<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Making secularism popular isn&rsquo;t an easy thing in a Muslim majority country. Bangladesh is one of the very few countries in the Islamic world where secularism is a fundamental principle of the state along with nationalism, democracy and socialism. This is in spite of the fact that Islam is mentioned in the constitution as the state religion - a legacy of obnoxious tempering of the document during the military rule.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But Bangladesh has a troubled history with secularism.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Secularists are often mocked, demonised and even persecuted as anti-Islam in Bangladesh.&nbsp;Islamists of various sorts call them the stooges of the West and India. The word &lsquo;secular&rsquo; is increasingly being used in a derogatory tone.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Any reformist articulations or a bold voice of dissent is often judged as either unIslamic or blasphemous to Islam</h5>
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<p>In the current situation, Liberals aren&rsquo;t entirely free to express their views; any reformist articulations or a bold voice of dissent is often judged as either unIslamic or blasphemous to Islam. Zealous defenders of Islam have often stifled critical voices by coercion, physical assault and even killing. The recent killings of several atheists or rationalist bloggers is a case in point. Cultural activities are also under the radar of these political and social Islamists. People are often forced into self-censorship, hampering their creativity in the process.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Beyond the individuals, Islamists are pressuring the government too. The famous month-long Ekushe Book Fair, held every year in the month of February in Dhaka university area, has for the first time seen severe restrictions. There were checking and confiscation of books in the fair on the basis of alleged blasphemous or objectionable content.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In another instance, Islamists are demanding the removal of the statue of Greek goddess Themis, the symbol of law and fairness, from in front of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. What is even more frightening is that Islamists are demanding, in imitation of Pakistan, the introduction of the Blasphemy law in Bangladesh. They have also openly objected to the appointment of a highly capable judge as the Chief Justice of Bangladesh on the ground that he is a non-Muslim.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Giving in to the fundamentalist pressure, the government recently removed some prose and poetry written by non-Muslim writers from the textbooks</h5>
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<p>Giving in to the fundamentalist pressure, the government recently removed some prose and poetry written by non-Muslim writers from the textbooks, replacing these by the ones written by Muslims writers and poets. Government couldn&rsquo;t reign in the Quaomi madrassas either. These Islamic seminaries are well-known for rejecting any element of a modern curriculum. Numbering several thousand, these madrassas have become fertile breeding centers of Islamic radicalism.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Unfortunately, a lot of things are happening in Bangladesh now which is in stark contrast with secular ideals. With the hope of maintaining stability, the ruling party of Bangladesh has adopted the policy of appeasement, balancing the disparate social and political elements of the country. Though the party in power has secularism explicitly mentioned in its own constitution, however, in the interest of realpolitik, it appears to have shed the principle, temporarily or for good is for time to tell. Then there is always the dangerous possibility of this balancing act going out of hand. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The first constitution of the country was the outcome of a momentous and revolutionary series of events, starting from the language movement of 1952&nbsp; and ending with the war of independence in 1971. It has been a long political struggle to ensure rights and freedom for people of this land. The first constitution incorporated modern secular principles, one which banned religion-based politics too.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The Bangladeshi freedom fighters resorted to a new secular Bengali identity in contrast to clich&eacute;s of Islamic identity of Pakistan</h5>
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<p>Political and social use of &lsquo;Islam&rsquo; became a tool of oppression for the Pakistani administration in the then East Pakistan and the popular political mobilisations gradually scrapped it from their narratives. The Bangladeshi freedom fighters resorted to a new secular Bengali identity in contrast to clich&eacute;s of Islamic identity of Pakistan. It was possible due to the bold and fresh political and socio-cultural leadership in the face of repressive state power.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The modern secular stream of ideas that Bangladesh embraced was, however, temporary in nature. In the years after 1975, the military rulers used the social basis of Islam, expanding it further to legitimise their illegal usurpation of power. It was quite like a replication of what Ziaul Haq did in Pakistan. The unleashed evil of Islamism has already engulfed Pakistan, and in Bangladesh, it is becoming increasingly hard to contain the same.</p>

