<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:15,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1772}">Iraq is set to introduce a bill that may cut down the age of marriage to nine for girls and 15 for boys. Right advocates have raised an alarm that the bill introduced in the Iraqi parliament would roll back women's rights in an already patriarchal society and increase the prevalence of underage marriages in the country.</p>

<h2 bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:85,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:26,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1842}"><strong bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:85,&quot;w&quot;:147,&quot;h&quot;:25,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1842}">Iraq's new bill</strong></h2>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:130,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1887}">The bill, as per AFP, would allow citizens to choose between religious authorities or the civil judiciary for decisions on family matters.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:180,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1937}">Critics of the bill argue that the proposed changes could drastically reduce protections in areas such as inheritance, divorce, and child custody.&nbsp;</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:229,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:17,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1986}"><strong bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:229,&quot;w&quot;:685,&quot;h&quot;:16,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1986}">Also read |&nbsp;<a bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:88,&quot;y&quot;:229,&quot;w&quot;:604,&quot;h&quot;:16,&quot;abs_x&quot;:121,&quot;abs_y&quot;:1986}" href="https://www.wionews.com/world/uk-anti-muslim-riots-two-sentenced-for-violent-disorder-following-tragic-knife-attack-748493">UK anti-Muslim riots: Two sentenced for violent disorder following tragic knife attack</a></strong></p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:262,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2019}">Of particular concern is the potential impact on the minimum age for marriage, which is currently set at 18 under the 1959 Personal Status Law. Opponents of the bill worry that it could effectively remove this age restriction, despite denials from lawmakers supporting the changes.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:329,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:17,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2086}">According to UNICEF, 28 per cent of girls in Iraq are already married before they reach 18.&nbsp;</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:361,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2118}">Human Rights Watch (HRW) researcher Sarah Sanbar warned, "Passing this law would show a country moving backwards, not forwards".&nbsp;</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:411,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2168}">Amal Kabashi, from the Iraq Women's Network, expressed similar concerns, stating that the amendment would "provide huge leeway for male dominance over family issues" in an already patriarchal society.</p>

<h2 bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:464,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:26,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2221}"><strong bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:464,&quot;w&quot;:298,&quot;h&quot;:25,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2221}">Current marriage law in Iraq</strong></h2>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:509,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2266}">The 1959 Personal Status Law, which shifted family matters from religious to state jurisdiction, is seen as a cornerstone of women's rights in Iraq. It was passed shortly after the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and under it, the age of marriage is 18 for both girls and boys.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:576,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2333}">The new bill, however, backed by conservative Shiite Muslim deputies, threatens to undermine these protections by reintroducing religious rules into family law, particularly for Shiite and Sunni Muslims. The bill does not mention other religions or sects in Iraq, a country known for its diverse population.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:643,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2400}"><strong bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:643,&quot;w&quot;:701,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2400}">Also read |&nbsp;<a bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:643,&quot;w&quot;:701,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2400}" href="https://www.wionews.com/world/is-al-qaida-material-found-at-suspects-home-in-foiled-terror-plot-targeting-taylor-swift-shows-748408">IS, al Qaeda material found at suspect’s home in foiled terror plot targeting Taylor Swift shows</a></strong></p>

<h2 bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:696,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:26,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2453}"><strong bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:696,&quot;w&quot;:317,&quot;h&quot;:25,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2453}">Rights groups oppose the bill</strong></h2>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:741,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2498}">After significant opposition in late July, the bill was temporarily withdrawn, only to re-emerge on August 4 with support from powerful Shiite blocs in parliament.&nbsp;</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:790,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2547}">While it remains unclear whether this latest attempt to change the law will succeed, activists like Kabashi are determined to continue opposing it.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:840,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:69,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2597}">Amnesty International has also voiced strong opposition, with Iraq researcher Razaw Salihy calling for the amendments to be "stopped in their tracks." Salihy warned that the proposed changes would create a "ring of fire around women and children," potentially legalising the marriage of girls as young as nine and jeopardizing their futures.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:924,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2681}">Supporters of the bill, such as lawmaker Raed al-Maliki, who introduced the bill argue that the objections come from those with a "malicious agenda that seeks to deny a significant portion of the Iraqi population" the right to have "their personal status determined by their beliefs."&nbsp;</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:991,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:34,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2748}">However, human rights advocates caution that enshrining religious freedom in law with vague language could strip women and girls of their rights and safety.</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:1041,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:52,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2798}">The proposed changes have sparked protests, with activists planning further demonstrations in Baghdad to oppose the bill. Rights groups warn that if passed, the law's "vague and undefined language" could "strip women and girls of rights and safety."</p>

<p bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:1108,&quot;w&quot;:723,&quot;h&quot;:17,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2865}"><em bis_size="{&quot;x&quot;:8,&quot;y&quot;:1108,&quot;w&quot;:182,&quot;h&quot;:16,&quot;abs_x&quot;:41,&quot;abs_y&quot;:2865}">(With inputs from agencies)</em></p>


Iraq is set to introduce a bill that may cut down the age of marriage to nine for girls and 15 for boys. Right advocates have raised an alarm that the bill introduced in the Iraqi parliament would roll back women's rights in an already patriarchal society and increase the prevalence of underage marriages in the country.

