<p>In a veiled attack on the Nehru-Gandhi family, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Sunday that to keep "one family" above the rest, efforts were made to forget the contributions leaders such as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Subhash Chandra Bose made in the Independence struggle.</p>

<p>"But now our government is changing all that," he said while addressing an event at the historic Red Fort to mark the 75th anniversary of the proclamation of the 'Azad Hind Sarkar' by Bose.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
Donning the famous Azad Hind Fauj cap, the Prime Minister hoisted the national flag at the Red Fort and unveiled a plaque to mark the anniversary.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
The plaque will be placed at barrack number three at the Red Fort where members of the Azad Hind Fauj faced trial. A museum will be also set up in the barrack.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
Modi lamented that post Independence, India's policies were based on the British system as "things were seen through British glasses".<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
"Policies, including those related to education, had to suffer because of this," he said.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi hoists the national flag at the Red Fort to mark the 75th anniversary of the proclamation of ‘Azad Hind Sarkar’, today. <a href="https://t.co/m17Jr46sz9">pic.twitter.com/m17Jr46sz9</a></p>
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<p>Modi said had India benefited from the guidance of Patel and Bose, things would have been much better. He said his government is changing that now.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
"In an effort to highlight the role of one family, efforts were made to deliberately ignore and forget contributions made by others in the independence struggle, and later in creating a new India," he said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>These leaders included Sardar Patel, Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Subhash Chandra Bose, the prime minister added.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
He said while Bose focused on the East and Northeast India, the two regions did not get due recognition.<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;<br />
Now, he said, his government is working to make the Northeast the "engine of growth".<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
Hailing Bose's spirit of nationalism, Modi said as a 16-year old, he was aggrieved at the plight of India under the British rule. &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
"His ideology was nationalism, he lived by nationalism," the PM said.</p>


In a veiled attack on the Nehru-Gandhi family, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Sunday that to keep "one family" above the rest, efforts were made to forget the contributions leaders such as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Subhash Chandra Bose made in the Independence struggle.

In a veiled attack on the Nehru-Gandhi family, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Sunday that to keep "one family" above the rest, efforts were made to forget the contributions leaders such as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Subhash Chandra Bose made in the Independence struggle. "But now our government is changing all that," he said while addressing an event at the historic Red Fort to mark the 75th anniversary of the proclamation of the 'Azad Hind Sarkar' by Bose. Donning the famous Azad Hind Fauj cap, the Prime Minister hoisted the national flag at the Red Fort and unveiled a plaque to mark the anniversary. The plaque will be placed at barrack number three at the Red Fort where members of the Azad Hind Fauj faced trial. A museum will be also set up in the barrack. Modi lamented that post Independence, India's policies were based on the British system as "things were seen through British glasses". "Policies, including those related to education, had to suffer because of this," he said. Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi hoists the national flag at the Red Fort to mark the 75th anniversary of the proclamation of ‘Azad Hind Sarkar’, today. pic.twitter.com/m17Jr46sz9 — ANI (@ANI) October 21, 2018 × Modi said had India benefited from the guidance of Patel and Bose, things would have been much better. He said his government is changing that now. "In an effort to highlight the role of one family, efforts were made to deliberately ignore and forget contributions made by others in the independence struggle, and later in creating a new India," he said. These leaders included Sardar Patel, Bhim Rao Ambedkar and Subhash Chandra Bose, the prime minister added. He said while Bose focused on the East and Northeast India, the two regions did not get due recognition. Now, he said, his government is working to make the Northeast the "engine of growth". Hailing Bose's spirit of nationalism, Modi said as a 16-year old, he was aggrieved at the plight of India under the British rule. "His ideology was nationalism, he lived by nationalism," the PM said.

