<p>If today&rsquo;s electoral outcomes were not to impact tomorrow&rsquo;s, they would be dealt with as standalone and transient phenomena. But because the results have a roll-over effect in varying measure, they get analysed threadbare &mdash; and with some hair-splitting added. Both the winner and loser has lessons to learn, and the one who imbibes them better stands the greater chance to stand high on the podium in the coming days. And so, the verdict on the political contests of 2017 can be a determinant for 2018 as well.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Two crucial elections happened in 2017, and while the end result was the same, the messages the electorate delivered were very different and the level of endorsement varied. That one of these confrontations took place early in the year and the other later as 2017 came near to a close, helped in establishing a &lsquo;beginning and end&rsquo; narrative. Except that every start is a new beginning and every end is the harbinger of a new beginning. It&rsquo;s this belief that keeps political parties going, losing steam one moment, gaining it the next. Of course, the one which recoups its losses the earliest stand the better chance of breasting the tape.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The BJP began 2017 with a bang and the Congress with a whimper.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The former swept the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election with a margin that even its staunchest admirers had not reckoned with. The Congress, which had tagged along with the Samajwadi Party, came to a cropper. There can be endless debate on whether the Congress sunk the Samajwadi Party or the reverse happened.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>With 80 Lok Sabha and 400 plus Assembly seats, Uttar Pradesh has often been the bellwether State. Parties that perform poorly here cannot hope to rule the country. Having won 71 Lok Sabha seats in 2014 on its own, the BJP had the difficult task to live up to the high level. The general sense during the Assembly poll campaigning had been that the party would return to power after nearly two decades in exile, but nobody saw the massive margin of victory coming. The wave flattened the Samajwadi Party, decimated the Bahujan Samaj Party and obliterated the Congress.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The messages were the following: Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s charisma was intact (he was the star campaigner for the BJP); the split in the Samajwadi Party as the result of a family feud had taken its toll on the party; the politics of appeasement does not work; talk of good governance still sells; caste considerations, while still relevant and on which both the Samajwadi Party and the BSP heavily rely on, now have limited appeal; and, the party which manages its macro as well as micro election strategies more smartly, using both manpower and technology, has the greater chance of victory.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The outcome of the Uttar Pradesh election threw up a dilemma for the Congress: Should it continue with the tactic of over-relying on strong local leaders or fire up its own local leadership to lead the battle?</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>By the time the Gujarat Assembly election came only months after the Uttar Pradesh poll, the Congress was still unsure on this front. For the first time in two decades, it sensed a chance to oust the BJP in the State, and yet there was also a feeling of diffidence. This led to its over-dependence on three young caste warriors whose affiliation to the Congress was tentative and their desire to align with that party was motivated by the prospect of little more than an immediate gain.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>It cannot be denied that they - Mevani, Hardik Patel, Alpesh Thakore- impacted the final tally to an extent, reducing the BJP&rsquo;s number as compared to the 2012 figure and bettering the Congress&rsquo;s. But that impact was less than expected, since the BJP did succeed in containing the damage caused by the migration of a section of the Patidar community to the Congress camp. It did appear that, as in the case of Uttar Pradesh, the Congress had placed all its eggs in the basket of local leaders from outside the party.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>It needs to be remembered that the BJP had been as weakened in Uttar Pradesh over the two decades preceding 2014 as the Congress had been. But while the BJP continued to work on its core strengths and weaknesses in the State, the Congress flirted with both the Samajwadi Party and the BSP in a desperate bid to regain influence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In Gujarat too, instead of focusing on the discontent in rural parts, the disruptive nature of Goods and Services Tax implementation, and the general sense of anti-incumbency of two decades, the Congress outsourced its fate to caste leaders with little political experience. In the end, it was reduced to claiming &ldquo;moral victory&rdquo;, which means nothing in electoral politics.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The message for the BJP was that it could no longer take the voters for granted, even in Gujarat. Its tally fell by 16 seats as compared to 2012, although its vote-share went up. The party must recall the &ldquo;India Shining&rsquo; moment of 2004 and understand that support can dissipate almost as quickly as it comes. Recent political history is replete with such instances: 1977, when Indira Gandhi led the Congress to a debacle and also lost in her constituency; 1980, when the Janata Party collapsed and Indira Gandhi made a grand comeback; 1989, when Rajiv Gandhi led his party to a defeat, frittering away a three-fourth mandate.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Fresh battle lines will be drawn for 2018, which is a year of many important elections. If both the Congress and the BJP have absorbed the experiences of the year to soon end, we can expect fireworks that will light up the nation&rsquo;s democratic landscape. The Congress will seek to protect its turf in Karnataka and Meghalaya, while the BJP can expect a fight in the States its rules &mdash; Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The rural-urban voting pattern will be tested in good measure, given that Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have a far larger number of rural constituencies than Gujarat has; the BJP did resoundingly well in urban Gujarat and relatively less well in the rural belt. Although each of these States has a different set of issues on which the voters will decide, common factors will be at play too.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The first is the central leadership of the Congress and the BJP. As Congress president, Rahul Gandhi will now be even more than before pitted against his rival party&rsquo;s principal campaigner, Modi. The second is the local leadership of the two parties. Interestingly, while both have strong leaders, there are turf issues as well among these leaders. The State-level leadership tussle, thus, could be a decisive factor.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The BJP had ruled Karnataka before, and so had the Congress in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. If the BJP manages to win over Karnataka and retain the States it governs, the Congress&rsquo;s prospects for 2019 would be bleak. Indeed, even a status quo would be fine for the BJP, though the loss in Karnataka can set back its plans for a south India foray.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>For the Congress, less than the best scenario would be to retain Karnataka and snatch at least one state from the BJP. That would be more than a &lsquo;moral win&rsquo;. The best case situation would, of course, be a complete victory in the north and the south. It&rsquo;s important that the party&rsquo;s new president creates his team well before these contests. Finally, there are de-railers in both the Congress and the BJP. They must be reined in.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


If both the Congress and the BJP have absorbed the experiences of the year to soon end, we can expect fireworks that will light up the nation?s democratic landscape.

