Indian National Congress (INC) leader Rahul Gandhi has reiterated his demand for a caste census across the country, albeit with a bizarre example. Gandhi, the leader of the Opposition (LoP) in Lok Sabha (Lower House of Indian Parliament) claimed that there were no&nbsp;women belonging to the Dalit, Tribal or OBC communities, who made the cut for the Miss India beauty pageant.

“I have checked the list of Miss India, which did not have any Dalit, Adivasi (tribal) or OBC women. Some will talk about cricket or Bollywood. No one will show the cobbler or plumber," said Gandhi while addressing Samvidhan Samman Sammelan in Uttar Pradesh's Prayagraj

"Even top anchors in the media are not from the 90 per cent…We want to know how many in institutions, corporates, Bollywood, Miss India are from the 90 per cent. I am only saying that 90 per cent did not have ‘bhagidari’ (participants) and this should be checked,” he added.&nbsp;

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The video clip of Gandhi's speech instantly went viral on social media, inviting myriad reactions from the netizens, ranging from hilarious to satirical.&nbsp;

"Hope Rahul Gandhi will raise this issue in Parliament that reservation should be given in Miss India," said one user, while another added,&nbsp;"Rahul Gandhi has finally learnt how to do politics in India.&nbsp;Consolidate the minority votes and divide the Hindus into castes. Caste politics is a sure shot to success in Indian politics."

A third commented,&nbsp;"I checked the list of Gandhi Family to see if there would be any Dalit or tribal woman in it, but there was no women from Dalit, tribal or OBC." 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/bjp-seeks-action-against-rahul-gandhi-accuses-congress-mp-of-violating-house-rules-737928">Watch |&nbsp;BJP seeks action against Rahul Gandhi, accuses Congress MP of violating house rules</a>

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<h2>Congress' vocal support for caste census&nbsp;</h2>

Congress under Gandhi has been vocal about the caste census, having promised it in its General election manifesto. The party stated it would conduct a nationwide caste census if it came to power to enumerate the castes and sub-castes and their current socio-economic conditions to prepare government policy better.&nbsp;

The grand old party also promised to pass a constitutional amendment to raise the 50 per cent cap on reservations for SC, ST and OBC.

“If INDIA bloc comes to power, it will throw away the 50 per cent cap on the reservation, ensure Dalits, tribals, OBCs get their rights,” said Gandhi at the time.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-congresss-rahul-gandhi-promises-to-remove-50-reservation-cap-if-india-bloc-wins-polls-687295">Also read |&nbsp;India: Congress’ Rahul Gandhi promises to remove 50% reservation cap if INDIA bloc wins polls</a>

However, the opposition INDIA bloc, led by Congress could not muster enough seats to form government at the centre. BJP has long opposed the move but experts predict that running a coalition government may force the saffron party to consider the proposal, somewhere down the line.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

Indian National Congress (INC) leader Rahul Gandhi has reiterated his demand for a caste census across the country, albeit with a bizarre example. Gandhi, the leader of the Opposition (LoP) in Lok Sabha (Lower House of Indian Parliament) claimed that there were no women belonging to the Dalit, Tribal or OBC communities, who made the cut for the Miss India beauty pageant.

