The leader of the Polish women's strike, the movement that led to mass countrywide protests against a near-total abortion ban in Poland, has been accused of criminal hooliganism.

Poland: Protests erupt against abortion ban, leader charged with 'insulting police'

Several thousand people marched through cities across&nbsp;Poland&nbsp;on Friday&nbsp;in the third day of protests against a near-total ban on abortion since it was put into effect by the conservative government earlier this week.

Protesters have defied coronavirus restrictions and sub-zero temperatures to rally after the controversial judgement was given legal force on Wednesday.

Police in riot gear lined major roads of the city, as protesters marched to Aretha Franklin's "Think" and "We Will Rock You" by Queen.

Some of the participants also wore green handkerchiefs around their necks -- the symbol of abortion-rights activists in Argentina, which legalised abortion last month.

The protests follow a Constitutional Tribunal ruling from October that terminating pregnancies with foetal defects was unconstitutional, eliminating the most frequently used case for legal abortion in the predominantly Catholic nation. The ruling found that abortions in cases of foetal abnormalities were "incompatible" with the constitution.

Predominantly Catholic&nbsp;Poland&nbsp;already had one of Europe's most restrictive laws on abortion. It&nbsp;came into effect late on January 27&nbsp;when it was published in the official gazette.

There are fewer than 2,000 legal abortions every year and women's groups estimate that an additional 200,000 women abort either illegally or abroad.

The government says the ban will halt "eugenic abortions", referring to the termination of foetuses diagnosed with Down's Syndrome, but human rights groups say it will force women to carry non-viable pregnancies.

The ruling first came out in October, but the government had held off on formalising it amid mass protests that quickly adopted broader anti-government slogans.

Under the new rules, abortion can be performed legally only in the case of rape or incest and when the mother's health or life are at risk, putting&nbsp;Poland&nbsp;outside the European mainstream. Doctors defying the law face jail.

The country was rocked by weeks of nationwide protests following the October&nbsp;22 court decision. They had quickly morphed into an outpouring of anger against the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) government and the powerful Catholic Church.

PiS has rejected opposition accusations that it had influenced the court in its decision, although it is one of the judicial bodies PiS overhauled during reforms that the European Union said have politicised the courts.

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Several thousand people marched through cities across Poland on Friday in the third day of protests against a near-total ban on abortion since it was put into effect by the conservative government earlier this week.

Several thousand people marched through cities across Poland on Friday in the third day of protests against a near-total ban on abortion since it was put into effect by the conservative government earlier this week. Protesters have defied coronavirus restrictions and sub-zero temperatures to rally after the controversial judgement was given legal force on Wednesday. Police in riot gear lined major roads of the city, as protesters marched to Aretha Franklin's "Think" and "We Will Rock You" by Queen. Some of the participants also wore green handkerchiefs around their necks -- the symbol of abortion-rights activists in Argentina, which legalised abortion last month. The protests follow a Constitutional Tribunal ruling from October that terminating pregnancies with foetal defects was unconstitutional, eliminating the most frequently used case for legal abortion in the predominantly Catholic nation. The ruling found that abortions in cases of foetal abnormalities were "incompatible" with the constitution. Predominantly Catholic Poland already had one of Europe's most restrictive laws on abortion. It came into effect late on January 27 when it was published in the official gazette. There are fewer than 2,000 legal abortions every year and women's groups estimate that an additional 200,000 women abort either illegally or abroad. The government says the ban will halt "eugenic abortions", referring to the termination of foetuses diagnosed with Down's Syndrome, but human rights groups say it will force women to carry non-viable pregnancies. The ruling first came out in October, but the government had held off on formalising it amid mass protests that quickly adopted broader anti-government slogans. Under the new rules, abortion can be performed legally only in the case of rape or incest and when the mother's health or life are at risk, putting Poland outside the European mainstream. Doctors defying the law face jail. The country was rocked by weeks of nationwide protests following the October 22 court decision. They had quickly morphed into an outpouring of anger against the nationalist Law and Justice (PiS) government and the powerful Catholic Church. PiS has rejected opposition accusations that it had influenced the court in its decision, although it is one of the judicial bodies PiS overhauled during reforms that the European Union said have politicised the courts.

Thousands protest in Poland as abortion law comes into effect

Poland is a largely conservative country compared to much of Europe, a place where churches fill up on Sundays and Roman Catholicism is deeply interwoven with the national identity.

