<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>If Uttar Pradesh is known for caste politics, Manipur has the distinction for ethnic politics. Manipur elections have always been the centre of attraction for political analysts due to its complex socio-political formations. This election has gained unprecedented attention from the national leaders who have frequented the region, holding huge political campaigns. Moreover, this election sees IromSharmilaChanu&rsquo;s electoral debut. After giving up her sixteen years long fast, Irom entered the electoral fray to politically fight against AFSPA. She intends to do this through democratic means, particularly by forming a new political party, People&rsquo;s Resurgence and Justice Alliance (PRJA). The economic blockade imposed by the Naga body, the United Naga Council, in the state for more than three months has made the electoral scene warmer.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Manipur, one of the special category states in India&rsquo;s northeast, has 60 Legislative Assembly seats with a voting population of more than 17,00,000. The demographic composition of the state has its impact on electoral politics. Although there are three major ethnic groups, namely Meitei, Naga and Kuki, others like Muslims and Hmars have a sizeable presence in the state.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The state of Manipur consists of four valleys and five hill districts. However, approximately sixty per cent of the population lives in the valleys which spread over 10 per cent of the total area of the state. On the other hand, forty per cent people occupy nearly ninety per cent of the land which is predominantly the hill region. The valley has 40 Assembly constituencies and the hill areas only 20. Out of 60 seats, 40 are general constituencies, 1 Scheduled Caste (Sekmai) and remaining 19 Scheduled Tribe constituencies. Meitei is the largest ethnic community in Manipur who inhabit mostly in and around the valley area. Naga and Kuki tribes live mostly in hills.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>National and regional parties are trying their best to extract support from the voters. But Manipur has complex ethnic arithmetic. Traditionally, there has been animosity between the Nagas and the Kukis. Meitei, the largest ethnic composition in the state, puts its weight on either side depending on the issue.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Nagas, through the United Naga Council (UNC), demanded that all Naga-dominated districts should merge with Nagaland in consonance with NSCN&rsquo;s idea of &lsquo;Greater Nagalim&rsquo;. When there was stiff opposition from the non-Naga population and when UNC realised that this goal is unachievable at the moment, they made a fresh demand of administrative autonomy within Manipur. Before the Assembly election, Ibobi Singh government created seven new districts in the state which has been vehemently opposed by the UNC. It responded with an economic blockade that paralysed normal life in the state. In the election campaigns, all parties have raised this issue. BJP, a strong contender this time, assures voters to resolve this issue if voted to power.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Another issue that polarised the tribes and created intense public debate is the Inner Line Permit (ILP) related bills. These ILP bills, totalling three in numbers, have already been passed by the state Assembly but tribal leaders suspect that these bills are aimed at harming their interest. Meiteis broadly support the bills and always focus on the territorial integrity of Manipur.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Though officially non-aligned, United Naga Council has tacit support for National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Isak-Muivah. UNC backed Naga People&rsquo;s Front (NPF) has fielded fifteen candidates in the Naga dominated areas with the intention of playing a crucial role in government formation. It opposes the Congress party that has ruled the state for last fifteen years and accuse it of not doing anything for the Naga community. However, Nagas generally do not vote as a bloc as has been observed in the past elections. There are different sub-tribes among Nagas which do not have a very cordial relation between them. These things are reflected in poll verdicts.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The undisclosed Naga Peace Agreement, which was signed by the Central Government and the NSCN(IM) leaders in 2015 has become a contentious issue in this election. Meiteis and Kukis have the apprehension that a part of the state territory may be ceded to the &lsquo;Greater Nagalim&rsquo;. While BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, assure that the interest of Manipur will not be hurt, Congress leaders press for the Agreement to be made public. The UNC had welcomed the signing of the Peace Accord as a positive sign. The NPF, which is in power along with the BJP as a coalition partner in Nagaland, and has the support of UNC in Manipur, may favour the latter in the government formation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Kuki community, comparatively smaller than the Meitei and Naga counterparts, also demands a separate political set up but does not go the extent of creating socio-political chaos like Nagas. It is the traditional vote bank of the Congress party; the present president of the state Congress is from this community too. Kuki National Army (KNA), the armed wing of Kuki National Organisation, although involved in underground activities, has taken part in voting this time like they did in the 2012 elections. Frequent Kuki-Naga conflict in the past not only creates socio-political tension but also impacts electoral verdicts.</p>

