessed a significant rise in FWPR (marginally less than 30 per cent), the growth has not been sustainable. Scholars indicate, globalisation is a major factor behind increasing female participation which prompts the question: why is female work participation declining despite overall economic growth? Some scholars attribute proliferation of educational opportunities to be the reason behind females missing from employment. But this only partially explains declining FWPR because the decline in work participation has been witnessed across all age categories. The recession in 2008 could be a probable reason for the declining FWPR too. However, this fact falls short as an explanation if we include the performance of other South Asian countries. Women with elementary education seem to be particularly missing from the labour force as they mostly perform the duties of unpaid caregivers × Women with elementary education seem to be particularly missing from the labour force as they mostly perform the duties of unpaid caregivers. Apart from the care economy, a substantial proportion of the female workers contribute as unpaid family labour in domestic enterprises, more so in rural India. Perceptions about paid labour and unpaid household work are also undergoing profound changes and ceaseless efforts are being made to assess the value of care economy and at least give some recognition to the traditional caregivers of the society. Manufacturing and construction sectors have emerged as two important sectors of employment generation. Feminisation of the low skill jobs in these two sectors has become a regular feature. Most of these workers are informally employed. Even in globalised giants like the garment export sector, majority of the artisans and tailors are informally employed. Tweaking of various labour welfare legislations and gross misappropriation of data has become a dominant feature. Within the garment industries in the National Capital Region, informal forms of employment are thriving. It is believed that globalisation puts a premium on skill. However, a closer look at the labour market arrangements and work conditions do not resonate this faith. In the garment export sector, majority of the artisans and tailors are informally employed (WION) × The government needs to be sensitive about the implementation of various schemes and policies. The ‘Sumangali’ scheme in Tamil Nadu, which have been traditionally employing girl child in the textile industry, glaringly testifies the gap between the rhetoric and the reality. Various export lanes (SEZs) across the country are replete with such bondage situations. A case study of 90 women workers in Delhi-NCR revealed that only 3 female workers among them got maternity benefits. Maternity benefits form a crucial part of female employment as the most productive years of a woman worker is also her reproductive years. The recent amendments to the Maternity Benefit Act, 1961, though laudable, has limited coverage as it keeps the remaining 95 per cent of the population who are engaged in the informal sector outside the safety net. The informal economy represents a huge sector in our country’s employment scenario supporting around 95 per cent of the jobs created. Besides earning less, informal workers are also more vulnerable to violations of basic human rights, particularly those related to reasonable working conditions and work safety. With little job security and limited access to safety nets, most of the informally employed remain extremely vulnerable to setbacks, such as illnesses and loss of income. Not surprisingly, a strong correlation exists between informality and poverty in India. Evidence strongly suggests women have the poorest access and control over resources. Though the wage gaps between male and female workers are declining, other improvements at work also need to be ensured to realise the potential of the nation. ILO’s decent work directives, and even the best of various central and state legislations, are of little use if the workers are unaware of their rights and role in the economy. Therefore, knowledge about legal rights is a crucial step towards facilitating the environment for ‘decent’ work. Participation of various stakeholders like civil society, trade unions and NGOs would prove to be beneficial in this respect. A nation can never flourish with half of her labour force remaining unnourished and underutilised.

International Women's Day: The female workers in the nation's garment factories

<p>National Capital Region (NCR) of India is the world&rsquo;s largest agglomeration in terms of area (33,578 sq. km) and second-largest in terms of population (22.157 million). Garment production for the export market is clustered in specific sectors in NOIDA, Gurgaon, and Okhla industrial area; for the domestic market, the production mainly takes place in Delhi. Most of the labourers working in the garment industries are migrants from the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Only a minuscule supply of labour comes from Orissa and Bengal and other states.</p>

<p>Garment factories that cater to the domestic market hardly comply with any of the rules designed to ensure the health and safety of workers under Factories Act of 1948. The definition of a factory under this act gives added dimension to the problem. Basically, factory refers to a unit where 10 (with power) or 20 workers (with or without power) are engaged in production.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Most of the domestic units in Gandhi Nagar, Seelampur and Karol Bagh employ less than 10 workers, thus, they are not being directly regulated by the Factory Act. However, in Karol Bagh, several units employ more than 10 workers. These factories and workshops, employing less than 10 workers are mostly unorganised in nature; thus, the workers here largely remain outside the safety net. These unorganised units employ a considerable proportion of child labour, mainly working as helper whose job consists of dhaga cutting, pressing, and relocation of products.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Most of the domestic units in Gandhi Nagar, Seelampur and Karol Bagh employ less than 10 workers, thus, they are not being directly regulated by the Factory Act.</h5>
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<p>These child labourers often are instructed by their employers to over-report their age when inquired by some outsider. Many of them reported that though their identity or employment card mentions their age as 18; they are actually much younger.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the backdrop of child labour scenario in India, the conditions pushing children towards selling their labour in the market must be understood. Most of these child labourers are migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. They have been sent, to earn some extra pennies, by their families who are usually landless rural labourers working mainly as agricultural labourers or daily wage earners. The employer usually is an acquaintance living in the same village.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A striking feature of the domestic garment industry is that most of the workers working in any particular unit are from the same district and, very often, they are from the same village. The fact highlights that kin or friendship based relations often form the ready source of labour supply to these units.</p>