Indian National Congress (INC) leader Rahul Gandhi has reiterated his demand for a caste census across the country, albeit with a bizarre example. Gandhi, the leader of the Opposition (LoP) in Lok Sabha (Lower House of Indian Parliament) claimed that there were no women belonging to the Dalit, Tribal or OBC communities, who made the cut for the Miss India beauty pageant. “I have checked the list of Miss India, which did not have any Dalit, Adivasi (tribal) or OBC women. Some will talk about cricket or Bollywood. No one will show the cobbler or plumber," said Gandhi while addressing Samvidhan Samman Sammelan in Uttar Pradesh's Prayagraj "Even top anchors in the media are not from the 90 per cent…We want to know how many in institutions, corporates, Bollywood, Miss India are from the 90 per cent. I am only saying that 90 per cent did not have ‘bhagidari’ (participants) and this should be checked,” he added. #WATCH | Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh: Lok Sabha LoP and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi says, "...I checked the list of Miss India to see if there would be any Dalit or tribal woman in it, but there was no women from Dalit, tribal or OBC. Still the media talks about dance, music, cricket,… pic.twitter.com/D2mKNs4jzt — ANI (@ANI) August 24, 2024 × The video clip of Gandhi's speech instantly went viral on social media, inviting myriad reactions from the netizens, ranging from hilarious to satirical. "Hope Rahul Gandhi will raise this issue in Parliament that reservation should be given in Miss India," said one user, while another added, "Rahul Gandhi has finally learnt how to do politics in India. Consolidate the minority votes and divide the Hindus into castes. Caste politics is a sure shot to success in Indian politics." A third commented, "I checked the list of Gandhi Family to see if there would be any Dalit or tribal woman in it, but there was no women from Dalit, tribal or OBC." Watch | BJP seeks action against Rahul Gandhi, accuses Congress MP of violating house rules × Congress' vocal support for caste census Congress under Gandhi has been vocal about the caste census, having promised it in its General election manifesto. The party stated it would conduct a nationwide caste census if it came to power to enumerate the castes and sub-castes and their current socio-economic conditions to prepare government policy better. The grand old party also promised to pass a constitutional amendment to raise the 50 per cent cap on reservations for SC, ST and OBC. “If INDIA bloc comes to power, it will throw away the 50 per cent cap on the reservation, ensure Dalits, tribals, OBCs get their rights,” said Gandhi at the time. Also read | India: Congress’ Rahul Gandhi promises to remove 50% reservation cap if INDIA bloc wins polls However, the opposition INDIA bloc, led by Congress could not muster enough seats to form government at the centre. BJP has long opposed the move but experts predict that running a coalition government may force the saffron party to consider the proposal, somewhere down the line. (With inputs from agencies)

'No tribal, OBC women in Miss India': Rahul Gandhi's bizarre example for caste census demand

Tech giant Apple has banned caste-based discrimination in the company while issuing a code of conduct for employees in the United States.

The company said it had updated its general employee conduct policy two years ago to prohibit discrimination on the basis of caste along with other categories, including gender, age, religion, race and ancestry.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/mismanagement-of-decentralized-institutions-in-india-501446">Also Read:&nbsp;Is caste hegemony undoing the Gram Swaraj model?</a>

The company has also been training its staff on the issue as it streamlines its processes. Apple claimed it&nbsp;“updated language a couple of years ago to reinforce” and prohibit&nbsp;“discrimination or harassment based on caste.”&nbsp;Indians account for Apple's top foreign workers.

IBM has also included the caste&nbsp;issue in its global discrimination rules. The company reportedly trains managers in India on issues that mention caste.&nbsp;

Watch:&nbsp;Is caste hegemony undoing the Gram Swaraj model?

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Two years ago, California's employment regulator had sued Cisco on behalf of an engineer who reportedly accused two higher caste bosses of blocking his career. Cisco conducted an investigation and rejected the allegation while adding that&nbsp;caste is not a legally "protected class" in California. However, an appeals panel has dismissed Cisco's bid to move the case to private arbitration.

Several activists in the US have also called for updated legislation on discrimination to include deterring casteism. Apple said it has a "diverse" global team and its policies and actions reflect new changes. Apple's hiring policy now states that the company "does not discriminate in recruiting, training, hiring, or promoting on the basis of "race, colour, ancestry, national origin, caste, religion, creed, age" including disability, sexual orientation and gender. The policy has eighteen categories.

Reports claimed Google employees have sent a petition to CEO Sundar Pichai to include casteism&nbsp;in the code of conduct rules in the worldwide list.

(With inputs from Agencies)

WATCH WION LIVE HERE

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Tech giant Apple has banned caste-based discrimination in the company while issuing a code of conduct for employees in the United States. The company said it had updated its general employee conduct policy two years ago to prohibit discrimination on the basis of caste along with other categories, including gender, age, religion, race and ancestry.