So why has a court ruling restricting abortion sparked more than a week of angry protests across the central European nation of 38 million?

Hundreds of thousands have been pouring into the streets for days, defying the risk of contagion amid a spike in COVID-19 infections that have been hitting new records each day, reaching nearly 22,000 on Friday.

Poland's Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki appealed to abortion rights activists to halt mass protests, saying they would fuel more coronavirus infections and threaten the elderly.

With a mass march scheduled for Friday evening in Warsaw, let's take&nbsp;a look at some of the key issues.

TOP COURT RULES

The immediate trigger of the protests was an October 22 decision by the constitutional court that had been asked to rule on a provision of a 27-year-old law that allows abortions in cases of severe fetal deformity, including Down syndrome.

The latter is one of the main reasons cited for the roughly 1,000 legal terminations performed in Poland each year.

Lawmakers with the ruling Law and Justice party were among those who sought the court's review. They say they want to ensure fetuses with Down syndrome are allowed to be born.

POLAND IN THE BIGGER PICTURE

Klementyna Suchanow, one of the main organisers with the initiative Women's Strike, the key force behind the protests, said Poland is just one element in a global struggle where democracies face a challenge from fundamentalist and authoritarian forces.

Whatever happens now in Poland will be crucial for democracy worldwide, says Suchanow, the author of 'This is War: Women, Fundamentalists, and the new Middle Ages,'&nbsp;a book on international ultra-conservative groups that want to ban all abortions. 
The groups say they are fighting to preserve traditional families, and also fight same-sex marriage.

The slogan 'This is War'&nbsp;has been repeated often on banners carried at the protests in Poland.

COMPROMISE BROKEN

Poland already had one of Europe's most restrictive laws, hammered out in 1993 between political and Catholic church leaders. 
It allowed abortions only in the cases of fetal defects, risk to the woman's health and incest or rape.

It was born from difficult negotiations after the fall of communism, when the Soviet bloc countries had liberal abortion laws. 
The church, long repressed by the communist regime, sought a full ban in line with its view that all life must be protected from the moment of conception.

Aleksander Kwasniewski, a former left-wing president, said this week: ''It seems to me that in 1993, it was the only possible compromise.''&nbsp;However, neither side has ever been satisfied with the 1993 law.

Earlier attempts by the conservative ruling party to replace it with a blanket ban on abortions were met with enormous street protests in 2016 and 2017 and shelved.

POLITICAL CALCULATIONS

The government appears to have calculated that it could change the law with less of a backlash by getting a court under its political control to do the job during the pandemic. If so, the plan has backfired.

The ruling Law and Justice party won a second term in 2019 and President Andrzej Duda, a party ally, was re-elected this summer. 
With three years to go before the next elections, it seemed the right time to push through an unpopular move that is widely understood as a reward to the church and ultraconservative groups for their political support.

While a large majority of Poles disapprove of the court ruling, some of the protesters' methods have also met with disapproval, including vulgar language, vandalizing churches, and disrupting Masses.

''If they continue that way, they will lose support,''&nbsp;said Marcin Zaborowski, a political analyst and author with Visegrad Insight, a policy journal focused on Central Europe.

THE COURT'S AUTHORITY

The Constitutional Tribunal, which ruled to restrict abortion, is itself the product of a separate controversy: the ruling party's takeover of the courts, an issue at the heart of a 5-year standoff with the European Union. 
Of 15 judges on the court, 14 were picked by Law and Justice for nine-year terms, three of them chosen in a manner that violates Polish law. 
This has led some legal scholars to declare that the court itself is illegitimate and that the abortion ruling has no legal validity. Many critics now refer to the court as 'Julia Przylebska's tribunal',&nbsp;a reference to the court president who is a Law and Justice party loyalist.

''This is an ineffective ruling from the constitutional court. It has no legal consequences,''&nbsp;said Michal Wawrykiewicz, a lawyer with Free Courts, an initiative fighting for rule of law.

Wawrykiewicz said the ruling is likely to unleash legal chaos because the government will treat it as legally binding but many doctors will not.

If doctors are sued for performing abortions of damaged fetuses, they will be sued in lower courts, where judges have maintained a large degree of independence and can be expected to rule in their favour.

Ultimately the issue will need to be resolved by the EU's Court of Justice.