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<p>Besides these three communities, Muslims also play a crucial role in any election due to their sizeable population. The state has also elected a Muslim Chief Minister Mohammad Alimuddin in the past. Muslims, around 9 per cent of the total population in Manipur, are spread over eighteen constituencies. In this election, nineteen Muslim candidates are there in the fray and, interestingly, one female contestant Najima Bibihas been contesting as a PRJA candidate for the first time in this election in spite of resentment from the community leaders. All prominent parties have fielded Muslim candidates and tried to woo voters in their favour. Outside Muslim leaders, mostly from Assam, have been campaigning in favour of their candidates. In general, the Congress is the biggest beneficiary in electoral terms from this section and the BJP has not so far been able to influence much. &nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;Bihari community has also its presence in the state and takes a keen interest in the elections. They inhabit mostly in valley areas. However, it is observed that they prefer a national party to a regional party for their own interest. In this election, their votes are likely to be split between the Congress and the BJP; that way the Congress may lose some vote from this pocket.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Other issues which have been raised by political parties, include corruption, lack of development, worsening law and order situation as well as AFSPA, administrative incompetence, and political scandals. BJP&rsquo;s aggressive campaign to unseat the Congress government and anti-incumbency will add new flavor to the electoral politics this time. A high percentage of polling in the first phase is an indication that all stakeholders have been able to mobilise awareness among the masses in order to draw them towards the ballot boxes.</p>


BJP?s aggressive campaign to unseat the Congress government and anti-incumbency will add new flavor to Manipur's election

