Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan&nbsp;on Sunday&nbsp;sought to persuade voters in the heartland of Turkey's Kurdish minority to vote for him in&nbsp;June 24&nbsp;polls, arguing his party had done the most to rebuild the area and find peace after years of violence.

Erdogan told a mass rally attended by thousands in the Kurdish-majority southeastern city of Diyarbakir that the area was enjoying "peace like never in the last 40 years" and that the "state had never been so close to the people".

The authorities are still battling the insurgency that dates back to 1984 of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) which initially took up arms for a separate state but now demands more autonomy.

Erdogan backed peace talks in the early years of the decade but a ceasefire collapsed in 2015 and there have been deadly clashes ever since.&nbsp;

Turkey's Kurds, estimated to make up at least&nbsp;one-fifth&nbsp;of the population, will be crucial in determining the outcome of the parliamentary and presidential polls.

While large numbers are expected to vote for the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) which is focused on Kurdish interests, Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been able to count on solid support from religiously conservative Kurds.

Erdogan launched a lacerating attack on the HDP, saying "we (the AKP) build but they destroy".

"They (the HDP) are here for destroying this country...&nbsp;Are you ready to teach them the right lesson on&nbsp;June 24?" he asked.

The AKP accuses the HDP of being the political front of the PKK and being complicit in militant violence, charges the party denies.

The HDP's former co-leader and one of Erdogan's challengers in the presidential race, Selahattin Demirtas, has been in jail since November 2016 on hugely controversial terror&nbsp;propaganda&nbsp;charges.

Erdogan accused Demirtas of having blood on his hands over the deaths of dozens of mainly Kurdish protesters in October 2014 rallies he called that turned violent.

"Sooner or later he will pay the price," Erdogan said.

Erdogan rejected the description by Kurdish activists and politicians that Turkey has a "Kurdish problem", saying: "We face just one problem, a terror problem. With thanks to God, we are also solving this."

Three Turkish soldiers were killed&nbsp;Sunday&nbsp;in the Hakkari province further to the east by PKK fighters, state media said.

Diyarbakir has never been an AKP stronghold with 67.6&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;voting 'no' in the 2017 referendum on Erdogan's plan to give the presidency more powers.

In the November 2015 parliamentary elections, the HDP won 70&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;of the vote in the Diyarbakir region and the AKP just 22&nbsp;per cent.

Erdogan backed peace talks in the early years of the decade but a ceasefire collapsed in 2015 and there have been deadly clashes ever since

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Sunday sought to persuade voters in the heartland of Turkey's Kurdish minority to vote for him in June 24 polls, arguing his party had done the most to rebuild the area and find peace after years of violence. Erdogan told a mass rally attended by thousands in the Kurdish-majority southeastern city of Diyarbakir that the area was enjoying "peace like never in the last 40 years" and that the "state had never been so close to the people". The authorities are still battling the insurgency that dates back to 1984 of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) which initially took up arms for a separate state but now demands more autonomy. Erdogan backed peace talks in the early years of the decade but a ceasefire collapsed in 2015 and there have been deadly clashes ever since. Turkey's Kurds, estimated to make up at least one-fifth of the population, will be crucial in determining the outcome of the parliamentary and presidential polls. While large numbers are expected to vote for the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) which is focused on Kurdish interests, Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been able to count on solid support from religiously conservative Kurds. Erdogan launched a lacerating attack on the HDP, saying "we (the AKP) build but they destroy". "They (the HDP) are here for destroying this country... Are you ready to teach them the right lesson on June 24?" he asked. The AKP accuses the HDP of being the political front of the PKK and being complicit in militant violence, charges the party denies. The HDP's former co-leader and one of Erdogan's challengers in the presidential race, Selahattin Demirtas, has been in jail since November 2016 on hugely controversial terror propaganda charges. Erdogan accused Demirtas of having blood on his hands over the deaths of dozens of mainly Kurdish protesters in October 2014 rallies he called that turned violent. "Sooner or later he will pay the price," Erdogan said. Erdogan rejected the description by Kurdish activists and politicians that Turkey has a "Kurdish problem", saying: "We face just one problem, a terror problem. With thanks to God, we are also solving this." Three Turkish soldiers were killed Sunday in the Hakkari province further to the east by PKK fighters, state media said. Diyarbakir has never been an AKP stronghold with 67.6 per cent voting 'no' in the 2017 referendum on Erdogan's plan to give the presidency more powers. In the November 2015 parliamentary elections, the HDP won 70 per cent of the vote in the Diyarbakir region and the AKP just 22 per cent.