A YOUTH REVOLT

While traditionally conservative, Poland has also been undergoing massive social changes under the influence of EU membership, which has led many Poles to travel and study abroad, and of popular culture influences such as Netflix.

The protests of the past week have been dominated by young people, who believe that the abortion ruling infringes on their liberties. 
Dominika Stankiewicz, a 26-year-old who was handing out protest stickers and posters in Warsaw's Mokotow district on Thursday, said abortion is the only issue that has ever brought her to the streets to protests. 
&nbsp;

Poland is a largely conservative country compared to much of Europe, a place where churches fill up on Sundays and Roman Catholicism is deeply interwoven with the national identity.

Poland is a largely conservative country compared to much of Europe, a place where churches fill up on Sundays and Roman Catholicism is deeply interwoven with the national identity. So why has a court ruling restricting abortion sparked more than a week of angry protests across the central European nation of 38 million? Hundreds of thousands have been pouring into the streets for days, defying the risk of contagion amid a spike in COVID-19 infections that have been hitting new records each day, reaching nearly 22,000 on Friday. Poland's Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki appealed to abortion rights activists to halt mass protests, saying they would fuel more coronavirus infections and threaten the elderly. With a mass march scheduled for Friday evening in Warsaw, let's take a look at some of the key issues. TOP COURT RULES The immediate trigger of the protests was an October 22 decision by the constitutional court that had been asked to rule on a provision of a 27-year-old law that allows abortions in cases of severe fetal deformity, including Down syndrome. The latter is one of the main reasons cited for the roughly 1,000 legal terminations performed in Poland each year. Lawmakers with the ruling Law and Justice party were among those who sought the court's review. They say they want to ensure fetuses with Down syndrome are allowed to be born. POLAND IN THE BIGGER PICTURE Klementyna Suchanow, one of the main organisers with the initiative Women's Strike, the key force behind the protests, said Poland is just one element in a global struggle where democracies face a challenge from fundamentalist and authoritarian forces. Whatever happens now in Poland will be crucial for democracy worldwide, says Suchanow, the author of 'This is War: Women, Fundamentalists, and the new Middle Ages,' a book on international ultra-conservative groups that want to ban all abortions. The groups say they are fighting to preserve traditional families, and also fight same-sex marriage. The slogan 'This is War' has been repeated often on banners carried at the protests in Poland. COMPROMISE BROKEN Poland already had one of Europe's most restrictive laws, hammered out in 1993 between political and Catholic church leaders. It allowed abortions only in the cases of fetal defects, risk to the woman's health and incest or rape. It was born from difficult negotiations after the fall of communism, when the Soviet bloc countries had liberal abortion laws. The church, long repressed by the communist regime, sought a full ban in line with its view that all life must be protected from the moment of conception. Aleksander Kwasniewski, a former left-wing president, said this week: ''It seems to me that in 1993, it was the only possible compromise.'' However, neither side has ever been satisfied with the 1993 law. Earlier attempts by the conservative ruling party to replace it with a blanket ban on abortions were met with enormous street protests in 2016 and 2017 and shelved. POLITICAL CALCULATIONS The government appears to have calculated that it could change the law with less of a backlash by getting a court under its political control to do the job during the pandemic. If so, the plan has backfired. The ruling Law and Justice party won a second term in 2019 and President Andrzej Duda, a party ally, was re-elected this summer. With three years to go before the next elections, it seemed the right time to push through an unpopular move that is widely understood as a reward to the church and ultraconservative groups for their political support. While a large majority of Poles disapprove of the court ruling, some of the protesters' methods have also met with disapproval, including vulgar language, vandalizing churches, and disrupting Masses. ''If they continue that way, they will lose support,'' said Marcin Zaborowski, a political analyst and author with Visegrad Insight, a policy journal focused on Central Europe. THE COURT'S AUTHORITY The Constitutional Tribunal, which ruled to restrict abortion, is itself the product of a separate controversy: the ruling party's takeover of the courts, an issue at the heart of a 5-year standoff with the European Union. Of 15 judges on the court, 14 were picked by Law and Justice for nine-year terms, three of them chosen in a manner that violates Polish law. This has led some legal scholars to declare that the court itself is illegitimate and that the abortion ruling has no legal validity. Many critics now refer to the court as 'Julia Przylebska's tribunal', a reference to the court president who is a Law and Justice party loyalist. ''This is an ineffective ruling from the constitutional court. It has no legal consequences,'' said Michal Wawrykiewicz, a lawyer with Free Courts, an initiative fighting for rule of law. Wawrykiewicz said the ruling is likely to unleash legal chaos because the government will treat it as legally binding but many doctors will not. If doctors are sued for performing abortions of damaged fetuses, they will be sued in lower courts, where judges have maintained a large degree of independence and can be expected to rule in their favour. Ultimately the issue will need to be resolved by the EU's Court of Justice. A YOUTH REVOLT While traditionally conservative, Poland has also been undergoing massive social changes under the influence of EU membership, which has led many Poles to travel and study abroad, and of popular culture influences such as Netflix. The protests of the past week have been dominated by young people, who believe that the abortion ruling infringes on their liberties. Dominika Stankiewicz, a 26-year-old who was handing out protest stickers and posters in Warsaw's Mokotow district on Thursday, said abortion is the only issue that has ever brought her to the streets to protests.