For 'one family', contribution of other leaders forgotten. Our govt changing all that: Modi

<p>Prime Minister Narendra Modi will join a flag-hoisting ceremony at Red Fort on October 21 to mark the 75th anniversary of the 'Azad Hind government' headed by Subhas Chandra Bose, he announced Wednesday.</p>

<p>PM Modi stated this in a video interaction with Bharatiya Janata Party workers during which he spoke at length about his government's works to celebrate the contributions of many personalities who, he said, were neglected by the Congress in its rule of several decades.</p>

<p>He also hit out at the Congress over its criticism of him and the BJP government in Gujarat over Sardar Patel's statue project, claiming that the opposition party was in fact insulting Patel as it always had contempt for the country's first home minister, credited for uniting hundreds of princely states.</p>

<p>History knows that the Congress had a lot of contempt for Patel and it could never tolerate him being recognised for his works, Modi said, attacking the opposition party for its "Made in China" jibe at the project.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Statue of Unity, said to be tallest in the world, will help the young generations appreciate Patel's contributions, he added.</p>

<p>While the Congress neglected the likes of Bhim Rao Ambedkar, Bose and Patel, the BJP believed in remembering everybody who contributed to nation-building, he said, citing his government's works, including constructing museums for noted tribal personalities and developing five places linked to Dalit icon Ambedkar.</p>

<p>"We respect everybody who served the country," he said while noting that he recently inaugurated a statue of Sir Chhotu Ram in Haryana.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He was a multi-faceted personality and people should read about him, Modi said.&nbsp;</p>


Prime Minister Narendra Modi will join a flag-hoisting ceremony at Red Fort on October 21 to mark the 75th anniversary of the 'Azad Hind government' headed by Subhas Chandra Bose, he announced Wednesday.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will join a flag-hoisting ceremony at Red Fort on October 21 to mark the 75th anniversary of the 'Azad Hind government' headed by Subhas Chandra Bose, he announced Wednesday. PM Modi stated this in a video interaction with Bharatiya Janata Party workers during which he spoke at length about his government's works to celebrate the contributions of many personalities who, he said, were neglected by the Congress in its rule of several decades. He also hit out at the Congress over its criticism of him and the BJP government in Gujarat over Sardar Patel's statue project, claiming that the opposition party was in fact insulting Patel as it always had contempt for the country's first home minister, credited for uniting hundreds of princely states. History knows that the Congress had a lot of contempt for Patel and it could never tolerate him being recognised for his works, Modi said, attacking the opposition party for its "Made in China" jibe at the project. The Statue of Unity, said to be tallest in the world, will help the young generations appreciate Patel's contributions, he added. While the Congress neglected the likes of Bhim Rao Ambedkar, Bose and Patel, the BJP believed in remembering everybody who contributed to nation-building, he said, citing his government's works, including constructing museums for noted tribal personalities and developing five places linked to Dalit icon Ambedkar. "We respect everybody who served the country," he said while noting that he recently inaugurated a statue of Sir Chhotu Ram in Haryana. He was a multi-faceted personality and people should read about him, Modi said.

Will attend flag hoisting ceremony at Red Fort on October 21: PM Modi

<p>It happened to me for the second time. The realisation occurred slowly but it embraced me fully. Last time around when I went to South Africa with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2013 to cover BRICS summit, my excitement was shooting through the roof. The journey had given me an opportunity to see, smell and feel places associated with Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. My excitement knew no bounds.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
I must have marvelled 100 times on board the special plane<strong> </strong>as to how would I feel at the station where Gandhi was thrown out of the train onto the pavement because of the colour of his skin. I was excited about going to the ashram in Durban. I also had the repressed feeling of meeting grateful black men and women with a thanking smile plastered on their faces. I also felt that as an Indian, I would be able to renew a historical association at an individual level as reportage was slowly turning into a pilgrimage.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
The excitement which I was barely able to contain ebbed away within minutes me stepping out of the car and getting inside the station. It was empty. It remained empty. It dawned on me that this place was no marker of anything politically significant in contemporary South Africa.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
The Gandhi South Africa narrative which I read in books didn&rsquo;t exist when interacted with people. Four years down the line African universities went through the wave of protest against Gandhi on grounds of being racist.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
In Myanmar, I was stuck with a similar feeling about cultural connections and shared the colonial experience but again, the opposite awaited me. Within 24 hours of landing, the imagery of the famous song from the film Patanga, released in 1949 and sung by C Ravichandran and Shamshad Begum, Mere Piya Gaye Rangoon Wahan Se Kiya Hai Telephone (My lover has gone to Rangoon and has called me from there), vanished from my head.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Till date, Myanmar&rsquo;s government has not acknowledged the official headquarters of the Azad Hind Fauj of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.</h5>
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<p>Till date, Myanmar&rsquo;s government has not acknowledged the official headquarters of the Azad Hind Fauj of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. In the past, the government has razed down a couple of quarter he lived in. Locals told me that the place where Rabindranath Tagore stayed is not in a good condition either. Despite the cultural connect, a disconnect is evident. The same can be said of Nepal where we share the religion.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
All of this brings me to one conclusion that relationship between nations needs to be watered regularly which is based on active and current needs.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
The lesson that I drew from this experience is that, what one considers to be&nbsp;important is not necessarily done so by the other country. I also realised that nation-states always recreate their own histories where they keep themselves at the centre, whereas view from outside remains marginal or tangential.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Why should an average Myanmaris feel strongly about Bal Gangadhar Tilak being imprisoned in Mandalay for 6 years? Indian political establishment must realise that there is a limit to the politics of connecting as hard-nosed diplomacy works better than connects.</p>