Iraq is set to introduce a bill that may cut down the age of marriage to nine for girls and 15 for boys. Right advocates have raised an alarm that the bill introduced in the Iraqi parliament would roll back women's rights in an already patriarchal society and increase the prevalence of underage marriages in the country. Iraq's new bill The bill, as per AFP, would allow citizens to choose between religious authorities or the civil judiciary for decisions on family matters. Critics of the bill argue that the proposed changes could drastically reduce protections in areas such as inheritance, divorce, and child custody. Also read | UK anti-Muslim riots: Two sentenced for violent disorder following tragic knife attack Of particular concern is the potential impact on the minimum age for marriage, which is currently set at 18 under the 1959 Personal Status Law. Opponents of the bill worry that it could effectively remove this age restriction, despite denials from lawmakers supporting the changes. According to UNICEF, 28 per cent of girls in Iraq are already married before they reach 18. Human Rights Watch (HRW) researcher Sarah Sanbar warned, "Passing this law would show a country moving backwards, not forwards". Amal Kabashi, from the Iraq Women's Network, expressed similar concerns, stating that the amendment would "provide huge leeway for male dominance over family issues" in an already patriarchal society. Current marriage law in Iraq The 1959 Personal Status Law, which shifted family matters from religious to state jurisdiction, is seen as a cornerstone of women's rights in Iraq. It was passed shortly after the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and under it, the age of marriage is 18 for both girls and boys. The new bill, however, backed by conservative Shiite Muslim deputies, threatens to undermine these protections by reintroducing religious rules into family law, particularly for Shiite and Sunni Muslims. The bill does not mention other religions or sects in Iraq, a country known for its diverse population. Also read | IS, al Qaeda material found at suspect’s home in foiled terror plot targeting Taylor Swift shows Rights groups oppose the bill After significant opposition in late July, the bill was temporarily withdrawn, only to re-emerge on August 4 with support from powerful Shiite blocs in parliament. While it remains unclear whether this latest attempt to change the law will succeed, activists like Kabashi are determined to continue opposing it. Amnesty International has also voiced strong opposition, with Iraq researcher Razaw Salihy calling for the amendments to be "stopped in their tracks." Salihy warned that the proposed changes would create a "ring of fire around women and children," potentially legalising the marriage of girls as young as nine and jeopardizing their futures. Supporters of the bill, such as lawmaker Raed al-Maliki, who introduced the bill argue that the objections come from those with a "malicious agenda that seeks to deny a significant portion of the Iraqi population" the right to have "their personal status determined by their beliefs." However, human rights advocates caution that enshrining religious freedom in law with vague language could strip women and girls of their rights and safety. The proposed changes have sparked protests, with activists planning further demonstrations in Baghdad to oppose the bill. Rights groups warn that if passed, the law's "vague and undefined language" could "strip women and girls of rights and safety." (With inputs from agencies)

Iraq's new bill may lower marriage age for girls to nine, sparking outcry for women's rights

<p>Pakistan's Tableeghi Jamaat chief Haji Muhammad Abdul Wahab died here Sunday morning after prolonged illness. He was 95.</p>

<p>He was being treated for dengue fever at a private hospital in Lahore.</p>

<p>Pakistan's Information and Broadcasting Minister Chaudhry Fawad Hussain and Minister for Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony Noor ul Haq Qadri have expressed grief over the demise of the nonagenarian cleric, Radio Pakistan reported.</p>

<p>Wahab was born in January 1923 in Delhi and migrated to Pakistan after the partition.</p>

<p>According to Tableeghi Markaz in Raiwind, timing of his funeral prayers will be announced later.</p>

<p>The Tableeghi Jamaat is one of the largest organisations of Sunni Muslims in the Indian subcontinent with its headquarters, referred to as the Markaz, in New Delhi.</p>

<p>The organisation was founded by Indian Islamic scholar Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1920.</p>


Pakistan's Tableeghi Jamaat chief Haji Muhammad Abdul Wahab died here Sunday morning after prolonged illness. He was 95. He was being treated for dengue fever at a private hospital in Lahore.

Pakistan's Tableeghi Jamaat chief Haji Muhammad Abdul Wahab died here Sunday morning after prolonged illness. He was 95. He was being treated for dengue fever at a private hospital in Lahore. Pakistan's Information and Broadcasting Minister Chaudhry Fawad Hussain and Minister for Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony Noor ul Haq Qadri have expressed grief over the demise of the nonagenarian cleric, Radio Pakistan reported. Wahab was born in January 1923 in Delhi and migrated to Pakistan after the partition. According to Tableeghi Markaz in Raiwind, timing of his funeral prayers will be announced later. The Tableeghi Jamaat is one of the largest organisations of Sunni Muslims in the Indian subcontinent with its headquarters, referred to as the Markaz, in New Delhi. The organisation was founded by Indian Islamic scholar Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Kandhalvi in 1920.