Erdogan seeks to sway Turkey voters in Kurdish heartland

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan arrived in Bosnia on Sunday to hold his only election rally outside Turkey, while other EU countries have banned such events ahead of Ankara's presidential and parlimentary elections next month.

The capital Sarajevo was chosen for the event after countries such as Germany, Austria and the Netherlands have barred Turkish politicians from holding such rallies, stoking tensions between Ankara and Brussels.

Turkey is scheduled to hold presidential and parliamentary elections on June 24, with three million expatriate Turks allowed to vote, including 1.4 million in Germany.&nbsp;

Thousands of people, many wearing scarves and banners carrying pictures of the Turkish leader, and waving Turkish flags, converged on Sarajevo's largest sports venue, Zetra, where the rally was to be held.&nbsp;

And giant billboards welcomed Erdogan in Turkish and Bosnian.

Security was tight, with local media reporting that crowds of up to 20,000 were expected.&nbsp;

Rally for "Sultan Erdogan"

Despite the ban in other European countries, Bosnia had not been expected to stop Turkish politicians from campaigning on its soil, given the close ties between Bosnian Muslim leader Bakir Izetbegovic and his SDA party and Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).&nbsp;

According to Bosnian media, the AKP is planning to open a representative office in Bosnia soon.

"We will show that he (Erdogan) has friends and that there are those who are proud of him," Izetbegovic, the Muslim member of Bosnia's tripartite presidency, told his supporters last week.

The Turkish leader was not liked in the West and there were many "who do not like him in this country", because "he is a powerful Muslim leader that we have not had for a long time," Izetbegovic argued.&nbsp;

Nevertheless, support was not unanimous.

In an ironic front page article, the daily newspaper Vecernji list asked whether, after the rally for "Sultan" Erdogan, Sarajevo might not soon be welcoming Russian leader Vladimir Putin or even Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad.

We will die for him

"Why hold a rally in Bosnia rather than in Turkey. Of course, I mind," pensioner Spomenka Beus, 74, told AFP.

But, Muhamed Yanik, a 20-year-old student, said he had travelled 28 hours by bus from Germany to see Erdogan.

"If he says so, we will die for him," Yanik said.&nbsp;

But others, such as theatre director Dino Mustafic, felt Erdogan's visit harked back to the colonial times of the Ottoman Empire, when the Balkans, notably Bosnia, were ruled by the Ottomans for more than four centuries until 1878.

The event would be an occasion for "poor local people to euphorically applaud their sultan," he tweeted.&nbsp;

Bosnian Serb leader Milord Dodik accused the Turkish leader of "interfering" in Bosnia's affairs.

Turkey has excellent relations with Bosnia and Turkish companies have played a major role in the country's reconstruction following its 1990s inter-ethnic war.

Erdogan has called snap presidential and parliamentary elections for June 24, bringing the polls forward by a year-and a half.&nbsp;

Half of Bosnia's 3.5 million citizens are Muslims, a third are Serbs, while Croats make some 15 percent of the population.

The rally, the only one Erdogan will attend outside Turkey, is due to start around 3:00 pm (1300 GMT).

His supporters are expected to arrive from all over Europe, from Germany, Austria, Belgium, Scandinavia, the Netherlands Switzerland, Italy or Hungary.