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<h5>PM Modi&rsquo;s decision to not to mention Rohingya or de-hyphenation of Ramallah from Jerusalem will bring much better results than cultural closeness.</h5>
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<p>PM Modi&rsquo;s decision to not to mention Rohingya or de-hyphenation of Ramallah from Jerusalem will bring much better results than cultural closeness. &nbsp;Political use of India&#39;s cultural history, in my opinion, should be a move targetted at the domestic audience which feels elated at the sense of Indian contribution to the world.</p>

<p>But there is no alternative to quid pro quo.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Whether it is Nepal, Sri Lanka or Myanmar what works in a diplomatic relationship is what I can take and what you can give me. The moralist may say that it divorces morality from the political ambit but I believe that morality must be judged from the consequence of a political action and shouldn&rsquo;t become the sole axis on which diplomacy be conducted.</p>

<p>The current curve in the Indian diplomacy must continue to dominate lest we ourselves become the victims of West&rsquo;s idea of &ldquo;human right politics&rdquo; and our bloated sense of cultural contribution which to me is deep nostalgia because the world is not interested in it.</p>


Morality must be judged from the consequence of a political action and shouldn?t become the sole axis on which diplomacy be conducted.

It happened to me for the second time. The realisation occurred slowly but it embraced me fully. Last time around when I went to South Africa with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in 2013 to cover BRICS summit, my excitement was shooting through the roof. The journey had given me an opportunity to see, smell and feel places associated with Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. My excitement knew no bounds. I must have marvelled 100 times on board the special plane as to how would I feel at the station where Gandhi was thrown out of the train onto the pavement because of the colour of his skin. I was excited about going to the ashram in Durban. I also had the repressed feeling of meeting grateful black men and women with a thanking smile plastered on their faces. I also felt that as an Indian, I would be able to renew a historical association at an individual level as reportage was slowly turning into a pilgrimage. The excitement which I was barely able to contain ebbed away within minutes me stepping out of the car and getting inside the station. It was empty. It remained empty. It dawned on me that this place was no marker of anything politically significant in contemporary South Africa. The Gandhi South Africa narrative which I read in books didn’t exist when interacted with people. Four years down the line African universities went through the wave of protest against Gandhi on grounds of being racist. In Myanmar, I was stuck with a similar feeling about cultural connections and shared the colonial experience but again, the opposite awaited me. Within 24 hours of landing, the imagery of the famous song from the film Patanga, released in 1949 and sung by C Ravichandran and Shamshad Begum, Mere Piya Gaye Rangoon Wahan Se Kiya Hai Telephone (My lover has gone to Rangoon and has called me from there), vanished from my head. Till date, Myanmar’s government has not acknowledged the official headquarters of the Azad Hind Fauj of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. × Till date, Myanmar’s government has not acknowledged the official headquarters of the Azad Hind Fauj of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. In the past, the government has razed down a couple of quarter he lived in. Locals told me that the place where Rabindranath Tagore stayed is not in a good condition either. Despite the cultural connect, a disconnect is evident. The same can be said of Nepal where we share the religion. All of this brings me to one conclusion that relationship between nations needs to be watered regularly which is based on active and current needs. The lesson that I drew from this experience is that, what one considers to be important is not necessarily done so by the other country. I also realised that nation-states always recreate their own histories where they keep themselves at the centre, whereas view from outside remains marginal or tangential. Why should an average Myanmaris feel strongly about Bal Gangadhar Tilak being imprisoned in Mandalay for 6 years? Indian political establishment must realise that there is a limit to the politics of connecting as hard-nosed diplomacy works better than connects. PM Modi’s decision to not to mention Rohingya or de-hyphenation of Ramallah from Jerusalem will bring much better results than cultural closeness. × PM Modi’s decision to not to mention Rohingya or de-hyphenation of Ramallah from Jerusalem will bring much better results than cultural closeness. Political use of India's cultural history, in my opinion, should be a move targetted at the domestic audience which feels elated at the sense of Indian contribution to the world. But there is no alternative to quid pro quo. Whether it is Nepal, Sri Lanka or Myanmar what works in a diplomatic relationship is what I can take and what you can give me. The moralist may say that it divorces morality from the political ambit but I believe that morality must be judged from the consequence of a political action and shouldn’t become the sole axis on which diplomacy be conducted. The current curve in the Indian diplomacy must continue to dominate lest we ourselves become the victims of West’s idea of “human right politics” and our bloated sense of cultural contribution which to me is deep nostalgia because the world is not interested in it.