Pakistan's Tableeghi Jamaat chief Abdul Wahab dies

<p>They say when it rains, it pours. But no one could have predicted this new storm for the Wahhabi state of Saudi Arabia.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The country&#39;s list of recent woes is pretty impressive; the US support for the regime has dwindled visibly, there have been consistent ISIS attacks, Iran continues to be a threat, and to add to all these, there is an economic recession as well as the waxing of &lsquo;Shia Crescent&rsquo; in the neighbourhood. But the real bolt has come from the &lsquo;Honourable University of Al-Azhar,&rsquo; whose scholars recently &#39;excluded&#39;&nbsp;Salafi-Wahhabism from Sunni Islam. Historically speaking, the Salafi movement of the 1960s-70s gradually subsumed the Wahabi ideology to the effect that adherents of Wahhabism today call themselves Salafis, even though they practise a more puritan form of Islam than mainstream Salafi Muslims.</p>

<p>Established in Cairo in 975 AD, Al-Azhar is one of the world&rsquo;s oldest extant universities and Sunni Islam&rsquo;s most prestigious academic institution. The<em> fatawa&nbsp;</em>(edicts) of its clerics are held in high esteem, even if not observed to the letter, by most Sunnis around the world. On August 25-27, a delegation of eminent Al-Azhar scholars attended a conference held in Grozny (Chechnya) titled &lsquo;Who are the Sunnis&rsquo;. At the conference, Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Ahmed el-Tayeb categorically renounced all forms of extremist and terrorist actions, saying that such deeds were incompatible with the teachings of Sunni Islam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Reportedly, in the same conference, the Shaikh also excluded the Salafi-Wahhabi movement from the sect of Ahlus Sunna (the Sunnis).</p>

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<h5>Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Ahmed el-Tayeb categorically renounced all forms of extremist and terrorist actions, saying that such deeds were incompatible with the teachings of Sunni Islam.&nbsp;</h5>
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<p>The same omission was repeated in the final statement of the conference that limited the definition of Sunnis to &#39;Asharis, Maturidis by beliefs, followers of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence (Hanafi, Malaki, Shafai and Hanbali), and followers of pure Sufism in terms of ethics and chastity&#39;.&nbsp;Conspicuously absent from this definition were names and terminologies associated with the Salafi-Wahhabi movement.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The statement also refrained from mentioning any Saudi religious institutions. It restricted to consecrating only traditional non-Salafi Sunni academic institutions, namely Al-Azhar, The University of Al-Quaraouiyine (Fez, Morocco), Al-Zaytoonah University (Tunisia), Hadramaut University (Yemen) and some Russian universities. It is to be noted here that majority of Sunni Muslims in India belong to the Ashari and Maturidi systems of belief, including Deobandis and Barelvis, which were consecrated at the conference.</p>

<p>In their joint statement, the participants observed that the conference represented &#39;an important and necessary turning point to correct the sharp and dangerous deviation that has affected the concept of the Sunni community following attempts by extremists to seize and monopolise this title.&#39;&nbsp;Scholars from over 100 countries including India, Russia, Syria, Turkey, Britain, etc. participated in the conference and were united in their stand against terrorism.</p>

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<h5>Scholars from over 100 countries including India, Russia, Syria, Turkey, Britain, etc. participated in the conference and were united in their stand against terrorism.</h5>
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<p>Speaking to the Middle East media website &lsquo;Al-Monitor&rsquo;, Prof Ahmad Karima of Al-Azhar University accused the Salafi-Wahhabi scholars of promoting the idea that they are the only real Sunnis to the exclusion of Ashari theology, which is adopted by Al-Azhar. He said, &#39;They (the Salafi-Wahhabis) even went further, deeming us non-believers in the Al-Masira Encyclopedia of Contemporary Religions, Sects and Parties (published by the Saudi World Assembly of Muslim Youth) &hellip; The Chechen conference was held to put things back in order, Sunnis are Asharis,&#39;&nbsp;he stressed.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In another interview, Ahmad Karima added, &#39;If the world is looking forward to uproot terrorism, it has to stand up against Wahhabism because they are the root of all sedition and conflict.&#39;</p>

<p>The Wahhabi intellectuals and Saudi officials were predictably enraged by the final statement of the conference. &nbsp;Saudi journalist Muhammad Al-Shaikh reportedly tweeted: &#39;Tayeb&rsquo;s participation in the Grozny conference &hellip; will force us to change our behavior with Egypt. Our country is more important and Sisi&rsquo;s Egypt shall go to hell.&#39;</p>