<p>Children engaged in these production units usually migrate either with some relative working in the same unit or with the employer himself. There is a general consensus that the employer usually being village-based friend or relative would take care of the initial needs of the child. The child usually is provided shelter and lodging in the factory unit, which often lacks proper ventilation and sanitation facilities.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The child usually is provided shelter and lodging in the factory unit, which often lacks proper ventilation and sanitation facilities.&nbsp;</h5>
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<p>Most of the children who are sheltered in the factory units are usually male. It does not, however, mean that these units do not employ female child labourers. Female child labour usually is roped in through some family members who are already working in the same unit and has settled in some neighbourhood. Puja (age 16 years), for example, has migrated from Arah district in Bihar, with her family and she has joined the factory as a quality checker (Q.C.) with a monthly remuneration of Rs. 7,000. Her elder sister who works in the same factory as quality checker has introduced her to the job.</p>

<p>However, the plight of the male child and adolescent workers engaged in the garment factories are worse. Mostly, the child is provided shelter in the factory unit and, in the initial six months, he is usually trained to become a helper in the units. In the initial six months, most of the child labourers do not get any formal payment. They are entitled only to food and lodging.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Ramjas Kumar Yadav (age 17 years), an adolescent migrant from Madhubani district of Bihar, reports that he has been introduced to this occupation through some village relatives. Ramjas has been working in this unit for last four months but he has not still received any formal payment. His father is an agricultural labourer and his brother works in some garment factory as a piece-rate worker.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Ramjas has been working in this unit for last four months but he has not still received any formal payment.</h5>
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<p>Very similar is the plight of Manoj who is from Gaya district of Bihar. He is only 12 years old and had been working in the unit as a child labourer over the last 3 years. He resides in the factory itself and is entitled to a meager amount of Rs. 4,000 per month. He is able to remit only around Rs. 500 to his home in Bihar. His siblings work in brick kiln as daily wage earners. Rahman Ansari from Banka district in Bihar mentions that his father has a shop in village but it hardly earns him between Rs. 500 &ndash; Rs. 1000 per month. His brother works as daily wage earner in village. He is still learning his trade and his emoluments include only food and shelter.</p>

<p>This is the general picture of any child labourer working in any factory in the country. They usually come from very poor, landless rural households and from depressed caste groups with intergenerational debt bondage. Poverty and social inequality push them towards selling their labour at such a tender age. Moreover, they are forced into a bonded labour situation with no or very little formal payment in the first six months of their training. At such a juncture, amendments to the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 2016 and Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 are of critical importance and must be seen in integration.</p>

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<h5>Children are forced into a bonded labour situation with no or very little formal payment in the first six months of their training.</h5>
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<p>An overhaul of legislation is required to effectively curb the menace of child labour. However, the recent amendments tweak the law in a manner that makes child labour available for employment. Section 3 in clause 5 allows child labour in &lsquo;family or family enterprises&rsquo;. This provision is problematic as it may be difficult to determine whether a particular family is running an enterprise or some anonymous owner coercively elicits the loyalty of a child to circumvent the law. Most of the employers engaging child labourers in the domestic garment factory have their ties in village which help them procure cheap labour.</p>

<p>An interaction with a worker household in a factory site at Karol Bagh revealed that their children had come from the village during their summer vacations to help the parents in their work of dhaga-cutting. The entire family participates, meeting the demands of the contractor who pays them on a piece-rate basis. Such a proviso in law may actually increase the dropout rates and may have a serious impact on the physical and mental health of the child worker.</p>

<p>According to UNICEF, there are 33 million child labourers in India and as per 2011 census, 80 per cent of them are Dalits and 20 per cent are from Backward Classes. Mere compliance with ILO&rsquo;s convention is not enough and the root cause of child labour needs to be addressed. Therefore, regulations and their implementations need to be sincere and wholehearted so as to provide the children of India an enabling environment to realise their potential.</p>

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Most of the employers engaging child labourers in garment factory have their ties in village, helping them procure cheap labour