Why an abortion law ruling trigged mass protests in Poland

Tens of thousands of Poles have defied COVID-19 restrictions to protest against a new high court ruling that imposes a near-total ban on abortion, blocking major roads and bridges and chanting anti-government slogans.

The demonstrators, some dressed as characters from “The Handmaid’s Tale,” have even disrupted masses and vandalized churches — a rare case of lashing out at the government’s ally, the Catholic Church, in the staunchly Catholic country.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/protesters-target-churches-over-polands-near-total-abortion-ban-337875" hreflang="en">Protesters target churches over Poland's near-total abortion ban</a>

The protests began Thursday over the ruling that tightened what was already one of Europe’s most restrictive abortion laws. But they have increasingly turned into a broader expression of anger at a right-wing government that opponents accuse of hijacking the judiciary and chipping away at the rights of women and minorities.

“What is happening in the public space, those acts of aggression, attacks, barbarism, is unacceptable,” the prime minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, said on Tuesday. “I don’t give my consent to attack people, churches, and the right to pursue values by others,” he added, appealing to protesters to refrain from acts of aggression.

Here’s a look at how the issue became such a flash point.

What sparked the protests?

Prior to Thursday’s ruling by the Constitutional Tribunal, Poland had permitted terminations only for fetal abnormalities, in case of a threat to a woman’s health or in the case of incest or rape. But in practice, the overwhelming majority of legal abortions — 1,074 of 1,100 performed last year — resulted from fetal abnormalities.

However, the latest court ruling held that abortions for fetal abnormalities violate the Constitution — a decision that cannot be appealed.

Still, this category of abortions represents only a small fraction of those obtained by Polish women. Many already go abroad for abortions or have them illegally. Common obstacles to legal termination include lengthy waits and doctors refusing to perform them.

And there is very little financial and psychological support for families of disabled children, who are left to fend for themselves once the child is born.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/poland-abortion-apex-court-bans-almost-all-terminations-337480" hreflang="en">Poland abortion: Apex court bans almost all terminations</a>

In the court ruling, the tribunal’s president, Julia Przylebska, said that allowing abortions for fetal abnormalities legalized “eugenic practices.” Because Poland’s Constitution guarantees the protection of human life, she added, termination based on the health of a fetus amounted to “a directly forbidden form of discrimination.”

Protesters are demanding that the court reverse itself and a growing number are also calling for liberalization of the abortion law. Protests have spread from cities to towns and villages and women’s groups have found support from some unlikely corners, including taxi drivers, farmers and coal miners, all with their own grievances against the government.

How does this reflect Polish politics and society?

The ruling Law and Justice party has largely erased the independence of the judiciary, drawing international condemnation. Opponents say the party is now using subservient courts to achieve what it could not do legislatively, something that the government denies.

The government has tried repeatedly to make the abortion law stricter, but could not muster the votes in Parliament. Polls have shown that most citizens oppose new limits and each attempt was met with mass demonstrations.

Analysts say that with attention on the pandemic and the next election three years away, the time was ripe for a new strategy. Rather than try again to pass legislation, right-wing lawmakers asked the constitutional tribunal, Poland’s highest court, to review the law.

But many women say they are being used as pawns in the ruling party’s efforts to distract the public from its handling of the coronavirus pandemic, with cases surging and hospitals increasingly overwhelmed. In the past month, Poland has become one of the hardest-hit countries in the world, straining its health care system. The president, Andrzej Duda, tested positive on Saturday.