<p>It is noteworthy that this internal Sunni feud came at a time when Saudi officials and their religious scholars were engaged in a bitter takfiri tirade with their Iranian counterparts on the eve of the Haj pilgrimage. &nbsp;After Riyadh and Tehran failed to agree on terms governing the Hajj this year, Iranian President Ali Khamenei accused Saudi Arabia of &#39;murdering&#39;&nbsp;Iranian pilgrims in last year&rsquo;s Hajj stampede. He also called Saudis &#39;puny Satans who trembled in fear of &hellip; the Great Satan (the US).&#39;&nbsp;In response, the Saudi Grand Mufti said: &#39;We have to understand that they (Iranians) are not Muslims. They are &lsquo;Majus&rsquo; (in reference to Zoroastrians, the pre-Islamic religious community of Iran), and their enmity to Muslims &ndash; specifically to Sunni community &ndash; goes way back.&#39;</p>

<p>However, it is ironic that the message of the Saudi Grand Mufti did not resonate with the non-Salafi Sunni community, which in turn started questioning the religious credibility of the Salafi-Wahhabi movement itself. As noted Middle East expert Juan R. Cole put it: &#39;Ironically, in the 18th century Wahhabis were the ones denouncing the Sunnis and attacking the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Through the centuries, the Wahhabis have gradually asserted that they are Sunnis themselves. But they did not start out that way.&#39;</p>

<p>In fact, a nascent Sunni backlash against Salafi-Wahhabism seems to be gradually spreading across the world now; the non-Wahhabis Sunnis find relations with the Shiite community more acceptable, than with &lsquo;ghair-muqallid&rsquo; (non-traditionalist) Wahhabis. For instance, Shias and Sunnis offered the second consecutive joint Eid Namaz at Imambara Shah Najaf at Lucknow in India recently.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>This was followed by an Eid Milan ceremony that invited Sikh and Hindu religious leaders. Meanwhile, there has been growing unease within the ruling Malaysian party UMNO over the rise of Salafi-Wahhabist extremism within its ranks. The secretary of the UMNO Veterans Association recently warned that a federal minister was using government facilities to spread the Salafi-Wahhabi ideology. This sense of alarm against the rise of Salafi-Wahhabism in Malaysia, which has until now allowed its spread unhindered, is a new development. Clearly, Sunni Muslims are becoming wary of being associated with &#39;Salafi-Wahhabi radicalism&#39;&nbsp;that has spawned major jihadist organisations, like Al-Qaeda and the ISIS.</p>

<p>Apprehensive of the growing trend, several Islamic scholars and secular commentators stress that it would be wrong to directly equate Salafi-Wahhabi ideology with extremism or terrorism. They aver that majority of Wahhabis (over 80 per cent), who prefer to call themselves Salafis these days, are doctrinally apolitical and peace-loving; the jihadist strain only affects a small minority in that community.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>The branding of Salafi-Wahhabis as non-Sunnis, non-Muslims or Muslim extremists by any community exacerbates religious polarisation leading to further alienation and radicalisation. They also warn against the potential rise of McCarthyism against Salafi-Wahhabi adherents by various societies and governments. Therefore, the solution to extremism and violence solely lies in religious tolerance and communal harmony, irrespective of any ethnic, racial or religious differences across the board.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Sunni Muslims are becoming wary of being associated with 'Salafi-Wahhabi radicalism'