National Capital Region (NCR) of India is the world’s largest agglomeration in terms of area (33,578 sq. km) and second-largest in terms of population (22.157 million). Garment production for the export market is clustered in specific sectors in NOIDA, Gurgaon, and Okhla industrial area; for the domestic market, the production mainly takes place in Delhi. Most of the labourers working in the garment industries are migrants from the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Only a minuscule supply of labour comes from Orissa and Bengal and other states. Garment factories that cater to the domestic market hardly comply with any of the rules designed to ensure the health and safety of workers under Factories Act of 1948. The definition of a factory under this act gives added dimension to the problem. Basically, factory refers to a unit where 10 (with power) or 20 workers (with or without power) are engaged in production. Most of the domestic units in Gandhi Nagar, Seelampur and Karol Bagh employ less than 10 workers, thus, they are not being directly regulated by the Factory Act. However, in Karol Bagh, several units employ more than 10 workers. These factories and workshops, employing less than 10 workers are mostly unorganised in nature; thus, the workers here largely remain outside the safety net. These unorganised units employ a considerable proportion of child labour, mainly working as helper whose job consists of dhaga cutting, pressing, and relocation of products. Most of the domestic units in Gandhi Nagar, Seelampur and Karol Bagh employ less than 10 workers, thus, they are not being directly regulated by the Factory Act. × These child labourers often are instructed by their employers to over-report their age when inquired by some outsider. Many of them reported that though their identity or employment card mentions their age as 18; they are actually much younger. In the backdrop of child labour scenario in India, the conditions pushing children towards selling their labour in the market must be understood. Most of these child labourers are migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. They have been sent, to earn some extra pennies, by their families who are usually landless rural labourers working mainly as agricultural labourers or daily wage earners. The employer usually is an acquaintance living in the same village. A striking feature of the domestic garment industry is that most of the workers working in any particular unit are from the same district and, very often, they are from the same village. The fact highlights that kin or friendship based relations often form the ready source of labour supply to these units. Children engaged in these production units usually migrate either with some relative working in the same unit or with the employer himself. There is a general consensus that the employer usually being village-based friend or relative would take care of the initial needs of the child. The child usually is provided shelter and lodging in the factory unit, which often lacks proper ventilation and sanitation facilities. The child usually is provided shelter and lodging in the factory unit, which often lacks proper ventilation and sanitation facilities. × Most of the children who are sheltered in the factory units are usually male. It does not, however, mean that these units do not employ female child labourers. Female child labour usually is roped in through some family members who are already working in the same unit and has settled in some neighbourhood. Puja (age 16 years), for example, has migrated from Arah district in Bihar, with her family and she has joined the factory as a quality checker (Q.C.) with a monthly remuneration of Rs. 7,000. Her elder sister who works in the same factory as quality checker has introduced her to the job. However, the plight of the male child and adolescent workers engaged in the garment factories are worse. Mostly, the child is provided shelter in the factory unit and, in the initial six months, he is usually trained to become a helper in the units. In the initial six months, most of the child labourers do not get any formal payment. They are entitled only to food and lodging. Ramjas Kumar Yadav (age 17 years), an adolescent migrant from Madhubani district of Bihar, reports that he has been introduced to this occupation through some village relatives. Ramjas has been working in this unit for last four months but he has not still received any formal payment. His father is an agricultural labourer and his brother works in some garment factory as a piece-rate worker. Ramjas has been working in this unit for last four months but he has not still received any formal payment. × Very similar is the plight of Manoj who is from Gaya district of Bihar. He is only 12 years old and had been working in the unit as a child labourer over the last 3 years. He resides in the factory itself and is entitled to a meager amount of Rs. 4,000 per month. He is able to remit only around Rs. 500 to his home in Bihar. His siblings work in brick kiln as daily wage earners. Rahman Ansari from Banka district in Bihar mentions that his father has a shop in village but it hardly earns him between Rs. 500 – Rs. 1000 per month. His brother works as daily wage earner in village. He is still learning his trade and his emoluments include only food and shelter. This is the general picture of any child labourer working in any factory in the country. They usually come from very poor, landless rural households and from depressed caste groups with intergenerational debt bondage. Poverty and social inequality push them towards selling their labour at such a tender age. Moreover, they are forced into a bonded labour situation with no or very little formal payment in the first six months of their training. At such a juncture, amendments to the Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 2016 and Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 are of critical importance and must be seen in integration. Children are forced into a bonded labour situation with no or very little formal payment in the first six months of their training. × An overhaul of legislation is required to effectively curb the menace of child labour. However, the recent amendments tweak the law in a manner that makes child labour available for employment. Section 3 in clause 5 allows child labour in ‘family or family enterprises’. This provision is problematic as it may be difficult to determine whether a particular family is running an enterprise or some anonymous owner coercively elicits the loyalty of a child to circumvent the law. Most of the employers engaging child labourers in the domestic garment factory have their ties in village which help them procure cheap labour. An interaction with a worker household in a factory site at Karol Bagh revealed that their children had come from the village during their summer vacations to help the parents in their work of dhaga-cutting. The entire family participates, meeting the demands of the contractor who pays them on a piece-rate basis. Such a proviso in law may actually increase the dropout rates and may have a serious impact on the physical and mental health of the child worker. According to UNICEF, there are 33 million child labourers in India and as per 2011 census, 80 per cent of them are Dalits and 20 per cent are from Backward Classes. Mere compliance with ILO’s convention is not enough and the root cause of child labour needs to be addressed. Therefore, regulations and their implementations need to be sincere and wholehearted so as to provide the children of India an enabling environment to realise their potential.

Children's Day and the child labourers of India's garment factories

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Zee News Rajasthan

Editor

Baishali Lahiri

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