Tech giant Apple has banned caste-based discrimination in the company while issuing a code of conduct for employees in the United States. The company said it had updated its general employee conduct policy two years ago to prohibit discrimination on the basis of caste along with other categories, including gender, age, religion, race and ancestry. Also Read: Is caste hegemony undoing the Gram Swaraj model? The company has also been training its staff on the issue as it streamlines its processes. Apple claimed it “updated language a couple of years ago to reinforce” and prohibit “discrimination or harassment based on caste.” Indians account for Apple's top foreign workers. IBM has also included the caste issue in its global discrimination rules. The company reportedly trains managers in India on issues that mention caste. Watch: Is caste hegemony undoing the Gram Swaraj model? Two years ago, California's employment regulator had sued Cisco on behalf of an engineer who reportedly accused two higher caste bosses of blocking his career. Cisco conducted an investigation and rejected the allegation while adding that caste is not a legally "protected class" in California. However, an appeals panel has dismissed Cisco's bid to move the case to private arbitration. Several activists in the US have also called for updated legislation on discrimination to include deterring casteism. Apple said it has a "diverse" global team and its policies and actions reflect new changes. Apple's hiring policy now states that the company "does not discriminate in recruiting, training, hiring, or promoting on the basis of "race, colour, ancestry, national origin, caste, religion, creed, age" including disability, sexual orientation and gender. The policy has eighteen categories. Reports claimed Google employees have sent a petition to CEO Sundar Pichai to include casteism in the code of conduct rules in the worldwide list. (With inputs from Agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE

Tech giant Apple bans caste-based discrimination in code of conduct policy

People of India through the just-concluded Lok Sabha elections have decisively settled the debate on cultural primacy of Hinduism by delivering an overwhelming mandate to the BJP government.

It is beyond doubt that old order has crumbled and a new order has stepped in whereby assertion of cultural and religious symbols in public life and political discourse by the majority community will not be met with snigger or a tag of him being a closet ‘Sanghi.’

Does it change our lives radically? It is both yes and no at the same time. I live in a suburb of Delhi called NOIDA. In the middle of Ramzan, both my fridge and A/C gave away.&nbsp;

After frantic calls to my odd job guys, it dawned upon me that all of them are Muslims and workers had gone back to their villages to celebrate Eid.&nbsp;

My wife suggested me to go to professional service centres but I refused as all these chaps had been servicing my utilities for years.

Such was my frustration that, it became a topic of discussion with my friends during the morning walk. One of them told me with surprise that try getting your car serviced in stand-alone shops?&nbsp;

I asked why? He said,” You will find most of them functioning on bare minimum capacity, as most of them are Muslims.” It is not as if, this fact was unknown to me but it would touch me so closely this summer was stunning as I had to move to a different room and food had to be ordered every night.&nbsp;

Even the local chap, who would sit right in front of our society repairing gas, mixie and common kitchen equipment was no-where to be seen. In frustration, I again called the odd boy Zafar and asked him bluntly, "Boss, there has to be someone who can do my fridge while you celebrate Eid.” He said, "Sir, Most of us are Muslims and we would do the job once boys are back after Eid.”

I don’t think that this reality will change quickly. Most of the sanitation workers in the society come from the lowest rung of the society and especially from poor Dalit sections, however,&nbsp;most of the guards and security officers are upper caste Thakurs and Brahmins, which showcases&nbsp;that old village order of caste privilege is slowly giving way to more robust order determined by economic success and migration.&nbsp;

Most of the maids in the society are migrants from Bangladesh who all happen to come from Midnapur district. I do not know, what will happen if all of them disappear one day. The middle-class kitchens, at least in my part of the world, would come to a grinding halt.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi soon after his victory said that there are only two types of people in India," Haves and have-nots.”&nbsp;

It is a good start and worth investing your faith in. Dalits and Muslims for long have been the victim of the politics of empowerment. None of them has really been empowered.&nbsp;

They have been kept as vote banks to be electorally milked every five years. I sincerely hope that like other old orders, this reality should also melt away by creating more vibrant and inclusive India where feudal linkage of job, religion and caste gives way to a more diverse representation of haves, have-nots in prosperous India.