They say when it rains, it pours. But no one could have predicted this new storm for the Wahhabi state of Saudi Arabia. The country's list of recent woes is pretty impressive; the US support for the regime has dwindled visibly, there have been consistent ISIS attacks, Iran continues to be a threat, and to add to all these, there is an economic recession as well as the waxing of ‘Shia Crescent’ in the neighbourhood. But the real bolt has come from the ‘Honourable University of Al-Azhar,’ whose scholars recently 'excluded' Salafi-Wahhabism from Sunni Islam. Historically speaking, the Salafi movement of the 1960s-70s gradually subsumed the Wahabi ideology to the effect that adherents of Wahhabism today call themselves Salafis, even though they practise a more puritan form of Islam than mainstream Salafi Muslims. Established in Cairo in 975 AD, Al-Azhar is one of the world’s oldest extant universities and Sunni Islam’s most prestigious academic institution. The fatawa (edicts) of its clerics are held in high esteem, even if not observed to the letter, by most Sunnis around the world. On August 25-27, a delegation of eminent Al-Azhar scholars attended a conference held in Grozny (Chechnya) titled ‘Who are the Sunnis’. At the conference, Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Ahmed el-Tayeb categorically renounced all forms of extremist and terrorist actions, saying that such deeds were incompatible with the teachings of Sunni Islam. Reportedly, in the same conference, the Shaikh also excluded the Salafi-Wahhabi movement from the sect of Ahlus Sunna (the Sunnis). Grand Imam of Al-Azhar Ahmed el-Tayeb categorically renounced all forms of extremist and terrorist actions, saying that such deeds were incompatible with the teachings of Sunni Islam. × The same omission was repeated in the final statement of the conference that limited the definition of Sunnis to 'Asharis, Maturidis by beliefs, followers of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence (Hanafi, Malaki, Shafai and Hanbali), and followers of pure Sufism in terms of ethics and chastity'. Conspicuously absent from this definition were names and terminologies associated with the Salafi-Wahhabi movement. The statement also refrained from mentioning any Saudi religious institutions. It restricted to consecrating only traditional non-Salafi Sunni academic institutions, namely Al-Azhar, The University of Al-Quaraouiyine (Fez, Morocco), Al-Zaytoonah University (Tunisia), Hadramaut University (Yemen) and some Russian universities. It is to be noted here that majority of Sunni Muslims in India belong to the Ashari and Maturidi systems of belief, including Deobandis and Barelvis, which were consecrated at the conference. In their joint statement, the participants observed that the conference represented 'an important and necessary turning point to correct the sharp and dangerous deviation that has affected the concept of the Sunni community following attempts by extremists to seize and monopolise this title.' Scholars from over 100 countries including India, Russia, Syria, Turkey, Britain, etc. participated in the conference and were united in their stand against terrorism. Scholars from over 100 countries including India, Russia, Syria, Turkey, Britain, etc. participated in the conference and were united in their stand against terrorism. × Speaking to the Middle East media website ‘Al-Monitor’, Prof Ahmad Karima of Al-Azhar University accused the Salafi-Wahhabi scholars of promoting the idea that they are the only real Sunnis to the exclusion of Ashari theology, which is adopted by Al-Azhar. He said, 'They (the Salafi-Wahhabis) even went further, deeming us non-believers in the Al-Masira Encyclopedia of Contemporary Religions, Sects and Parties (published by the Saudi World Assembly of Muslim Youth) … The Chechen conference was held to put things back in order, Sunnis are Asharis,' he stressed. In another interview, Ahmad Karima added, 'If the world is looking forward to uproot terrorism, it has to stand up against Wahhabism because they are the root of all sedition and conflict.' The Wahhabi intellectuals and Saudi officials were predictably enraged by the final statement of the conference. Saudi journalist Muhammad Al-Shaikh reportedly tweeted: 'Tayeb’s participation in the Grozny conference … will force us to change our behavior with Egypt. Our country is more important and Sisi’s Egypt shall go to hell.' It is noteworthy that this internal Sunni feud came at a time when Saudi officials and their religious scholars were engaged in a bitter takfiri tirade with their Iranian counterparts on the eve of the Haj pilgrimage. After Riyadh and Tehran failed to agree on terms governing the Hajj this year, Iranian President Ali Khamenei accused Saudi Arabia of 'murdering' Iranian pilgrims in last year’s Hajj stampede. He also called Saudis 'puny Satans who trembled in fear of … the Great Satan (the US).' In response, the Saudi Grand Mufti said: 'We have to understand that they (Iranians) are not Muslims. They are ‘Majus’ (in reference to Zoroastrians, the pre-Islamic religious community of Iran), and their enmity to Muslims – specifically to Sunni community – goes way back.' However, it is ironic that the message of the Saudi Grand Mufti did not resonate with the non-Salafi Sunni community, which in turn started questioning the religious credibility of the Salafi-Wahhabi movement itself. As noted Middle East expert Juan R. Cole put it: 'Ironically, in the 18th century Wahhabis were the ones denouncing the Sunnis and attacking the Sunni Ottoman Empire. Through the centuries, the Wahhabis have gradually asserted that they are Sunnis themselves. But they did not start out that way.' In fact, a nascent Sunni backlash against Salafi-Wahhabism seems to be gradually spreading across the world now; the non-Wahhabis Sunnis find relations with the Shiite community more acceptable, than with ‘ghair-muqallid’ (non-traditionalist) Wahhabis. For instance, Shias and Sunnis offered the second consecutive joint Eid Namaz at Imambara Shah Najaf at Lucknow in India recently. a nascent Sunni backlash against Salafi-Wahhabism seems to be gradually spreading across the world now × This was followed by an Eid Milan ceremony that invited Sikh and Hindu religious leaders. Meanwhile, there has been growing unease within the ruling Malaysian party UMNO over the rise of Salafi-Wahhabist extremism within its ranks. The secretary of the UMNO Veterans Association recently warned that a federal minister was using government facilities to spread the Salafi-Wahhabi ideology. This sense of alarm against the rise of Salafi-Wahhabism in Malaysia, which has until now allowed its spread unhindered, is a new development. Clearly, Sunni Muslims are becoming wary of being associated with 'Salafi-Wahhabi radicalism' that has spawned major jihadist organisations, like Al-Qaeda and the ISIS. Apprehensive of the growing trend, several Islamic scholars and secular commentators stress that it would be wrong to directly equate Salafi-Wahhabi ideology with extremism or terrorism. They aver that majority of Wahhabis (over 80 per cent), who prefer to call themselves Salafis these days, are doctrinally apolitical and peace-loving; the jihadist strain only affects a small minority in that community. several Islamic scholars and secular commentators stress that it would be wrong to directly equate Salafi-Wahhabi ideology with extremism or terrorism. × The branding of Salafi-Wahhabis as non-Sunnis, non-Muslims or Muslim extremists by any community exacerbates religious polarisation leading to further alienation and radicalisation. They also warn against the potential rise of McCarthyism against Salafi-Wahhabi adherents by various societies and governments. Therefore, the solution to extremism and violence solely lies in religious tolerance and communal harmony, irrespective of any ethnic, racial or religious differences across the board.