If Uttar Pradesh is known for caste politics, Manipur has the distinction for ethnic politics. Manipur elections have always been the centre of attraction for political analysts due to its complex socio-political formations. This election has gained unprecedented attention from the national leaders who have frequented the region, holding huge political campaigns. Moreover, this election sees IromSharmilaChanu’s electoral debut. After giving up her sixteen years long fast, Irom entered the electoral fray to politically fight against AFSPA. She intends to do this through democratic means, particularly by forming a new political party, People’s Resurgence and Justice Alliance (PRJA). The economic blockade imposed by the Naga body, the United Naga Council, in the state for more than three months has made the electoral scene warmer. Manipur, one of the special category states in India’s northeast, has 60 Legislative Assembly seats with a voting population of more than 17,00,000. The demographic composition of the state has its impact on electoral politics. Although there are three major ethnic groups, namely Meitei, Naga and Kuki, others like Muslims and Hmars have a sizeable presence in the state. The state of Manipur consists of four valleys and five hill districts. However, approximately sixty per cent of the population lives in the valleys which spread over 10 per cent of the total area of the state. On the other hand, forty per cent people occupy nearly ninety per cent of the land which is predominantly the hill region. The valley has 40 Assembly constituencies and the hill areas only 20. Out of 60 seats, 40 are general constituencies, 1 Scheduled Caste (Sekmai) and remaining 19 Scheduled Tribe constituencies. Meitei is the largest ethnic community in Manipur who inhabit mostly in and around the valley area. Naga and Kuki tribes live mostly in hills. Nagas generally do not vote as a bloc as has been observed in the past elections. There are different sub-tribes among Nagas which do not have a very cordial relation between them × National and regional parties are trying their best to extract support from the voters. But Manipur has complex ethnic arithmetic. Traditionally, there has been animosity between the Nagas and the Kukis. Meitei, the largest ethnic composition in the state, puts its weight on either side depending on the issue. Nagas, through the United Naga Council (UNC), demanded that all Naga-dominated districts should merge with Nagaland in consonance with NSCN’s idea of ‘Greater Nagalim’. When there was stiff opposition from the non-Naga population and when UNC realised that this goal is unachievable at the moment, they made a fresh demand of administrative autonomy within Manipur. Before the Assembly election, Ibobi Singh government created seven new districts in the state which has been vehemently opposed by the UNC. It responded with an economic blockade that paralysed normal life in the state. In the election campaigns, all parties have raised this issue. BJP, a strong contender this time, assures voters to resolve this issue if voted to power. Another issue that polarised the tribes and created intense public debate is the Inner Line Permit (ILP) related bills. These ILP bills, totalling three in numbers, have already been passed by the state Assembly but tribal leaders suspect that these bills are aimed at harming their interest. Meiteis broadly support the bills and always focus on the territorial integrity of Manipur. Though officially non-aligned, United Naga Council has tacit support for National Socialist Council of Nagaland - Isak-Muivah. UNC backed Naga People’s Front (NPF) has fielded fifteen candidates in the Naga dominated areas with the intention of playing a crucial role in government formation. It opposes the Congress party that has ruled the state for last fifteen years and accuse it of not doing anything for the Naga community. However, Nagas generally do not vote as a bloc as has been observed in the past elections. There are different sub-tribes among Nagas which do not have a very cordial relation between them. These things are reflected in poll verdicts. The undisclosed Naga Peace Agreement, which was signed by the Central Government and the NSCN(IM) leaders in 2015 has become a contentious issue in this election. Meiteis and Kukis have the apprehension that a part of the state territory may be ceded to the ‘Greater Nagalim’. While BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, assure that the interest of Manipur will not be hurt, Congress leaders press for the Agreement to be made public. The UNC had welcomed the signing of the Peace Accord as a positive sign. The NPF, which is in power along with the BJP as a coalition partner in Nagaland, and has the support of UNC in Manipur, may favour the latter in the government formation. Kuki community, comparatively smaller than the Meitei and Naga counterparts, also demands a separate political set up but does not go the extent of creating socio-political chaos like Nagas. It is the traditional vote bank of the Congress party; the present president of the state Congress is from this community too. Kuki National Army (KNA), the armed wing of Kuki National Organisation, although involved in underground activities, has taken part in voting this time like they did in the 2012 elections. Frequent Kuki-Naga conflict in the past not only creates socio-political tension but also impacts electoral verdicts. All prominent parties have fielded Muslim candidates and tried to woo voters in their favour × Besides these three communities, Muslims also play a crucial role in any election due to their sizeable population. The state has also elected a Muslim Chief Minister Mohammad Alimuddin in the past. Muslims, around 9 per cent of the total population in Manipur, are spread over eighteen constituencies. In this election, nineteen Muslim candidates are there in the fray and, interestingly, one female contestant Najima Bibihas been contesting as a PRJA candidate for the first time in this election in spite of resentment from the community leaders. All prominent parties have fielded Muslim candidates and tried to woo voters in their favour. Outside Muslim leaders, mostly from Assam, have been campaigning in favour of their candidates. In general, the Congress is the biggest beneficiary in electoral terms from this section and the BJP has not so far been able to influence much. Bihari community has also its presence in the state and takes a keen interest in the elections. They inhabit mostly in valley areas. However, it is observed that they prefer a national party to a regional party for their own interest. In this election, their votes are likely to be split between the Congress and the BJP; that way the Congress may lose some vote from this pocket. Other issues which have been raised by political parties, include corruption, lack of development, worsening law and order situation as well as AFSPA, administrative incompetence, and political scandals. BJP’s aggressive campaign to unseat the Congress government and anti-incumbency will add new flavor to the electoral politics this time. A high percentage of polling in the first phase is an indication that all stakeholders have been able to mobilise awareness among the masses in order to draw them towards the ballot boxes.