The expatriate European vote is generally a source of support Erdogan's AKP and officials are keen to rouse a strong turnout in Europe.

The early election in Turkey is set to accelerate its transition to the new presidential system with full executive powers which critics fear will lead to a one-man rule.

The capital Sarajevo was chosen for the event after countries such as Germany, Austria and the Netherlands have barred Turkish politicians from holding such rallies, stoking tensions between Ankara and Brussels

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan arrived in Bosnia on Sunday to hold his only election rally outside Turkey, while other EU countries have banned such events ahead of Ankara's presidential and parlimentary elections next month. The capital Sarajevo was chosen for the event after countries such as Germany, Austria and the Netherlands have barred Turkish politicians from holding such rallies, stoking tensions between Ankara and Brussels. Turkey is scheduled to hold presidential and parliamentary elections on June 24, with three million expatriate Turks allowed to vote, including 1.4 million in Germany. Thousands of people, many wearing scarves and banners carrying pictures of the Turkish leader, and waving Turkish flags, converged on Sarajevo's largest sports venue, Zetra, where the rally was to be held. And giant billboards welcomed Erdogan in Turkish and Bosnian. Security was tight, with local media reporting that crowds of up to 20,000 were expected. Rally for "Sultan Erdogan" Despite the ban in other European countries, Bosnia had not been expected to stop Turkish politicians from campaigning on its soil, given the close ties between Bosnian Muslim leader Bakir Izetbegovic and his SDA party and Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). According to Bosnian media, the AKP is planning to open a representative office in Bosnia soon. "We will show that he (Erdogan) has friends and that there are those who are proud of him," Izetbegovic, the Muslim member of Bosnia's tripartite presidency, told his supporters last week. The Turkish leader was not liked in the West and there were many "who do not like him in this country", because "he is a powerful Muslim leader that we have not had for a long time," Izetbegovic argued. Nevertheless, support was not unanimous. In an ironic front page article, the daily newspaper Vecernji list asked whether, after the rally for "Sultan" Erdogan, Sarajevo might not soon be welcoming Russian leader Vladimir Putin or even Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad. We will die for him "Why hold a rally in Bosnia rather than in Turkey. Of course, I mind," pensioner Spomenka Beus, 74, told AFP. But, Muhamed Yanik, a 20-year-old student, said he had travelled 28 hours by bus from Germany to see Erdogan. "If he says so, we will die for him," Yanik said. But others, such as theatre director Dino Mustafic, felt Erdogan's visit harked back to the colonial times of the Ottoman Empire, when the Balkans, notably Bosnia, were ruled by the Ottomans for more than four centuries until 1878. The event would be an occasion for "poor local people to euphorically applaud their sultan," he tweeted. Bosnian Serb leader Milord Dodik accused the Turkish leader of "interfering" in Bosnia's affairs. Turkey has excellent relations with Bosnia and Turkish companies have played a major role in the country's reconstruction following its 1990s inter-ethnic war. Erdogan has called snap presidential and parliamentary elections for June 24, bringing the polls forward by a year-and a half. Half of Bosnia's 3.5 million citizens are Muslims, a third are Serbs, while Croats make some 15 percent of the population. The rally, the only one Erdogan will attend outside Turkey, is due to start around 3:00 pm (1300 GMT). His supporters are expected to arrive from all over Europe, from Germany, Austria, Belgium, Scandinavia, the Netherlands Switzerland, Italy or Hungary. The expatriate European vote is generally a source of support Erdogan's AKP and officials are keen to rouse a strong turnout in Europe. The early election in Turkey is set to accelerate its transition to the new presidential system with full executive powers which critics fear will lead to a one-man rule.

Erdogan arrives for controversial election rally in Bosnia

As he battles to cling to power as the leader of Turkey&#39;s nationalist opposition, Devlet Bahceli is arguably more important to the future of Turkish politics than ever before. 
 
The 68-year-old, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) in 1997, has done little to move it from the political margins ever since. The party&#39;s popularity has hence been declining over the years despite growing nationalist sentiment. 
 