&nbsp;(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

People of India through the just-concluded Lok Sabha elections have decisively settled the debate on cultural primacy of Hinduism by delivering an overwhelming mandate to the BJP government.

People of India through the just-concluded Lok Sabha elections have decisively settled the debate on cultural primacy of Hinduism by delivering an overwhelming mandate to the BJP government. It is beyond doubt that old order has crumbled and a new order has stepped in whereby assertion of cultural and religious symbols in public life and political discourse by the majority community will not be met with snigger or a tag of him being a closet ‘Sanghi.’ Does it change our lives radically? It is both yes and no at the same time. I live in a suburb of Delhi called NOIDA. In the middle of Ramzan, both my fridge and A/C gave away. After frantic calls to my odd job guys, it dawned upon me that all of them are Muslims and workers had gone back to their villages to celebrate Eid. My wife suggested me to go to professional service centres but I refused as all these chaps had been servicing my utilities for years. Such was my frustration that, it became a topic of discussion with my friends during the morning walk. One of them told me with surprise that try getting your car serviced in stand-alone shops? I asked why? He said,” You will find most of them functioning on bare minimum capacity, as most of them are Muslims.” It is not as if, this fact was unknown to me but it would touch me so closely this summer was stunning as I had to move to a different room and food had to be ordered every night. Even the local chap, who would sit right in front of our society repairing gas, mixie and common kitchen equipment was no-where to be seen. In frustration, I again called the odd boy Zafar and asked him bluntly, "Boss, there has to be someone who can do my fridge while you celebrate Eid.” He said, "Sir, Most of us are Muslims and we would do the job once boys are back after Eid.” I don’t think that this reality will change quickly. Most of the sanitation workers in the society come from the lowest rung of the society and especially from poor Dalit sections, however, most of the guards and security officers are upper caste Thakurs and Brahmins, which showcases that old village order of caste privilege is slowly giving way to more robust order determined by economic success and migration. Most of the maids in the society are migrants from Bangladesh who all happen to come from Midnapur district. I do not know, what will happen if all of them disappear one day. The middle-class kitchens, at least in my part of the world, would come to a grinding halt. Prime Minister Narendra Modi soon after his victory said that there are only two types of people in India," Haves and have-nots.” It is a good start and worth investing your faith in. Dalits and Muslims for long have been the victim of the politics of empowerment. None of them has really been empowered. They have been kept as vote banks to be electorally milked every five years. I sincerely hope that like other old orders, this reality should also melt away by creating more vibrant and inclusive India where feudal linkage of job, religion and caste gives way to a more diverse representation of haves, have-nots in prosperous India. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Blog: India, the churn within

&nbsp;

In a no-punches-pulled analysis of the resurgence of <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mohan-bhagwat-rss-workshop-at-delhi-university-yes-bring-on-bharatiyata-4590003/">Bharatiyata</a> in the portals of education, Pratap Bhanu Mehta makes a strong case for a &ldquo;genuine indigenisation that embraces all.&rdquo; Mehta&rsquo;s impassioned plea &ldquo;Bring on indigenisation: A deep exposure to Indian culture might actually cure the custodians of Indian culture of prudishness, machismo and homophobia&rdquo; is born out of his acquaintance with Indic traditions of thought that still have the ability to surprise us.

Mahabharata, an ancient Indic epic, narrating the Kurukshetra War fought between the two branches of the same family tree, may come in handy in this project of genuine indigenisation. The epic is hailed as a repository of all knowledge: what doesn&#39;t exist in the Mahabharata isn&#39;t worth knowing. The epic posits itself not only as itihaas (history) but also as the fifth Veda. The veracity of such a claim cannot pass without scrutiny, yet we set it aside for a while. What exists in the Mahabharata is enough for us.&nbsp;

In a recently concluded international conference organised by the University of Delhi on the transmissions, adaptations, performances, and histories of the Mahabharata, the epic was brought alive by scholarly papers and artistic performances. The epic continues to be a living and breathing presence for its ancient wisdom still remains relevant.