Complex ethnic equations in Manipur elections

<p>&nbsp;Irom Sharmila or Sharmila Chanu began her fast in the year 2000 and instantly became an icon.&nbsp; She soon became the symbol of liberation for those who were fighting state repression. When feminists all over the world were debating on how to facilitate women&rsquo;s participation in activism for peace and security under the aegis of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, Sharmila took matters in her hands and began a fast against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in the backwaters of Manipur. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Although the Naga Mothers were also agitating against AFSPA, it was Sharmila&rsquo;s activism that brought AFSPA squarely into urban coffee table debates. She was the symbol of middle-class respectability, a figure of protest contained in a hospital ward.&nbsp; She was our white dove and people soon forgot her revolutionary self that found the courage from nowhere to take on the mighty AFSPA. &nbsp;</p>

<p>AFSPA was passed way back in 1958 and later amended in 1972.&nbsp; It was a lift-off, with modifications, from the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance 1942 of British India.&nbsp; Only in its present form, it is much harsher than the Ordinance.&nbsp; AFSPA was created to suppress civil society, curb dissent, and legitimise state violence. As Khatoli Khala, a social activist informs us, &ldquo;logic demanded that an India that fought against such powers would, when independent, get rid of such legislation.&nbsp; Events, however, have proved the contrary.&rdquo;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Parliamentary debates bear testimony to the fact that when the Honourable Home Minister brought this bill to the floor in 1958 even the speaker was shocked. He said &ldquo;Does the Honourable Minister feel that this is the procedure? He can shoot if it is a disturbed area and that is the procedure established by law? <i>He can shoot</i> [italics added].&rdquo; Yet the Act was passed without a single amendment suggested from the floor.&nbsp; Women from most of Northeast India are unanimous in their opinion that in terms of brutality the Act surpasses all others by severely militarizing the region and unleashing an unforeseen culture of rape and relentless repression. &nbsp;</p>

<p>That women&rsquo;s reaction to AFSPA was not a product of feminine hysteria was proven by another event that took place in Manipur in 2004.&nbsp; In the early hours of July 11 a young woman named Thangjam Manorama was allegedly raped, tortured and murdered by members of the Assam Rifles.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Protest against AFSPA immediately took the character of a mass uprising.&nbsp; The Meira Paibies were in the forefront of this protest. They created an assemblage of protesting organisation called Apunba Lup that was responsible for the spectacular naked protest of middle-aged women in front of the Kangla Fort carrying placards that said &ldquo;Indian Army Rape Us.&rdquo;.&nbsp; Among all these events Sharmila Chanu resurfaced as a symbol of respectable protest and hope. Her Gandhian ways convinced many that even if all others fail Sharmila will succeed. That happened way back in 2004.</p>

<p>By 2012 women in India faced many new realities from which violence was never far removed. The December 2012 events in Delhi once again triggered debates over women and violence. The complexity of the situation was confirmed when even the Verma Committee was unable to address the issue of AFSPA and its effects on women.&nbsp; Also, the new rape laws failed to address the question of rape with impunity by the armed forces. There were those, such as myself, who argued that to understand violence against women in the Indian mainland one needs to hark back to the violence faced by women in Northeast India and investigate if there is a continuum between what is happening for decades to women in Northeast India to what is happening to women in rest of the country today. Irom Sharmila resurfaced in our conversation as the symbol of women&rsquo;s activism in Northeast.&nbsp; But in Northeast India, new and somewhat disturbing realities were emerging.</p>

<p>My visit to Northeast in 2013 brought those realities starkly to the forefront of my consciousness and writings for which I was censured by some.&nbsp;</p>