<p>President Ziaur Rahman even inserted &lsquo;Faith in one Almighty Allah&rsquo; in the constitution of Bangladesh, thereby, theoretically imposing Islam on the non-Muslim Bangladeshis. This regressive insertion was, however, scrapped by the Supreme Court much later on the ground that it was unconstitutionally inserted. However, Islamists gained a massive audacity between 1975 and 1996 which included formal rehabilitation of political Islam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Socially, the clerics and the mosques have started claiming more and more sway in public affairs, public space and in local as well as political discourses. Sadly, Islamism is increasingly engulfing members of urban middle-class families too. And, the Internet, religious tv channels and easy availability of incendiary religious texts have a big role to play in the matter.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>An alternative term for secularism, namely, &lsquo; non-communalism&rsquo; is being popularised in Bangladesh</h5>
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<p>However, unlike few other parts of the Islamic world, all is not doom and gloom in Bangladesh. The political party in power, due to their long secular tradition, is unlikely to give in to Islamism despite walking a tightrope now. Already, an alternative term for secularism, namely, &lsquo; non-communalism&rsquo; is being popularised in Bangladesh with the hope of avoiding the debate over secularism&rsquo;s western origin.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Whatever is the name, it&rsquo;s imperative for Bangladesh to hold on to secularism in one form or the other to be able to remain a modern nation and be on the path of gradual progression. Or else, an implosion of society or degeneration to a theocracy can&rsquo;t be ruled out. Some hope lies in the thriving of secular media, in the vigour shown by the intelligentsia and the strong resistance put forth by sections of the public alongside secular political forces. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Secularism saves the state, civil society and free-thinking individuals from being usurped by religious faith, which ideally ought to be a private matter. What is needed to salvage secularism is a sound counter-radicalisation strategy, detailed schemes and effective execution of the same. The coming years might decide the final fate of secularism in Bangladesh.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


In the interest of realpolitik, Bangladesh government is appeasing religious forces rather than enabling secular ideas of the constitution