But as he fights an increasingly bitter leadership challenge in the twilight of his career, Bahceli has been thrust centre stage in the main political saga of the day: President Tayyip Erdogan&#39;s effort to accumulate greater powers. 
 
Should he stay, support for the MHP could drop to the point that it is forced from parliament, all but guaranteeing Erdogan the backing he needs for a referendum on changing the constitution and forging a stronger presidency. 
 
Should he be ousted, his main rival, Meral Aksener, could take over a 59-year-old woman who is seen by pollsters as having the mettle needed to revitalise the MHP and increase its support. That could make Erdogan&#39;s ambitions harder to push through the parliament. 
 
&quot;Some time ago a Bahceli victory was seen as definite, but now every possibility is there,&quot; said one source close to the ruling Justice and Development Party (also known as the AK party), which was founded by Erdogan and is watching the leadership battle in the MHP with increasing trepidation. 
 
Bahceli appears on the back foot. His supporters have tried to block a special party congress called for June 19 by several hundred MHP members at which he could be ousted, but Turkey&#39;s court of appeals has ruled it can go ahead. 
 
Hakan Bayrakci, head of pollster SONAR, said Aksener, who served as interior minister in 1996-97, would have the support of around 750 of the 1,241 delegates, enough to force him out. 
 
But Bahceli&#39;s allies are fighting a rearguard action, launching an investigation by the MHP&#39;s Central Disciplinary Board - which has the power to ban members from the party - into Aksener and three other challengers. 
 
&quot;Our dissident colleagues deserve a punishment for their activities against the party. The board may prevent their candidacy (in a leadership bid),&quot; a senior MHP official said. 
 
Bahceli himself has said the party can go ahead with a congress in July at which he will stand again for the leadership. By then, the disciplinary board may have ruled, but a second Bahceli ally said he would still be taking a risk. 
 
&quot;He risks losing his seat by taking the decision to go to the congress,&quot; the ally said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of undermining Bahceli&#39;s position. 
 
INEVITABLE DESPOTISM 
 
Pollsters estimate that should Bahceli hang on, support for the MHP could drop to below the 10 per cent threshold needed for representation in the parliament, down from a peak of 18 per cent in 1999, and from 12 per cent at the last polls in November. 
 
That could prompt Erdogan to call a parliamentary election and strengthen the majority of the ruling AK Party by enough to guarantee support for a referendum on constitutional change. 
 
Erdogan served as the prime minister until 2014 when he became Turkey&#39;s first directly elected president, with the hope of quickly transforming what had been a largely ceremonial role into one with executive powers. 
 
Even without constitutional change, he has already overhauled the role, regularly chairing cabinet meetings in his new palace and largely ignoring the constitutional requirement for him to renounce his affiliation with the AKP. 
 
Of all Turkey&#39;s opposition parties, the MHP is the most likely to have some sympathy for Erdogan&#39;s ambitions. The AKP also has a deeply nationalist strain, and the two parties have of late been on the same page when it comes to crushing by force a Kurdish militant insurgency in Turkey&#39;s southeast. 
 
Askener is strongly opposed to an executive presidency. But some AKP officials hope that, if she takes over the leadership of the nationalists, angry Bahceli supporters in parliament might retaliate by helping Erdogan enact his changes. 
 
&quot;If Bahceli loses and Aksener gets in ... at least 15 MHP deputies who are unhappy with this may support the presidential system. We have this expectation,&quot; a senior AKP official said. 
 
But, such backing from Bahceli supporters is far from guaranteed. Speaking in parliament last month, Bahceli said a presidential system would inevitably lead to despotism and be costly for Turkey in the long run. 
 
A third senior MHP official said the ruling party was exploiting the leadership battle by suggesting factions within the MHP might support the executive presidency, in a bid to deepen divisions. 
 