<p>We had heard that for the last one decade the Government of India was making targeted policies of development that would particularly benefit the women of Northeast.&nbsp; The women were also embarking on a new diplomacy, siding sometimes with their erstwhile allies, and at other times with their previous antagonists.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Many were shocked when the Naga Mothers&#39; Association (NMA) brought a case against the HoHos because they were denied 33 per cent representation.&nbsp; Old alliances over self-determination were crumbling and a new crop of women&rsquo;s leadership was emerging.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There were many like me who looked at these events with concern and wondered if the state machinery was finally succeeding in their appropriation of women&rsquo;s voices.&nbsp; With Sharmila ending her legendary fast, some say that we have come to the last act of that play.&nbsp;</p>

<p>I, however, feel that in this case, the truth might be somewhat different. Sharmila is an extremely skillful political actor who has understood that for any change hereafter she needs a new arsenal.&nbsp; In much of Northeast India people have become conscious that they can no longer shun electoral politics as an alien process.&nbsp; To make changes women need to appropriate all space, albeit even the ones considered &ldquo;dirty&rdquo;.&nbsp; For now, we should take the political activist by her word.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Sharmila has always shown courage and more so now, than before, by coming out of a safe cocoon in the face of great opposition by those she considers her own, and challenging that the only respectable mode of protest for women is fasting.&nbsp; Instead of shunning her, we ought to agree that there is no one way to peace.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Perhaps, the conundrum is not so much hers but ours. Why are we so comfortable for a woman to be a symbol and so disturbed when she wants to be an agentive actor?</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Instead of shunning Sharmila for ending her fast, we ought to agree that there is no one way to peace.

Irom Sharmila or Sharmila Chanu began her fast in the year 2000 and instantly became an icon. She soon became the symbol of liberation for those who were fighting state repression. When feminists all over the world were debating on how to facilitate women’s participation in activism for peace and security under the aegis of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, Sharmila took matters in her hands and began a fast against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in the backwaters of Manipur. Although the Naga Mothers were also agitating against AFSPA, it was Sharmila’s activism that brought AFSPA squarely into urban coffee table debates. She was the symbol of middle-class respectability, a figure of protest contained in a hospital ward. She was our white dove and people soon forgot her revolutionary self that found the courage from nowhere to take on the mighty AFSPA. AFSPA was passed way back in 1958 and later amended in 1972. It was a lift-off, with modifications, from the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance 1942 of British India. Only in its present form, it is much harsher than the Ordinance. AFSPA was created to suppress civil society, curb dissent, and legitimise state violence. As Khatoli Khala, a social activist informs us, “logic demanded that an India that fought against such powers would, when independent, get rid of such legislation. Events, however, have proved the contrary.” Parliamentary debates bear testimony to the fact that when the Honourable Home Minister brought this bill to the floor in 1958 even the speaker was shocked. He said “Does the Honourable Minister feel that this is the procedure? He can shoot if it is a disturbed area and that is the procedure established by law? He can shoot [italics added].” Yet the Act was passed without a single amendment suggested from the floor. Women from most of Northeast India are unanimous in their opinion that in terms of brutality the Act surpasses all others by severely militarizing the region and unleashing an unforeseen culture of rape and relentless repression. That women’s reaction to AFSPA was not a product of feminine hysteria was proven by another event that took place in Manipur in 2004. In the early hours of July 11 a young woman named Thangjam Manorama was allegedly raped, tortured and murdered by members of the Assam Rifles. Protest against AFSPA immediately took the character of a mass uprising. The Meira Paibies were in the forefront of this protest. They created an assemblage of protesting organisation called Apunba Lup that was responsible for the spectacular naked protest of middle-aged women in front of the Kangla Fort carrying placards that said “Indian Army Rape Us.”. Among all these events Sharmila Chanu resurfaced as a symbol of respectable protest and hope. Her Gandhian ways convinced many that even if all others fail Sharmila will succeed. That happened way back in 2004. By 2012 women in India faced many new realities from which violence was never far removed. The December 2012 events in Delhi once again triggered debates over women and violence. The complexity of the situation was confirmed when even the Verma Committee was unable to address the issue of AFSPA and its effects on women. Also, the new rape laws failed to address the question of rape with impunity by the armed forces. There were those, such as myself, who argued that to understand violence against women in the Indian mainland one needs to hark back to the violence faced by women in Northeast India and investigate if there is a continuum between what is happening for decades to women in Northeast India to what is happening to women in rest of the country today. Irom Sharmila resurfaced in our conversation as the symbol of women’s activism in Northeast. But in Northeast India, new and somewhat disturbing realities were emerging. My visit to Northeast in 2013 brought those realities starkly to the forefront of my consciousness and writings for which I was censured by some. We had heard that for the last one decade the Government of India was making targeted policies of development that would particularly benefit the women of Northeast. The women were also embarking on a new diplomacy, siding sometimes with their erstwhile allies, and at other times with their previous antagonists. Many were shocked when the Naga Mothers' Association (NMA) brought a case against the HoHos because they were denied 33 per cent representation. Old alliances over self-determination were crumbling and a new crop of women’s leadership was emerging. There were many like me who looked at these events with concern and wondered if the state machinery was finally succeeding in their appropriation of women’s voices. With Sharmila ending her legendary fast, some say that we have come to the last act of that play. I, however, feel that in this case, the truth might be somewhat different. Sharmila is an extremely skillful political actor who has understood that for any change hereafter she needs a new arsenal. In much of Northeast India people have become conscious that they can no longer shun electoral politics as an alien process. To make changes women need to appropriate all space, albeit even the ones considered “dirty”. For now, we should take the political activist by her word. Sharmila has always shown courage and more so now, than before, by coming out of a safe cocoon in the face of great opposition by those she considers her own, and challenging that the only respectable mode of protest for women is fasting. Instead of shunning her, we ought to agree that there is no one way to peace. Perhaps, the conundrum is not so much hers but ours. Why are we so comfortable for a woman to be a symbol and so disturbed when she wants to be an agentive actor?