Critics say the governing Law and Justice Party is doing the bidding of church leaders and right-wing groups, forcing women to choose whether to have dangerous illegal abortions, to go abroad for abortions, or to give birth to children with serious — often fatal — health problems.

The governing party, which took power in 2015, presents itself as the defender of traditional, Catholic values, and denigrates its opponents as anti-Polish and anti-Christian. Central to that vision are Polish women as wives and mothers, and women’s rights groups are depicted as dangerous agents of liberal, Western propaganda.

They have not been the party’s only target. At the height of Europe’s migration crisis, Law and Justice portrayed refugees as a threat to Christian civilization — but later agreed to take in Christian ones. After that issue subsided, the right focused much of its attention during recent political campaigns on gay people, painting them as a threat to Polish life and values.

Law and Justice has seized on European Union complaints about Poland’s illiberal course as evidence that the bloc is pushing “foreign” ideas that threaten to undermine Polish sovereignty.

What sets these protests apart?

Protesters are using an intentionally vulgar slogan to shock people and send the message that well-mannered approaches have not worked. And they have broken the long-standing social taboo against challenging the church.

The Catholic church, perhaps the most influential pillar of Polish society since the fall of communism, has long pressured the government to tighten or eliminate access to abortion.

On Sunday, women’s rights activists were protesting in the streets and disrupting church services all over Poland, holding up anti-government and anti-church banners that read: “This is war,” or “We have had enough,” and “We will not be victimized.”

Groups of young men and women confronted priests in some places, and protesters painted graffiti on the walls of churches and cathedrals across the country. Since the beginning of the demonstrations, far-right activists have been defending churches and confronting the protesters, sometimes using physical force, in a reflection of what critics say is an alliance between the government, the Catholic Church, and far-right groups.

In Konstancin Jeziorna, a leafy suburb of Warsaw, a monument to Pope John Paul II was doused with red paint — a once-unthinkable affront to a national hero.

How does Poland compare to other countries?

Under communism, Poland and other Soviet bloc states had some of the most liberal abortion laws. Women’s rights activists used to help Swedes travel to Poland for abortions.

But the country now has one of the most restrictive abortion laws among the world’s wealthier countries, adopted in 1993. The high court ruling moves the country even farther from the mainstream.

Nearly all of Europe has abortion on demand, up to a certain point in pregnancy. The United States does, as well, though many states have made access to it difficult.

On the day of the top court’s ruling on abortions, the governments of Poland, the United States and several other countries, including Uganda, Hungary, Belarus and Saudi Arabia, signed the Geneva Consensus Declaration, a statement challenging the right to abortion.

Tens of thousands of Poles have defied COVID-19 restrictions to protest against a new high court ruling that imposes a near-total ban on abortion, blocking major roads and bridges and chanting anti-government slogans.