Making secularism popular isn’t an easy thing in a Muslim majority country. Bangladesh is one of the very few countries in the Islamic world where secularism is a fundamental principle of the state along with nationalism, democracy and socialism. This is in spite of the fact that Islam is mentioned in the constitution as the state religion - a legacy of obnoxious tempering of the document during the military rule. But Bangladesh has a troubled history with secularism. Secularists are often mocked, demonised and even persecuted as anti-Islam in Bangladesh. Islamists of various sorts call them the stooges of the West and India. The word ‘secular’ is increasingly being used in a derogatory tone. Any reformist articulations or a bold voice of dissent is often judged as either unIslamic or blasphemous to Islam × In the current situation, Liberals aren’t entirely free to express their views; any reformist articulations or a bold voice of dissent is often judged as either unIslamic or blasphemous to Islam. Zealous defenders of Islam have often stifled critical voices by coercion, physical assault and even killing. The recent killings of several atheists or rationalist bloggers is a case in point. Cultural activities are also under the radar of these political and social Islamists. People are often forced into self-censorship, hampering their creativity in the process. Beyond the individuals, Islamists are pressuring the government too. The famous month-long Ekushe Book Fair, held every year in the month of February in Dhaka university area, has for the first time seen severe restrictions. There were checking and confiscation of books in the fair on the basis of alleged blasphemous or objectionable content. In another instance, Islamists are demanding the removal of the statue of Greek goddess Themis, the symbol of law and fairness, from in front of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. What is even more frightening is that Islamists are demanding, in imitation of Pakistan, the introduction of the Blasphemy law in Bangladesh. They have also openly objected to the appointment of a highly capable judge as the Chief Justice of Bangladesh on the ground that he is a non-Muslim. Giving in to the fundamentalist pressure, the government recently removed some prose and poetry written by non-Muslim writers from the textbooks × Giving in to the fundamentalist pressure, the government recently removed some prose and poetry written by non-Muslim writers from the textbooks, replacing these by the ones written by Muslims writers and poets. Government couldn’t reign in the Quaomi madrassas either. These Islamic seminaries are well-known for rejecting any element of a modern curriculum. Numbering several thousand, these madrassas have become fertile breeding centers of Islamic radicalism. Unfortunately, a lot of things are happening in Bangladesh now which is in stark contrast with secular ideals. With the hope of maintaining stability, the ruling party of Bangladesh has adopted the policy of appeasement, balancing the disparate social and political elements of the country. Though the party in power has secularism explicitly mentioned in its own constitution, however, in the interest of realpolitik, it appears to have shed the principle, temporarily or for good is for time to tell. Then there is always the dangerous possibility of this balancing act going out of hand. The first constitution of the country was the outcome of a momentous and revolutionary series of events, starting from the language movement of 1952 and ending with the war of independence in 1971. It has been a long political struggle to ensure rights and freedom for people of this land. The first constitution incorporated modern secular principles, one which banned religion-based politics too. The Bangladeshi freedom fighters resorted to a new secular Bengali identity in contrast to clichés of Islamic identity of Pakistan × Political and social use of ‘Islam’ became a tool of oppression for the Pakistani administration in the then East Pakistan and the popular political mobilisations gradually scrapped it from their narratives. The Bangladeshi freedom fighters resorted to a new secular Bengali identity in contrast to clichés of Islamic identity of Pakistan. It was possible due to the bold and fresh political and socio-cultural leadership in the face of repressive state power. The modern secular stream of ideas that Bangladesh embraced was, however, temporary in nature. In the years after 1975, the military rulers used the social basis of Islam, expanding it further to legitimise their illegal usurpation of power. It was quite like a replication of what Ziaul Haq did in Pakistan. The unleashed evil of Islamism has already engulfed Pakistan, and in Bangladesh, it is becoming increasingly hard to contain the same. President Ziaur Rahman even inserted ‘Faith in one Almighty Allah’ in the constitution of Bangladesh, thereby, theoretically imposing Islam on the non-Muslim Bangladeshis. This regressive insertion was, however, scrapped by the Supreme Court much later on the ground that it was unconstitutionally inserted. However, Islamists gained a massive audacity between 1975 and 1996 which included formal rehabilitation of political Islam. Socially, the clerics and the mosques have started claiming more and more sway in public affairs, public space and in local as well as political discourses. Sadly, Islamism is increasingly engulfing members of urban middle-class families too. And, the Internet, religious tv channels and easy availability of incendiary religious texts have a big role to play in the matter. An alternative term for secularism, namely, ‘ non-communalism’ is being popularised in Bangladesh × However, unlike few other parts of the Islamic world, all is not doom and gloom in Bangladesh. The political party in power, due to their long secular tradition, is unlikely to give in to Islamism despite walking a tightrope now. Already, an alternative term for secularism, namely, ‘ non-communalism’ is being popularised in Bangladesh with the hope of avoiding the debate over secularism’s western origin. Whatever is the name, it’s imperative for Bangladesh to hold on to secularism in one form or the other to be able to remain a modern nation and be on the path of gradual progression. Or else, an implosion of society or degeneration to a theocracy can’t be ruled out. Some hope lies in the thriving of secular media, in the vigour shown by the intelligentsia and the strong resistance put forth by sections of the public alongside secular political forces. Secularism saves the state, civil society and free-thinking individuals from being usurped by religious faith, which ideally ought to be a private matter. What is needed to salvage secularism is a sound counter-radicalisation strategy, detailed schemes and effective execution of the same. The coming years might decide the final fate of secularism in Bangladesh.