The Mahabharata, is seen as a treatise on the right way of living, which, mind you, may not always be in sync with the normative. The epic cleverly subverts some of the unquestioningly accepted social rubrics. Caste and gender relations today may be revolutionised if these subversions are understood by those who swear by &ldquo;tradition.&rdquo;&nbsp;

The sutas of the Mahabharata are in the centre of one such subversion. As Naina Dayal notes in her research, the sutas exist primarily as charioteers or minstrels in the epic: marginalised in a brahmanical social order. What sets the sutas apart, however, is their aspiration for upward caste mobility through knowledge. Seen to be born out of misalliances between Brahmans and Kshatriyas, the sutas command respect due to their knowledge.&nbsp;

Sanjaya, the personal narrator of the Kurukshetra war for the blind king Dhritrashtra is one such example. The bigger question, however, arises: does caste still remain an accident of birth? Isn&rsquo;t Sanjaya actually becoming a Brahmin, conveyor of universal principles, by narrating the war that birthed the Bhagvadgita? He is, after all, the first person to be exposed to Krishna&rsquo;s wisdom apart from Arjuna. Does he not carry within him &lsquo;brahman,&rsquo; the ultimate Truth, like a Brahmin?&nbsp;

It may be argued that Sanjaya&rsquo;s high status, as noted by Romila Thapar, despite his birth ends up bolstering the brahmanical social order, where Brahmin remains the coveted caste. He, however, brings the word Brahmin closer to its etymological roots and seems to posit the possibility of caste fluidity, much like in the case of the Brahmin warrior, Parashurama.

Linked with Parashurama is the genesis of surrogacy. Historian Smita Sahgal in her project on &lsquo;Niyoga,&rsquo; a practice of commissioned procreation proposes how because of Parashurama&rsquo;s avowed enmity with the Kshatriyas, women of the warrior caste sought sexual alliances with Brahmins to protect their clan. The progeny would thus be spared the warrior sage&rsquo;s ire.

Niyoga can easily be perceived as another way of establishing Brahminical hegemony. Only, there are women like Kunti in the Mahabharata who stand opposed to it. Kunti, whose sons are born out of alliances outside the wedlock duly sanctioned by an impotent husband, does not take the seeds of the Brahmins. Sahgal&rsquo;s historical research on the subject shows how &ldquo;god&rdquo; becomes a clever substitute for referring to a man, likely belonging to a lower caste, who can&rsquo;t be socially acknowledged as the biological father.

Were the Pandavas, then, fathered by lower caste/class men who Kunti chose but could not acknowledge? Is this the real reason Duryodhan ridicules Pandavas&rsquo; niyoga birth while summarily rejecting their claim on the empire? Duryodhan&rsquo;s father Dhritrashtra, too, was born out of a niyoga alliance but it operated within the caste parameters that Kunti, perhaps, rejected.&nbsp;

In a society still riddled with caste and gender fault-lines, we need the examples of Sanjaya and Kunti to be spoken about more. The Indic classical texts are full of characters that may not have exhibited in-your-face rebelliousness but established norms that went against the tide. It is noteworthy that a large measure of interest in Kunti&rsquo;s character is built around her pre-marital motherhood and the infant Karna&rsquo;s subsequent abandonment. Her choice of rejecting the Brahmins, however, is an act of greater degree of courage.&nbsp;

So yes, resurrect Hinduism by all means. But let us think beyond cows and temples.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

In a society still riddled with caste and gender fault-lines, India needs to talk about the subversive lives of Sanjaya and Kunti