A lesson from Myanmar: Why India can't be the victim of West's idea of 'human right politics'

<p>Pandit Nehru, first unfurled the National Flag from the ramparts of Red Fort, on 16 August 1947, a day after his famous &ldquo;Tryst with destiny&rdquo; speech. Ever since then, the political class has worked hard to make Indians believe that it was entirely their efforts that brought about India&rsquo;s independence from Britain. A corollary to this assumption, deeply ingrained over time, was that it was the British Indian Armed Forces which allowed the British Empire to rule the subcontinent for over two hundred years.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>His loathing for the military was reflected in the manner that Prime Minister Nehru and his colleagues treated the military with utter contempt and neglect.</h5>
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<p>Thus, the officers and men of the post-independence Armed Forces, which had evolved from its British roots, came to be seen as mercenaries as well as chief impediments in India&#39;s struggle for independence. His loathing for the military was reflected in the manner that Prime Minister Nehru and his colleagues treated the military with utter contempt and neglect. This was to a large extent tinged by the fear of being overthrown by his Generals, as had been the case with our neighbouring country and in many other newly independent states. This perception of the military was not only wholly incorrect but also ironical as it conveniently overlooked and even buried a simple yet compelling truth.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>What made the British to rethink was the military action of the Azad Hind Fauj (INA) who launched an attack on eastern India with the help of Japan.</h5>
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<p>While Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress may have ignited the fires for freedom, independence and nationalism among the common people, the tactics of non-violence and Satyagraha had hardly hurt the British intent to rule over its Empire. Rather, what made the British to rethink was the military action of the Azad Hind Fauj (INA) who launched an attack on eastern India with the help of Japan. INA was organised by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose when thirty thousand odd officers and men of the British Indian Army had willingly forsaken their earlier loyalties and joined Bose. It matters little today that their opposition was in complete contrast to the servility shown by the members of the Civil Services and the police forces towards their British masters.</p>

<p>The impact of the Red Fort trials of the RIN Mutineers and increasing incidents of indiscipline as well as the refusal to obey British Commanders within the Forces cannot be underestimated. For example, in February 1946 a soldier, Joginder Singh, was brought to Lahore Jail to begin a life sentence because, as the newspaper The Hindu of 22 Feb 1946 reported, &ldquo;Joginder Singh and some other Indians protested against the exhibition by the British military authorities of a film entitled &lsquo;Ganga Din&rsquo; at a cinema hall in Greece. When no notice was taken of their protest, Joginder Singh visited the cinema hall and attempted to disturb the show&rdquo;. &nbsp;As a matter of fact, he did much more; in his attempt to smash the projector he killed a British guard who tried to stop him. &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