The secular conundrum in Bangladesh

<p>Bangladesh, unlike its neighbour India, has maintained a low profile for the outside world. However, contrary to its image, the political-economic significance of Bangladesh is actually huge. To start with, the country happens to be the eighth most populous nation-state in the world with a vast majority of Muslim population. It has a thriving $26 billion garment industry and the economic growth rates exceed that of India&rsquo;s. In matters of gender equality, the country has made impressive strides too. And the world is aware of its highly touted, though controversial, investments in micro-finance. These achievements, however, have been overshadowed in the last few years as Bangladesh experiences outbursts of inexplicable violence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Recently, at some levels, Bangladesh seems to have been motivated by terrorism and some sort of affiliation with radical Islam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Since 2013, the world is learning increasingly about attacks on whole hosts of minorities, such as secularists, Hindus, LGBT activists, Shia Muslims, among others. In 2016 itself, reports of attacks on Hindus and other religious minorities are crowding our space. The most recent strike happened at Holey Bakery in the diplomatic enclave of Dhaka, in which twenty hostages were killed and many more injured.&nbsp;</p>

<p>For those familiar with the religious and cultural traditions of Bangladesh, and its neighboring Indian state of West Bengal, the society has nurtured a long-standing rationalist tradition along with a secular outlook in most affairs.&nbsp; This worldview dominates the region&rsquo;s literature and cultural traditions&nbsp;and is, particularly, evident in its multi-religious histories.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Historically, poets, writers, painters, scholars of South Asia, and even those who have traveled through the subcontinent, tended to see the multi-cultural ethos of the Bengali social life. Deeply influenced by works of poets, such as Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam, the Bengali culture transcends the sort of political extremism that has long marked states, such as Pakistan and Afghanistan.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, this starry-eyed view of Bengali regional culture betrays another history, one in which religion, language, and some vision of the future have been intermingled with the violent changes of the twentieth century.&nbsp;</p>

<p>So what explains these recent outbursts? As the New York Times reported back in 2005, is Bangladesh headed for the next &ldquo;Islamist&rdquo; revolution?&nbsp;</p>

<p>Such an &ldquo;Islamist&rdquo; revolution is unlikely given the vast religious and cultural diversity of the country; though largely a Sunni Muslim country, it has longstanding minority communities of Hindus and Buddhists. Along with the deeply ingrained traditions of secular activism, there is a lively political culture of popular protests and organisation, particularly, led by students of the country.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The country was founded, at least formally, on principles of secularism.&nbsp;</p>

<p>To understand the recent surge of radicalism, we have to have a clear picture of injustices that the people of Bangladesh had to suffer since the first half of the twentieth century. The country&rsquo;s infrastructure, government services, and funding opportunities have displayed a consistent mark of inequities right since 1947, as it became the eastern half of Pakistan through the partition of the subcontinent.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Though ushered in via the official frenzy of independence and the new-fangled idea of a two-winged Muslim majority, yet secular nation-state of Pakistan, the eastern half witnessed deep social dislocation; a vast majority of civil servants and professionals who were essential for starting a new state migrated to India. Moreover, famine and food shortages throughout the much of the late 1940s and early 1950s coloured the rise of a new East Pakistani Muslim identity and politics.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The process led to two factors that are brewing ever since &ndash; a failing and increasingly repressive state apparatus as well as an increasing attachment to symbols and institutions marked by Islam in the rural hinterlands, such as madrasas, particularly those operated privately and depended on foreign funding.</p>

<p>Both before and after 1971, the government of the region has been increasingly less able to manage the needs and aspirations of the people, and particularly in the last five years, has delivered unimaginable repression by arresting common people in the name of national security. Nearly 15,000 people have been arrested in the month of June 2016, as the state responded to attacks by militants.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The attacks by militants have made global headlines, whereas the arrests and state repression have not. Additionally, the state machinery in Bangladesh has proceeded down the complex road of war crimes tribunals and reckonings with the various crimes committed during the 1971 war.</p>