Tens of thousands of Poles have defied COVID-19 restrictions to protest against a new high court ruling that imposes a near-total ban on abortion, blocking major roads and bridges and chanting anti-government slogans. The demonstrators, some dressed as characters from “The Handmaid’s Tale,” have even disrupted masses and vandalized churches — a rare case of lashing out at the government’s ally, the Catholic Church, in the staunchly Catholic country. Also read: Protesters target churches over Poland's near-total abortion ban The protests began Thursday over the ruling that tightened what was already one of Europe’s most restrictive abortion laws. But they have increasingly turned into a broader expression of anger at a right-wing government that opponents accuse of hijacking the judiciary and chipping away at the rights of women and minorities. “What is happening in the public space, those acts of aggression, attacks, barbarism, is unacceptable,” the prime minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, said on Tuesday. “I don’t give my consent to attack people, churches, and the right to pursue values by others,” he added, appealing to protesters to refrain from acts of aggression. Here’s a look at how the issue became such a flash point. What sparked the protests? Prior to Thursday’s ruling by the Constitutional Tribunal, Poland had permitted terminations only for fetal abnormalities, in case of a threat to a woman’s health or in the case of incest or rape. But in practice, the overwhelming majority of legal abortions — 1,074 of 1,100 performed last year — resulted from fetal abnormalities. However, the latest court ruling held that abortions for fetal abnormalities violate the Constitution — a decision that cannot be appealed. Still, this category of abortions represents only a small fraction of those obtained by Polish women. Many already go abroad for abortions or have them illegally. Common obstacles to legal termination include lengthy waits and doctors refusing to perform them. And there is very little financial and psychological support for families of disabled children, who are left to fend for themselves once the child is born. Also read: Poland abortion: Apex court bans almost all terminations In the court ruling, the tribunal’s president, Julia Przylebska, said that allowing abortions for fetal abnormalities legalized “eugenic practices.” Because Poland’s Constitution guarantees the protection of human life, she added, termination based on the health of a fetus amounted to “a directly forbidden form of discrimination.” Protesters are demanding that the court reverse itself and a growing number are also calling for liberalization of the abortion law. Protests have spread from cities to towns and villages and women’s groups have found support from some unlikely corners, including taxi drivers, farmers and coal miners, all with their own grievances against the government. How does this reflect Polish politics and society? The ruling Law and Justice party has largely erased the independence of the judiciary, drawing international condemnation. Opponents say the party is now using subservient courts to achieve what it could not do legislatively, something that the government denies. The government has tried repeatedly to make the abortion law stricter, but could not muster the votes in Parliament. Polls have shown that most citizens oppose new limits and each attempt was met with mass demonstrations. Analysts say that with attention on the pandemic and the next election three years away, the time was ripe for a new strategy. Rather than try again to pass legislation, right-wing lawmakers asked the constitutional tribunal, Poland’s highest court, to review the law. But many women say they are being used as pawns in the ruling party’s efforts to distract the public from its handling of the coronavirus pandemic, with cases surging and hospitals increasingly overwhelmed. In the past month, Poland has become one of the hardest-hit countries in the world, straining its health care system. The president, Andrzej Duda, tested positive on Saturday. Critics say the governing Law and Justice Party is doing the bidding of church leaders and right-wing groups, forcing women to choose whether to have dangerous illegal abortions, to go abroad for abortions, or to give birth to children with serious — often fatal — health problems. The governing party, which took power in 2015, presents itself as the defender of traditional, Catholic values, and denigrates its opponents as anti-Polish and anti-Christian. Central to that vision are Polish women as wives and mothers, and women’s rights groups are depicted as dangerous agents of liberal, Western propaganda. They have not been the party’s only target. At the height of Europe’s migration crisis, Law and Justice portrayed refugees as a threat to Christian civilization — but later agreed to take in Christian ones. After that issue subsided, the right focused much of its attention during recent political campaigns on gay people, painting them as a threat to Polish life and values. Law and Justice has seized on European Union complaints about Poland’s illiberal course as evidence that the bloc is pushing “foreign” ideas that threaten to undermine Polish sovereignty. What sets these protests apart? Protesters are using an intentionally vulgar slogan to shock people and send the message that well-mannered approaches have not worked. And they have broken the long-standing social taboo against challenging the church. The Catholic church, perhaps the most influential pillar of Polish society since the fall of communism, has long pressured the government to tighten or eliminate access to abortion. On Sunday, women’s rights activists were protesting in the streets and disrupting church services all over Poland, holding up anti-government and anti-church banners that read: “This is war,” or “We have had enough,” and “We will not be victimized.” Groups of young men and women confronted priests in some places, and protesters painted graffiti on the walls of churches and cathedrals across the country. Since the beginning of the demonstrations, far-right activists have been defending churches and confronting the protesters, sometimes using physical force, in a reflection of what critics say is an alliance between the government, the Catholic Church, and far-right groups. In Konstancin Jeziorna, a leafy suburb of Warsaw, a monument to Pope John Paul II was doused with red paint — a once-unthinkable affront to a national hero. How does Poland compare to other countries? Under communism, Poland and other Soviet bloc states had some of the most liberal abortion laws. Women’s rights activists used to help Swedes travel to Poland for abortions. But the country now has one of the most restrictive abortion laws among the world’s wealthier countries, adopted in 1993. The high court ruling moves the country even farther from the mainstream. Nearly all of Europe has abortion on demand, up to a certain point in pregnancy. The United States does, as well, though many states have made access to it difficult. On the day of the top court’s ruling on abortions, the governments of Poland, the United States and several other countries, including Uganda, Hungary, Belarus and Saudi Arabia, signed the Geneva Consensus Declaration, a statement challenging the right to abortion.

Why a new abortion ban in Poland is tearing the country apart