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<h5>One is unaware as to what motivated Mr Nehru to declare this as India&#39;s Independence Day, since the Indian National Congress, in its Lahore Session in 1929, had actually declared 26 January as Independence Day and celebrated it from 1930 to 1946.</h5>
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<p>Incidents such as these made it clear that the British Indian Army, the sword arm of the Empire, could no longer be trusted to do the bidding of its masters. It forced them to unceremoniously bail out while they still could. Thus, the British Government announced on 3rd June 1947 that it had accepted the idea of partitioning British India into two states and their Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act of 1947. The new Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, chose the second anniversary of Japan&#39;s surrender in World War II, 15 August, as the date of power transfer. One is unaware as to what motivated Mr Nehru to declare this as India&#39;s Independence Day, since the Indian National Congress, in its Lahore Session in 1929, had actually declared 26 January as Independence Day and celebrated it from 1930 to 1946.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This has, however, not stopped subsequent generations of politicians, with the assistance of a willing bureaucracy, from systematically cutting the military down to size by impinging on its powers, lowering its status and prestige while neglecting its requirements. The upshot, as is to be expected, has been an inability to get suitable volunteers, especially in the officer corps. This has led to a perceptible decline in standards, demoralisation within the rank and file, increasing distrust of the senior hierarchy, which is seen to be compromised and self-serving.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The dysfunctional relationship with the civilian bureaucracy that has interposed itself between the military and the political leadership has not helped either. Due to this, the Services continue to be held hostage by a moribund system with archaic processes that represent a suffocating straitjacket, disallowing it to deal freely with the complexities of modern warfare. This has led to deliberate neglect over the years, resulting in obsolete inventories, colossal shortages of critical equipment and ammunition. &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>Thus, as we celebrate our 70th Independence Day this month there is much to ponder over. Not only do we have an intractable and hostile neighbour in Pakistan, but more worrying is the sabre-rattling and relentless pinpricks from a risen and hostile China that, with the assistance of its &ldquo;all weather&rdquo; friend, is determined to keep India restricted to its immediate neighbourhood. It has also lost little time in fuelling and funding a host of insurgencies that have afflicted our North-Eastern States as well as Maoist insurgents who whittle away from within our heartland. There can be little doubt that our internal and external security environment today is both fragile and fraught with possibilities of events that can impact our territorial integrity and way of life.</p>

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<h5>This has forced the military to take on a responsibility that is rightfully not theirs, and for which they are constantly exposed to uninformed scrutiny and a barrage of allegations.</h5>
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<p>In all of this, the Indian Armed Forces find itself in an extremely precarious situation. As events have repeatedly shown, the paramilitary and Central Armed Police Forces are far from achieving the necessary levels of competence required to handle the insurgencies that have been inflicted upon us. This has forced the military to take on a responsibility that is rightfully not theirs, and for which they are constantly exposed to uninformed scrutiny and a barrage of allegations. The Courts too, in their enthusiasm to uphold a skewed version of human rights, have forced the military to confront terrorists and insurgents from within and without while the soldiers have their hands tied behind their backs.</p>

<p>As Prime Minister Modi stands on the ramparts of Red Fort for the third time, it is unlikely that he will have a change of heart towards the military. But he would do well to remember that it is much easier to unfurl the flag than to defend it. The latter calls for more than just empty promises, it calls for focus, resolves and visible action.</p>


Defending the nation requires more than just empty promises, it calls for focus, resolve and visible action.