In a no-punches-pulled analysis of the resurgence of Bharatiyata in the portals of education, Pratap Bhanu Mehta makes a strong case for a “genuine indigenisation that embraces all.” Mehta’s impassioned plea “Bring on indigenisation: A deep exposure to Indian culture might actually cure the custodians of Indian culture of prudishness, machismo and homophobia” is born out of his acquaintance with Indic traditions of thought that still have the ability to surprise us. Mahabharata, an ancient Indic epic, narrating the Kurukshetra War fought between the two branches of the same family tree, may come in handy in this project of genuine indigenisation. The epic is hailed as a repository of all knowledge: what doesn't exist in the Mahabharata isn't worth knowing. The epic posits itself not only as itihaas (history) but also as the fifth Veda. The veracity of such a claim cannot pass without scrutiny, yet we set it aside for a while. What exists in the Mahabharata is enough for us. In a recently concluded international conference organised by the University of Delhi on the transmissions, adaptations, performances, and histories of the Mahabharata, the epic was brought alive by scholarly papers and artistic performances. The epic continues to be a living and breathing presence for its ancient wisdom still remains relevant. The Mahabharata, is seen as a treatise on the right way of living, which, mind you, may not always be in sync with the normative. The epic cleverly subverts some of the unquestioningly accepted social rubrics. Caste and gender relations today may be revolutionised if these subversions are understood by those who swear by “tradition.” The sutas of the Mahabharata are in the centre of one such subversion. As Naina Dayal notes in her research, the sutas exist primarily as charioteers or minstrels in the epic: marginalised in a brahmanical social order. What sets the sutas apart, however, is their aspiration for upward caste mobility through knowledge. Seen to be born out of misalliances between Brahmans and Kshatriyas, the sutas command respect due to their knowledge. Sanjaya, the personal narrator of the Kurukshetra war for the blind king Dhritrashtra is one such example. The bigger question, however, arises: does caste still remain an accident of birth? Isn’t Sanjaya actually becoming a Brahmin, conveyor of universal principles, by narrating the war that birthed the Bhagvadgita? He is, after all, the first person to be exposed to Krishna’s wisdom apart from Arjuna. Does he not carry within him ‘brahman,’ the ultimate Truth, like a Brahmin? It may be argued that Sanjaya’s high status, as noted by Romila Thapar, despite his birth ends up bolstering the brahmanical social order, where Brahmin remains the coveted caste. He, however, brings the word Brahmin closer to its etymological roots and seems to posit the possibility of caste fluidity, much like in the case of the Brahmin warrior, Parashurama. Linked with Parashurama is the genesis of surrogacy. Historian Smita Sahgal in her project on ‘Niyoga,’ a practice of commissioned procreation proposes how because of Parashurama’s avowed enmity with the Kshatriyas, women of the warrior caste sought sexual alliances with Brahmins to protect their clan. The progeny would thus be spared the warrior sage’s ire. Niyoga can easily be perceived as another way of establishing Brahminical hegemony. Only, there are women like Kunti in the Mahabharata who stand opposed to it. Kunti, whose sons are born out of alliances outside the wedlock duly sanctioned by an impotent husband, does not take the seeds of the Brahmins. Sahgal’s historical research on the subject shows how “god” becomes a clever substitute for referring to a man, likely belonging to a lower caste, who can’t be socially acknowledged as the biological father. Were the Pandavas, then, fathered by lower caste/class men who Kunti chose but could not acknowledge? Is this the real reason Duryodhan ridicules Pandavas’ niyoga birth while summarily rejecting their claim on the empire? Duryodhan’s father Dhritrashtra, too, was born out of a niyoga alliance but it operated within the caste parameters that Kunti, perhaps, rejected. In a society still riddled with caste and gender fault-lines, we need the examples of Sanjaya and Kunti to be spoken about more. The Indic classical texts are full of characters that may not have exhibited in-your-face rebelliousness but established norms that went against the tide. It is noteworthy that a large measure of interest in Kunti’s character is built around her pre-marital motherhood and the infant Karna’s subsequent abandonment. Her choice of rejecting the Brahmins, however, is an act of greater degree of courage. So yes, resurrect Hinduism by all means. But let us think beyond cows and temples.

Thinking of Hinduism beyond cows and temples