Sharmila Chanu: Beacon of hope or symbol of betrayal

<p>Irom Sharmila or Sharmila Chanu began her fast in the year 2000 and instantly became an icon.&nbsp; She soon became the symbol of liberation for those who were fighting state repression. When feminists all over the world were debating on how to facilitate women&rsquo;s participation in activism for peace and security under the aegis of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, Sharmila took matters in her hands and began a fast against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in the backwaters of Manipur. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Although the Naga Mothers were also agitating against AFSPA, it was Sharmila&rsquo;s activism that brought AFSPA squarely into urban coffee table debates. She was the symbol of middle-class respectability, a figure of protest contained in a hospital ward.&nbsp; She was our white dove and people soon forgot her revolutionary self that found the courage from nowhere to take on the mighty AFSPA. &nbsp;</p>

<p>AFSPA was passed way back in 1958 and later amended in 1972.&nbsp; It was a lift-off, with modifications, from the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance 1942 of British India.&nbsp; Only in its present form, it is much harsher than the Ordinance.&nbsp; AFSPA was created to suppress civil society, curb dissent, and legitimise state violence. As Khatoli Khala, a social activist informs us, &ldquo;logic demanded that an India that fought against such powers would, when independent, get rid of such legislation.&nbsp; Events, however, have proved the contrary.&rdquo;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Parliamentary debates bear testimony to the fact that when the Honourable Home Minister brought this bill to the floor in 1958 even the speaker was shocked. He said &ldquo;Does the Honourable Minister feel that this is the procedure? He can shoot if it is a disturbed area and that is the procedure established by law? <i>He can shoot</i> [italics added].&rdquo; Yet the Act was passed without a single amendment suggested from the floor.&nbsp; Women from most of Northeast India are unanimous in their opinion that in terms of brutality the Act surpasses all others by severely militarizing the region and unleashing an unforeseen culture of rape and relentless repression. &nbsp;</p>