Et tu, Brute? After Shia Iran, the Sunni stab at Wahhabism

India does not have real Muslims capable of jihad,&rdquo; Mehdi Masroor Biswas reportedly told a police officer during an interrogation after his arrest in Bengaluru over a year ago. The typical &lsquo;takfiri&rsquo; taunt to incite Indian Muslims is unmistakable in the statement of this young engineer, which belies his court plea against being a key ISIS (also called IS) operative on Twitter.<br />
<br />
The former executive of a multinational company, Biswas had been broadcasting the ISIS&rsquo; terror missions and luring recruits to fight in Syrian and other Middle East theatres at the time of his arrest in late December 2014. Some analysts have since cited this statement to claim the growing frustration among most pan-jihadist organisations over their near failure in recruiting terrorists in the country.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<img alt="" class="img-responsive" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/er1-20160808093952.jpg" />
<div class="media-description">
<p>Mehdi Masroor Biswas, former MNC executive, is presently functioning as one of the broadcasters of Islamic State terror mission.</p>
</div>
According to this view, Indian security agencies and the media are overly obsessing the ISIS threat, sometimes at the expense of the clear and present jihadist danger posed by terror groups like Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) and Lashkar-i-Toiba lurking just across the border that have repeatedly conducted some of the deadliest terror attacks on Indian soil. It is even argued that the ISIS is unpopular in the subcontinent because it regards all &lsquo;muqallids&rsquo; (devout adherents of the four orthodox schools of Sunni Islam - Hanafi, Shafai, Malaki and Hanbali) as &lsquo;murtad&rsquo; (apostates fit for execution), which puts most Indian Muslims in that category for the terrorist group. In fact, extremist Salafi-Wahhabi scholars of the ISIS&rsquo; extremist strain regard the Hanafi Maturidis (which includes the Deobandis and Barelvis that constitute majority of Sunni Muslims in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) as non-believers. In addition, the ISIS even regards the Quietist Salafis, like the highly puritanical and strictly apolitical Ahle Hadeeth population in the subcontinent, to be outside the pale.<br />
<br />
In fact, this doctrinal clash between Salafi Arabs and South Asian &lsquo;muqallids&rsquo; is nothing new. Its signs can be traced back to the Afghan-Arab war against the Soviets. In his book &lsquo;Call to Global Islamist Resistance&rsquo;, Al-Qaeda&rsquo;s most prolific writer Abu Mus&rsquo;ab Al-Suri notes that most Arab jihadists were derisive of the &lsquo;muqallid&rsquo; doctrinal beliefs of the Taliban in the 1990s and were dismissive of Mullah Omar&rsquo;s claim of the Taliban-held territory being an &ldquo;Islamic emirate&rdquo;. According to Al-Suri, many of the Arab Salafi jihadists considered the Taliban-held areas merely as a &ldquo;safe haven&rdquo; from where they could operate freely and they did not regard the Deobandi Taliban &ldquo;emirate&rdquo; as a suitable starting point for launching their cherished dream of a future Islamic Caliphate.<br />
<br />
Thus, in his book (pp.844-45) Al-Suri states: &ldquo;One of the astonishing things &hellip; is a statement made by one of those extremist Salafi-jihadists. He told me in one of our conversations that &lsquo;jihad must be under the Salafist banner; its leadership, program and religious rulings must also be Salafist&hellip;If we should accept that non-Salafists participate with us in jihad, we only do so because we need them. However, they should not have any leadership role at all. We should lead them like a herd of cows to perform their duty of jihad.&rsquo;&rdquo;<br />
<br />