&quot;There is no way they can get a brick out of this wall,&quot; he said.&nbsp;

Devlet Bahceli, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party in 1997, has done little to arrest its declining popularity

As he battles to cling to power as the leader of Turkey's nationalist opposition, Devlet Bahceli is arguably more important to the future of Turkish politics than ever before. The 68-year-old, who took over the leadership of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) in 1997, has done little to move it from the political margins ever since. The party's popularity has hence been declining over the years despite growing nationalist sentiment. But as he fights an increasingly bitter leadership challenge in the twilight of his career, Bahceli has been thrust centre stage in the main political saga of the day: President Tayyip Erdogan's effort to accumulate greater powers. Should he stay, support for the MHP could drop to the point that it is forced from parliament, all but guaranteeing Erdogan the backing he needs for a referendum on changing the constitution and forging a stronger presidency. Should he be ousted, his main rival, Meral Aksener, could take over a 59-year-old woman who is seen by pollsters as having the mettle needed to revitalise the MHP and increase its support. That could make Erdogan's ambitions harder to push through the parliament. "Some time ago a Bahceli victory was seen as definite, but now every possibility is there," said one source close to the ruling Justice and Development Party (also known as the AK party), which was founded by Erdogan and is watching the leadership battle in the MHP with increasing trepidation. Bahceli appears on the back foot. His supporters have tried to block a special party congress called for June 19 by several hundred MHP members at which he could be ousted, but Turkey's court of appeals has ruled it can go ahead. Hakan Bayrakci, head of pollster SONAR, said Aksener, who served as interior minister in 1996-97, would have the support of around 750 of the 1,241 delegates, enough to force him out. But Bahceli's allies are fighting a rearguard action, launching an investigation by the MHP's Central Disciplinary Board - which has the power to ban members from the party - into Aksener and three other challengers. "Our dissident colleagues deserve a punishment for their activities against the party. The board may prevent their candidacy (in a leadership bid)," a senior MHP official said. Bahceli himself has said the party can go ahead with a congress in July at which he will stand again for the leadership. By then, the disciplinary board may have ruled, but a second Bahceli ally said he would still be taking a risk. "He risks losing his seat by taking the decision to go to the congress," the ally said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of undermining Bahceli's position. INEVITABLE DESPOTISM Pollsters estimate that should Bahceli hang on, support for the MHP could drop to below the 10 per cent threshold needed for representation in the parliament, down from a peak of 18 per cent in 1999, and from 12 per cent at the last polls in November. That could prompt Erdogan to call a parliamentary election and strengthen the majority of the ruling AK Party by enough to guarantee support for a referendum on constitutional change. Erdogan served as the prime minister until 2014 when he became Turkey's first directly elected president, with the hope of quickly transforming what had been a largely ceremonial role into one with executive powers. Even without constitutional change, he has already overhauled the role, regularly chairing cabinet meetings in his new palace and largely ignoring the constitutional requirement for him to renounce his affiliation with the AKP. Of all Turkey's opposition parties, the MHP is the most likely to have some sympathy for Erdogan's ambitions. The AKP also has a deeply nationalist strain, and the two parties have of late been on the same page when it comes to crushing by force a Kurdish militant insurgency in Turkey's southeast. Askener is strongly opposed to an executive presidency. But some AKP officials hope that, if she takes over the leadership of the nationalists, angry Bahceli supporters in parliament might retaliate by helping Erdogan enact his changes. "If Bahceli loses and Aksener gets in ... at least 15 MHP deputies who are unhappy with this may support the presidential system. We have this expectation," a senior AKP official said. But, such backing from Bahceli supporters is far from guaranteed. Speaking in parliament last month, Bahceli said a presidential system would inevitably lead to despotism and be costly for Turkey in the long run. A third senior MHP official said the ruling party was exploiting the leadership battle by suggesting factions within the MHP might support the executive presidency, in a bid to deepen divisions. "There is no way they can get a brick out of this wall," he said.

Turkish nationalist leader's weakening grip poses challenge for Erdogan