<p>That women&rsquo;s reaction to AFSPA was not a product of feminine hysteria was proven by another event that took place in Manipur in 2004.&nbsp; In the early hours of July 11 a young woman named Thangjam Manorama was allegedly raped, tortured and murdered by members of the Assam Rifles.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Protest against AFSPA immediately took the character of a mass uprising.&nbsp; The Meira Paibies were in the forefront of this protest. They created an assemblage of protesting organisation called Apunba Lup that was responsible for the spectacular naked protest of middle-aged women in front of the Kangla Fort carrying placards that said &ldquo;Indian Army Rape Us.&rdquo;.&nbsp; Among all these events Sharmila Chanu resurfaced as a symbol of respectable protest and hope. Her Gandhian ways convinced many that even if all others fail Sharmila will succeed. That happened way back in 2004.</p>

<p>By 2012 women in India faced many new realities from which violence was never far removed. The December 2012 events in Delhi once again triggered debates over women and violence. The complexity of the situation was confirmed when even the Verma Committee was unable to address the issue of AFSPA and its effects on women.&nbsp; Also, the new rape laws failed to address the question of rape with impunity by the armed forces. There were those, such as myself, who argued that to understand violence against women in the Indian mainland one needs to hark back to the violence faced by women in Northeast India and investigate if there is a continuum between what is happening for decades to women in Northeast India to what is happening to women in rest of the country today. Irom Sharmila resurfaced in our conversation as the symbol of women&rsquo;s activism in Northeast.&nbsp; But in Northeast India, new and somewhat disturbing realities were emerging.</p>

<p>My visit to Northeast in 2013 brought those realities starkly to the forefront of my consciousness and writings for which I was censured by some. We had heard that for the last one decade the Government of India was making targeted policies of development that would particularly benefit the women of Northeast.&nbsp; The women were also embarking on a new diplomacy, siding sometimes with their erstwhile allies, and at other times with their previous antagonists.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Many were shocked when the Naga Mothers&#39; Association (NMA) brought a case against the HoHos because they were denied 33 % representation.&nbsp; Old alliances over self-determination were crumbling and a new crop of women&rsquo;s leadership was emerging. There were many like me who looked at these events with concern and wondered if the state machinery was finally succeeding in their appropriation of women&rsquo;s voices.&nbsp; With Sharmila&rsquo;s ending of her legendary fast, some say that we have come to the last act of that play.&nbsp;</p>

<p>I, however, feel that in this case, the truth might be somewhat different. Sharmila is an extremely skillful political actor who has understood that for any change hereafter she needs a new arsenal.&nbsp; In much of Northeast India people have become conscious that they can no longer shun electoral politics as an alien process.&nbsp; To make changes women need to appropriate all space, albeit even the ones considered &ldquo;dirty&rdquo;.&nbsp; For now, we should take the political activist by her word. Sharmila has always shown courage and more so now than before by coming out of a safe cocoon in the face of great opposition by those she considers her own, and challenging that the only respectable mode of protest for women is fasting.&nbsp; Instead of shunning her we ought to agree that there is no one way to peace. Perhaps the conundrum is not so much hers but ours. Why are we so comfortable for a woman to be a symbol and so disturbed when she wants to be an agentive actor?</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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To make changes women need to appropriate all space, albeit even the ones once considered ?dirty?.