Pandit Nehru, first unfurled the National Flag from the ramparts of Red Fort, on 16 August 1947, a day after his famous “Tryst with destiny” speech. Ever since then, the political class has worked hard to make Indians believe that it was entirely their efforts that brought about India’s independence from Britain. A corollary to this assumption, deeply ingrained over time, was that it was the British Indian Armed Forces which allowed the British Empire to rule the subcontinent for over two hundred years. His loathing for the military was reflected in the manner that Prime Minister Nehru and his colleagues treated the military with utter contempt and neglect. × Thus, the officers and men of the post-independence Armed Forces, which had evolved from its British roots, came to be seen as mercenaries as well as chief impediments in India's struggle for independence. His loathing for the military was reflected in the manner that Prime Minister Nehru and his colleagues treated the military with utter contempt and neglect. This was to a large extent tinged by the fear of being overthrown by his Generals, as had been the case with our neighbouring country and in many other newly independent states. This perception of the military was not only wholly incorrect but also ironical as it conveniently overlooked and even buried a simple yet compelling truth. What made the British to rethink was the military action of the Azad Hind Fauj (INA) who launched an attack on eastern India with the help of Japan. × While Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress may have ignited the fires for freedom, independence and nationalism among the common people, the tactics of non-violence and Satyagraha had hardly hurt the British intent to rule over its Empire. Rather, what made the British to rethink was the military action of the Azad Hind Fauj (INA) who launched an attack on eastern India with the help of Japan. INA was organised by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose when thirty thousand odd officers and men of the British Indian Army had willingly forsaken their earlier loyalties and joined Bose. It matters little today that their opposition was in complete contrast to the servility shown by the members of the Civil Services and the police forces towards their British masters. The impact of the Red Fort trials of the RIN Mutineers and increasing incidents of indiscipline as well as the refusal to obey British Commanders within the Forces cannot be underestimated. For example, in February 1946 a soldier, Joginder Singh, was brought to Lahore Jail to begin a life sentence because, as the newspaper The Hindu of 22 Feb 1946 reported, “Joginder Singh and some other Indians protested against the exhibition by the British military authorities of a film entitled ‘Ganga Din’ at a cinema hall in Greece. When no notice was taken of their protest, Joginder Singh visited the cinema hall and attempted to disturb the show”. As a matter of fact, he did much more; in his attempt to smash the projector he killed a British guard who tried to stop him. One is unaware as to what motivated Mr Nehru to declare this as India's Independence Day, since the Indian National Congress, in its Lahore Session in 1929, had actually declared 26 January as Independence Day and celebrated it from 1930 to 1946. × Incidents such as these made it clear that the British Indian Army, the sword arm of the Empire, could no longer be trusted to do the bidding of its masters. It forced them to unceremoniously bail out while they still could. Thus, the British Government announced on 3rd June 1947 that it had accepted the idea of partitioning British India into two states and their Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act of 1947. The new Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, chose the second anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II, 15 August, as the date of power transfer. One is unaware as to what motivated Mr Nehru to declare this as India's Independence Day, since the Indian National Congress, in its Lahore Session in 1929, had actually declared 26 January as Independence Day and celebrated it from 1930 to 1946. This has, however, not stopped subsequent generations of politicians, with the assistance of a willing bureaucracy, from systematically cutting the military down to size by impinging on its powers, lowering its status and prestige while neglecting its requirements. The upshot, as is to be expected, has been an inability to get suitable volunteers, especially in the officer corps. This has led to a perceptible decline in standards, demoralisation within the rank and file, increasing distrust of the senior hierarchy, which is seen to be compromised and self-serving. The dysfunctional relationship with the civilian bureaucracy that has interposed itself between the military and the political leadership has not helped either. Due to this, the Services continue to be held hostage by a moribund system with archaic processes that represent a suffocating straitjacket, disallowing it to deal freely with the complexities of modern warfare. This has led to deliberate neglect over the years, resulting in obsolete inventories, colossal shortages of critical equipment and ammunition. Thus, as we celebrate our 70th Independence Day this month there is much to ponder over. Not only do we have an intractable and hostile neighbour in Pakistan, but more worrying is the sabre-rattling and relentless pinpricks from a risen and hostile China that, with the assistance of its “all weather” friend, is determined to keep India restricted to its immediate neighbourhood. It has also lost little time in fuelling and funding a host of insurgencies that have afflicted our North-Eastern States as well as Maoist insurgents who whittle away from within our heartland. There can be little doubt that our internal and external security environment today is both fragile and fraught with possibilities of events that can impact our territorial integrity and way of life. This has forced the military to take on a responsibility that is rightfully not theirs, and for which they are constantly exposed to uninformed scrutiny and a barrage of allegations. × In all of this, the Indian Armed Forces find itself in an extremely precarious situation. As events have repeatedly shown, the paramilitary and Central Armed Police Forces are far from achieving the necessary levels of competence required to handle the insurgencies that have been inflicted upon us. This has forced the military to take on a responsibility that is rightfully not theirs, and for which they are constantly exposed to uninformed scrutiny and a barrage of allegations. The Courts too, in their enthusiasm to uphold a skewed version of human rights, have forced the military to confront terrorists and insurgents from within and without while the soldiers have their hands tied behind their backs. As Prime Minister Modi stands on the ramparts of Red Fort for the third time, it is unlikely that he will have a change of heart towards the military. But he would do well to remember that it is much easier to unfurl the flag than to defend it. The latter calls for more than just empty promises, it calls for focus, resolves and visible action.

Indian Armed Forces and 70 years of independence

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Indian Armed Forces and 70 years of independence