Although Al-Qaeda&rsquo;s top leadership (Bin Laden and now Al-Zawahiri) always sought to downplay these doctrinal differences, the emergence of the ISIS brought this internal dissonance to the fore like never before. In fact, the ISIS makes no bones about its dislike of the Deobandi Afghan Taliban and has been weaning away members of the Taliban to its Salafi Jihadist school ever since the death of Mullah Umar. It is also the reason for repeated clashes between the Deobandi JeM and the Salafist factions of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) having ISIS affiliations. Again in a recent propaganda video, the ISIS has declared top leaders of Darul Uloom Deoband in India as apostates.<br />
<br />
The doctrinal differences between the two sides are deeply entrenched. Whereas the ISIS strain of Salafism espouses &lsquo;tajsim&rsquo; (the concept that God has a body), all other schools of Sunni and Shiite Islam staunchly oppose the notion and declare it as fundamentally un-Islamic and blasphemous. For their part, Salafists oppose the acceptance of &lsquo;tawassul&rsquo; by all other Sunni schools (seeking God&rsquo;s intercession through reference to prophets and saints) as sacrilegious. With the Indian subcontinent continuing to be the haven of orthodox schools of Islam extant before the rise of Salafi-Wahhabism in the 18th- 19th centuries, the Salafist pan-jihadist resonance does not strike a chord among most Islamic sects in South Asia.<br />
<br />
Contrary to the claims of most Islamophobes, ISIS is the most hated of groups among most Muslims around the world for several reasons. ISIS&rsquo; primary mission of targeting the &lsquo;near enemy&rsquo; (Muslim nation states, populations and regimes, most of whom it regards as apostates) to gain territory, its disrespect for all other Islamic sectarian beliefs (even the ideologically akin Salafi extremist schools like the Surooris and parent organisations like Al-Qaeda), its goal of bringing about the so-called prophesised Islamic apocalypse (&lsquo;Al-Malhamal Kubra&rsquo;) as a necessary precondition for achieving the &lsquo;global Caliphate&rsquo; and its insistence that all Muslims recognise its hitherto unknown 44-year-old leader (Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi) as their temporal, military and spiritual Caliph makes it extremely unpopular in the Islamic world.<br />
<br />
However, the claim that the ISIS threat is on the wane due to doctrinal or political reasons in the Muslim world is seriously flawed and misleading. Although the group has lost almost half of its previously held territories in Iraq and Syria, and is said to have about 18,000 militants in that region down from the earlier estimate of 33,000, it has at least eight affiliates &mdash; including in Egypt, Libya, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nigeria and now Bangladesh &mdash; that have pledged allegiance to Baghdadi as caliph. These groups have another 20,000 militants fighting under the ISIS&rsquo; banner. The group&rsquo;s terrorist activities across Europe have seen an exponential increase in recent times.<br />
<br />
In the Indian subcontinent, the ISIS is said to have developed close ties with Salafi Lashkar-i-Toiba in Pakistan and Jamaatul Mujahideen in Bangladesh. In the 13th issue of the its Dabiq online magazine, the head of the ISIS in Bangladesh Shaykh Abu Ibrahim al-Hanif has claimed that the group is currently training fighters in Bangladesh and Pakistan to launch simultaneous attacks from both the western and eastern borders of India to create chaos in our country. The mouthpiece also claims that Kashmir will soon be overrun by the ISIS. Indian jihadi groups like the Indian Mujahideen (IM) have links to the group, with many of their members having joined the ranks of ISIS in Syria and Iraq and some planning their return to India. In fact, the Ansar-ut Tawhid fi Bilad al-Hind (AuT), was formed in 2013 by members of the IM, ISIS and a Taliban faction, and pledged their allegiance to ISIS in September of that year.<br />
<br />
Again through its social media campaign, the ISIS is radicalising impressionable minds through the Internet. Clearly, the virulent ideology and lone wolf attacks unleashed by the ISIS in the world will be difficult to contain even after the group is eventually destroyed and defeated.<br />
<br />
The writer is Distinguished Research Fellow at the United Service Institution of India and is the author of the book ISIS: Race to Armageddon.<br />
<br />
(This article first appeared on DNA)