Irom Sharmila or Sharmila Chanu began her fast in the year 2000 and instantly became an icon. She soon became the symbol of liberation for those who were fighting state repression. When feminists all over the world were debating on how to facilitate women’s participation in activism for peace and security under the aegis of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, Sharmila took matters in her hands and began a fast against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in the backwaters of Manipur. Although the Naga Mothers were also agitating against AFSPA, it was Sharmila’s activism that brought AFSPA squarely into urban coffee table debates. She was the symbol of middle-class respectability, a figure of protest contained in a hospital ward. She was our white dove and people soon forgot her revolutionary self that found the courage from nowhere to take on the mighty AFSPA. AFSPA was passed way back in 1958 and later amended in 1972. It was a lift-off, with modifications, from the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Ordinance 1942 of British India. Only in its present form, it is much harsher than the Ordinance. AFSPA was created to suppress civil society, curb dissent, and legitimise state violence. As Khatoli Khala, a social activist informs us, “logic demanded that an India that fought against such powers would, when independent, get rid of such legislation. Events, however, have proved the contrary.” Parliamentary debates bear testimony to the fact that when the Honourable Home Minister brought this bill to the floor in 1958 even the speaker was shocked. He said “Does the Honourable Minister feel that this is the procedure? He can shoot if it is a disturbed area and that is the procedure established by law? He can shoot [italics added].” Yet the Act was passed without a single amendment suggested from the floor. Women from most of Northeast India are unanimous in their opinion that in terms of brutality the Act surpasses all others by severely militarizing the region and unleashing an unforeseen culture of rape and relentless repression. That women’s reaction to AFSPA was not a product of feminine hysteria was proven by another event that took place in Manipur in 2004. In the early hours of July 11 a young woman named Thangjam Manorama was allegedly raped, tortured and murdered by members of the Assam Rifles. Protest against AFSPA immediately took the character of a mass uprising. The Meira Paibies were in the forefront of this protest. They created an assemblage of protesting organisation called Apunba Lup that was responsible for the spectacular naked protest of middle-aged women in front of the Kangla Fort carrying placards that said “Indian Army Rape Us.”. Among all these events Sharmila Chanu resurfaced as a symbol of respectable protest and hope. Her Gandhian ways convinced many that even if all others fail Sharmila will succeed. That happened way back in 2004. By 2012 women in India faced many new realities from which violence was never far removed. The December 2012 events in Delhi once again triggered debates over women and violence. The complexity of the situation was confirmed when even the Verma Committee was unable to address the issue of AFSPA and its effects on women. Also, the new rape laws failed to address the question of rape with impunity by the armed forces. There were those, such as myself, who argued that to understand violence against women in the Indian mainland one needs to hark back to the violence faced by women in Northeast India and investigate if there is a continuum between what is happening for decades to women in Northeast India to what is happening to women in rest of the country today. Irom Sharmila resurfaced in our conversation as the symbol of women’s activism in Northeast. But in Northeast India, new and somewhat disturbing realities were emerging. My visit to Northeast in 2013 brought those realities starkly to the forefront of my consciousness and writings for which I was censured by some. We had heard that for the last one decade the Government of India was making targeted policies of development that would particularly benefit the women of Northeast. The women were also embarking on a new diplomacy, siding sometimes with their erstwhile allies, and at other times with their previous antagonists. Many were shocked when the Naga Mothers' Association (NMA) brought a case against the HoHos because they were denied 33 % representation. Old alliances over self-determination were crumbling and a new crop of women’s leadership was emerging. There were many like me who looked at these events with concern and wondered if the state machinery was finally succeeding in their appropriation of women’s voices. With Sharmila’s ending of her legendary fast, some say that we have come to the last act of that play. I, however, feel that in this case, the truth might be somewhat different. Sharmila is an extremely skillful political actor who has understood that for any change hereafter she needs a new arsenal. In much of Northeast India people have become conscious that they can no longer shun electoral politics as an alien process. To make changes women need to appropriate all space, albeit even the ones considered “dirty”. For now, we should take the political activist by her word. Sharmila has always shown courage and more so now than before by coming out of a safe cocoon in the face of great opposition by those she considers her own, and challenging that the only respectable mode of protest for women is fasting. Instead of shunning her we ought to agree that there is no one way to peace. Perhaps the conundrum is not so much hers but ours. Why are we so comfortable for a woman to be a symbol and so disturbed when she wants to be an agentive actor?

Sharmila Chanu: Beacon of Hope or Symbol of Betrayal?

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Sharmila Chanu: Beacon of hope or symbol of betrayal

Sharmila Chanu: Beacon of Hope or Symbol of Betrayal?