<p>As a small and population dense nation-state with an annual GDP of 150 billion USD, Bangladesh has been subject to the fluctuations of the global labor market. The birth of Bangladesh in 1971, in the aftermath of a civil war and cyclone, coincided with the 1970s oil boom in the Gulf, which prompted approximately 6,000 workers to migrate to the Middle Eastern countries in 1976.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Countries like Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Qatar now receive approximately 500,000 &ndash; 800,000 Bangladeshi labourers a year, with remittances back to Bangladesh totaling approximately 3.7 billion USD. Currently, an estimated 2 million Bangladeshis live and work in the Gulf. In addition to the money these workers send back home, private foundations and foreign governments of the Middle East regularly fund elements of the sprawling private &lsquo;Quomi&rsquo; madrasa system.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The &lsquo;Quomi&rsquo; madrasas function outside the state, depends on private sources and is not regulated by any state or inter-state system.&nbsp;</p>

<p>These madrasas answer to no state authority about its curriculum. They stand in sharp contrast with the state-sponsored &#39;Aliya&#39; madrasas, of which there are several thousand; it prescribes a diverse curriculum in Bangla, English, science and math, and various subjects that lead its graduates to secular universities.</p>

<p>Ironically, after the 1971 war that was associated with the fight for the language of the nation &ndash; Bangla &ndash; political powers in the country have been increasingly controlled by actors from outside the country. Money flowed in from the Gulf region and brought with it hyper-conservative variants of Islam. On top of it, there has been a contemporary focus on markets for the garments sector that is directed primarily at European and American locales. It is this loss of any sense of localised language and culture at the political level that requires sustained analytical attention to better contextualise the recent surge of radical Islamic feelings in Bangladesh.</p>

<p>There is no doubt that Bengali language and literature&nbsp;as well as other shared cultural practices&nbsp;certainly exist in the mind and heart of Bangladeshis. In fact, the massive swell of protests against the recent killings shows that feelings of solidarity are very much present. But the more important question remains, whether this shared regional culture, and its practices, can successfully&nbsp;confront the powerful vectors of globalisation &ndash; whether of garment-centric global capitalism or Saudi-led investment &ndash; that shapes much of Bangladesh today.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Global capitalism and Saudi investment shape much of Bangladesh today