Contrary to claims of most Islamophobes, Islamic State is the most hated of groups among majority of Muslims, particularly, in South Asia

India does not have real Muslims capable of jihad,” Mehdi Masroor Biswas reportedly told a police officer during an interrogation after his arrest in Bengaluru over a year ago. The typical ‘takfiri’ taunt to incite Indian Muslims is unmistakable in the statement of this young engineer, which belies his court plea against being a key ISIS (also called IS) operative on Twitter. The former executive of a multinational company, Biswas had been broadcasting the ISIS’ terror missions and luring recruits to fight in Syrian and other Middle East theatres at the time of his arrest in late December 2014. Some analysts have since cited this statement to claim the growing frustration among most pan-jihadist organisations over their near failure in recruiting terrorists in the country. Mehdi Masroor Biswas, former MNC executive, is presently functioning as one of the broadcasters of Islamic State terror mission. According to this view, Indian security agencies and the media are overly obsessing the ISIS threat, sometimes at the expense of the clear and present jihadist danger posed by terror groups like Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) and Lashkar-i-Toiba lurking just across the border that have repeatedly conducted some of the deadliest terror attacks on Indian soil. It is even argued that the ISIS is unpopular in the subcontinent because it regards all ‘muqallids’ (devout adherents of the four orthodox schools of Sunni Islam - Hanafi, Shafai, Malaki and Hanbali) as ‘murtad’ (apostates fit for execution), which puts most Indian Muslims in that category for the terrorist group. In fact, extremist Salafi-Wahhabi scholars of the ISIS’ extremist strain regard the Hanafi Maturidis (which includes the Deobandis and Barelvis that constitute majority of Sunni Muslims in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) as non-believers. In addition, the ISIS even regards the Quietist Salafis, like the highly puritanical and strictly apolitical Ahle Hadeeth population in the subcontinent, to be outside the pale. In fact, this doctrinal clash between Salafi Arabs and South Asian ‘muqallids’ is nothing new. Its signs can be traced back to the Afghan-Arab war against the Soviets. In his book ‘Call to Global Islamist Resistance’, Al-Qaeda’s most prolific writer Abu Mus’ab Al-Suri notes that most Arab jihadists were derisive of the ‘muqallid’ doctrinal beliefs of the Taliban in the 1990s and were dismissive of Mullah Omar’s claim of the Taliban-held territory being an “Islamic emirate”. According to Al-Suri, many of the Arab Salafi jihadists considered the Taliban-held areas merely as a “safe haven” from where they could operate freely and they did not regard the Deobandi Taliban “emirate” as a suitable starting point for launching their cherished dream of a future Islamic Caliphate. Thus, in his book (pp.844-45) Al-Suri states: “One of the astonishing things … is a statement made by one of those extremist Salafi-jihadists. He told me in one of our conversations that ‘jihad must be under the Salafist banner; its leadership, program and religious rulings must also be Salafist…If we should accept that non-Salafists participate with us in jihad, we only do so because we need them. However, they should not have any leadership role at all. We should lead them like a herd of cows to perform their duty of jihad.’” Although Al-Qaeda’s top leadership (Bin Laden and now Al-Zawahiri) always sought to downplay these doctrinal differences, the emergence of the ISIS brought this internal dissonance to the fore like never before. In fact, the ISIS makes no bones about its dislike of the Deobandi Afghan Taliban and has been weaning away members of the Taliban to its Salafi Jihadist school ever since the death of Mullah Umar. It is also the reason for repeated clashes between the Deobandi JeM and the Salafist factions of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) having ISIS affiliations. Again in a recent propaganda video, the ISIS has declared top leaders of Darul Uloom Deoband in India as apostates. The doctrinal differences between the two sides are deeply entrenched. Whereas the ISIS strain of Salafism espouses ‘tajsim’ (the concept that God has a body), all other schools of Sunni and Shiite Islam staunchly oppose the notion and declare it as fundamentally un-Islamic and blasphemous. For their part, Salafists oppose the acceptance of ‘tawassul’ by all other Sunni schools (seeking God’s intercession through reference to prophets and saints) as sacrilegious. With the Indian subcontinent continuing to be the haven of orthodox schools of Islam extant before the rise of Salafi-Wahhabism in the 18th- 19th centuries, the Salafist pan-jihadist resonance does not strike a chord among most Islamic sects in South Asia. Contrary to the claims of most Islamophobes, ISIS is the most hated of groups among most Muslims around the world for several reasons. ISIS’ primary mission of targeting the ‘near enemy’ (Muslim nation states, populations and regimes, most of whom it regards as apostates) to gain territory, its disrespect for all other Islamic sectarian beliefs (even the ideologically akin Salafi extremist schools like the Surooris and parent organisations like Al-Qaeda), its goal of bringing about the so-called prophesised Islamic apocalypse (‘Al-Malhamal Kubra’) as a necessary precondition for achieving the ‘global Caliphate’ and its insistence that all Muslims recognise its hitherto unknown 44-year-old leader (Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi) as their temporal, military and spiritual Caliph makes it extremely unpopular in the Islamic world. However, the claim that the ISIS threat is on the wane due to doctrinal or political reasons in the Muslim world is seriously flawed and misleading. Although the group has lost almost half of its previously held territories in Iraq and Syria, and is said to have about 18,000 militants in that region down from the earlier estimate of 33,000, it has at least eight affiliates — including in Egypt, Libya, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nigeria and now Bangladesh — that have pledged allegiance to Baghdadi as caliph. These groups have another 20,000 militants fighting under the ISIS’ banner. The group’s terrorist activities across Europe have seen an exponential increase in recent times. In the Indian subcontinent, the ISIS is said to have developed close ties with Salafi Lashkar-i-Toiba in Pakistan and Jamaatul Mujahideen in Bangladesh. In the 13th issue of the its Dabiq online magazine, the head of the ISIS in Bangladesh Shaykh Abu Ibrahim al-Hanif has claimed that the group is currently training fighters in Bangladesh and Pakistan to launch simultaneous attacks from both the western and eastern borders of India to create chaos in our country. The mouthpiece also claims that Kashmir will soon be overrun by the ISIS. Indian jihadi groups like the Indian Mujahideen (IM) have links to the group, with many of their members having joined the ranks of ISIS in Syria and Iraq and some planning their return to India. In fact, the Ansar-ut Tawhid fi Bilad al-Hind (AuT), was formed in 2013 by members of the IM, ISIS and a Taliban faction, and pledged their allegiance to ISIS in September of that year. Again through its social media campaign, the ISIS is radicalising impressionable minds through the Internet. Clearly, the virulent ideology and lone wolf attacks unleashed by the ISIS in the world will be difficult to contain even after the group is eventually destroyed and defeated. The writer is Distinguished Research Fellow at the United Service Institution of India and is the author of the book ISIS: Race to Armageddon. (This article first appeared on DNA)

The Islamic State's doctrinal differences surface in South Asia

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Et tu, Brute? After Shia Iran, the Sunni stab at Wahhabism

The Islamic State's doctrinal differences surface in South Asia