Bangladesh, unlike its neighbour India, has maintained a low profile for the outside world. However, contrary to its image, the political-economic significance of Bangladesh is actually huge. To start with, the country happens to be the eighth most populous nation-state in the world with a vast majority of Muslim population. It has a thriving $26 billion garment industry and the economic growth rates exceed that of India’s. In matters of gender equality, the country has made impressive strides too. And the world is aware of its highly touted, though controversial, investments in micro-finance. These achievements, however, have been overshadowed in the last few years as Bangladesh experiences outbursts of inexplicable violence. Recently, at some levels, Bangladesh seems to have been motivated by terrorism and some sort of affiliation with radical Islam. Since 2013, the world is learning increasingly about attacks on whole hosts of minorities, such as secularists, Hindus, LGBT activists, Shia Muslims, among others. In 2016 itself, reports of attacks on Hindus and other religious minorities are crowding our space. The most recent strike happened at Holey Bakery in the diplomatic enclave of Dhaka, in which twenty hostages were killed and many more injured. For those familiar with the religious and cultural traditions of Bangladesh, and its neighboring Indian state of West Bengal, the society has nurtured a long-standing rationalist tradition along with a secular outlook in most affairs. This worldview dominates the region’s literature and cultural traditions and is, particularly, evident in its multi-religious histories. Historically, poets, writers, painters, scholars of South Asia, and even those who have traveled through the subcontinent, tended to see the multi-cultural ethos of the Bengali social life. Deeply influenced by works of poets, such as Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam, the Bengali culture transcends the sort of political extremism that has long marked states, such as Pakistan and Afghanistan. However, this starry-eyed view of Bengali regional culture betrays another history, one in which religion, language, and some vision of the future have been intermingled with the violent changes of the twentieth century. So what explains these recent outbursts? As the New York Times reported back in 2005, is Bangladesh headed for the next “Islamist” revolution? Such an “Islamist” revolution is unlikely given the vast religious and cultural diversity of the country; though largely a Sunni Muslim country, it has longstanding minority communities of Hindus and Buddhists. Along with the deeply ingrained traditions of secular activism, there is a lively political culture of popular protests and organisation, particularly, led by students of the country. The country was founded, at least formally, on principles of secularism. To understand the recent surge of radicalism, we have to have a clear picture of injustices that the people of Bangladesh had to suffer since the first half of the twentieth century. The country’s infrastructure, government services, and funding opportunities have displayed a consistent mark of inequities right since 1947, as it became the eastern half of Pakistan through the partition of the subcontinent. Though ushered in via the official frenzy of independence and the new-fangled idea of a two-winged Muslim majority, yet secular nation-state of Pakistan, the eastern half witnessed deep social dislocation; a vast majority of civil servants and professionals who were essential for starting a new state migrated to India. Moreover, famine and food shortages throughout the much of the late 1940s and early 1950s coloured the rise of a new East Pakistani Muslim identity and politics. The process led to two factors that are brewing ever since – a failing and increasingly repressive state apparatus as well as an increasing attachment to symbols and institutions marked by Islam in the rural hinterlands, such as madrasas, particularly those operated privately and depended on foreign funding. Both before and after 1971, the government of the region has been increasingly less able to manage the needs and aspirations of the people, and particularly in the last five years, has delivered unimaginable repression by arresting common people in the name of national security. Nearly 15,000 people have been arrested in the month of June 2016, as the state responded to attacks by militants. The attacks by militants have made global headlines, whereas the arrests and state repression have not. Additionally, the state machinery in Bangladesh has proceeded down the complex road of war crimes tribunals and reckonings with the various crimes committed during the 1971 war. As a small and population dense nation-state with an annual GDP of 150 billion USD, Bangladesh has been subject to the fluctuations of the global labor market. The birth of Bangladesh in 1971, in the aftermath of a civil war and cyclone, coincided with the 1970s oil boom in the Gulf, which prompted approximately 6,000 workers to migrate to the Middle Eastern countries in 1976. Countries like Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Qatar now receive approximately 500,000 – 800,000 Bangladeshi labourers a year, with remittances back to Bangladesh totaling approximately 3.7 billion USD. Currently, an estimated 2 million Bangladeshis live and work in the Gulf. In addition to the money these workers send back home, private foundations and foreign governments of the Middle East regularly fund elements of the sprawling private ‘Quomi’ madrasa system. The ‘Quomi’ madrasas function outside the state, depends on private sources and is not regulated by any state or inter-state system. These madrasas answer to no state authority about its curriculum. They stand in sharp contrast with the state-sponsored 'Aliya' madrasas, of which there are several thousand; it prescribes a diverse curriculum in Bangla, English, science and math, and various subjects that lead its graduates to secular universities. Ironically, after the 1971 war that was associated with the fight for the language of the nation – Bangla – political powers in the country have been increasingly controlled by actors from outside the country. Money flowed in from the Gulf region and brought with it hyper-conservative variants of Islam. On top of it, there has been a contemporary focus on markets for the garments sector that is directed primarily at European and American locales. It is this loss of any sense of localised language and culture at the political level that requires sustained analytical attention to better contextualise the recent surge of radical Islamic feelings in Bangladesh. There is no doubt that Bengali language and literature as well as other shared cultural practices certainly exist in the mind and heart of Bangladeshis. In fact, the massive swell of protests against the recent killings shows that feelings of solidarity are very much present. But the more important question remains, whether this shared regional culture, and its practices, can successfully confront the powerful vectors of globalisation – whether of garment-centric global capitalism or Saudi-led investment – that shapes much of Bangladesh today.

Bangladesh's current crisis: Globalisation threatens secular ethos of the country

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Secularism In Bangladesh, News on Secularism In Bangladesh, stories on Secularism In Bangladesh, articles on Secularism In Bangladesh, Secularism In Bangladesh stories at Wion, Secularism In Bangladesh news, Secularism In Bangladesh latest news

secularism in-bangladesh

The secular conundrum in Bangladesh

Bangladesh's current crisis: Globalisation threatens secular ethos of the country