If today’s electoral outcomes were not to impact tomorrow’s, they would be dealt with as standalone and transient phenomena. But because the results have a roll-over effect in varying measure, they get analysed threadbare — and with some hair-splitting added. Both the winner and loser has lessons to learn, and the one who imbibes them better stands the greater chance to stand high on the podium in the coming days. And so, the verdict on the political contests of 2017 can be a determinant for 2018 as well. Two crucial elections happened in 2017, and while the end result was the same, the messages the electorate delivered were very different and the level of endorsement varied. That one of these confrontations took place early in the year and the other later as 2017 came near to a close, helped in establishing a ‘beginning and end’ narrative. Except that every start is a new beginning and every end is the harbinger of a new beginning. It’s this belief that keeps political parties going, losing steam one moment, gaining it the next. Of course, the one which recoups its losses the earliest stand the better chance of breasting the tape. The BJP began 2017 with a bang and the Congress with a whimper. The former swept the Uttar Pradesh Assembly election with a margin that even its staunchest admirers had not reckoned with. The Congress, which had tagged along with the Samajwadi Party, came to a cropper. There can be endless debate on whether the Congress sunk the Samajwadi Party or the reverse happened. With 80 Lok Sabha and 400 plus Assembly seats, Uttar Pradesh has often been the bellwether State. Parties that perform poorly here cannot hope to rule the country. Having won 71 Lok Sabha seats in 2014 on its own, the BJP had the difficult task to live up to the high level. The general sense during the Assembly poll campaigning had been that the party would return to power after nearly two decades in exile, but nobody saw the massive margin of victory coming. The wave flattened the Samajwadi Party, decimated the Bahujan Samaj Party and obliterated the Congress. The messages were the following: Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s charisma was intact (he was the star campaigner for the BJP); the split in the Samajwadi Party as the result of a family feud had taken its toll on the party; the politics of appeasement does not work; talk of good governance still sells; caste considerations, while still relevant and on which both the Samajwadi Party and the BSP heavily rely on, now have limited appeal; and, the party which manages its macro as well as micro election strategies more smartly, using both manpower and technology, has the greater chance of victory. The outcome of the Uttar Pradesh election threw up a dilemma for the Congress: Should it continue with the tactic of over-relying on strong local leaders or fire up its own local leadership to lead the battle? By the time the Gujarat Assembly election came only months after the Uttar Pradesh poll, the Congress was still unsure on this front. For the first time in two decades, it sensed a chance to oust the BJP in the State, and yet there was also a feeling of diffidence. This led to its over-dependence on three young caste warriors whose affiliation to the Congress was tentative and their desire to align with that party was motivated by the prospect of little more than an immediate gain. It cannot be denied that they - Mevani, Hardik Patel, Alpesh Thakore- impacted the final tally to an extent, reducing the BJP’s number as compared to the 2012 figure and bettering the Congress’s. But that impact was less than expected, since the BJP did succeed in containing the damage caused by the migration of a section of the Patidar community to the Congress camp. It did appear that, as in the case of Uttar Pradesh, the Congress had placed all its eggs in the basket of local leaders from outside the party. It needs to be remembered that the BJP had been as weakened in Uttar Pradesh over the two decades preceding 2014 as the Congress had been. But while the BJP continued to work on its core strengths and weaknesses in the State, the Congress flirted with both the Samajwadi Party and the BSP in a desperate bid to regain influence. In Gujarat too, instead of focusing on the discontent in rural parts, the disruptive nature of Goods and Services Tax implementation, and the general sense of anti-incumbency of two decades, the Congress outsourced its fate to caste leaders with little political experience. In the end, it was reduced to claiming “moral victory”, which means nothing in electoral politics. The message for the BJP was that it could no longer take the voters for granted, even in Gujarat. Its tally fell by 16 seats as compared to 2012, although its vote-share went up. The party must recall the “India Shining’ moment of 2004 and understand that support can dissipate almost as quickly as it comes. Recent political history is replete with such instances: 1977, when Indira Gandhi led the Congress to a debacle and also lost in her constituency; 1980, when the Janata Party collapsed and Indira Gandhi made a grand comeback; 1989, when Rajiv Gandhi led his party to a defeat, frittering away a three-fourth mandate. Fresh battle lines will be drawn for 2018, which is a year of many important elections. If both the Congress and the BJP have absorbed the experiences of the year to soon end, we can expect fireworks that will light up the nation’s democratic landscape. The Congress will seek to protect its turf in Karnataka and Meghalaya, while the BJP can expect a fight in the States its rules — Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. The rural-urban voting pattern will be tested in good measure, given that Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan have a far larger number of rural constituencies than Gujarat has; the BJP did resoundingly well in urban Gujarat and relatively less well in the rural belt. Although each of these States has a different set of issues on which the voters will decide, common factors will be at play too. The first is the central leadership of the Congress and the BJP. As Congress president, Rahul Gandhi will now be even more than before pitted against his rival party’s principal campaigner, Modi. The second is the local leadership of the two parties. Interestingly, while both have strong leaders, there are turf issues as well among these leaders. The State-level leadership tussle, thus, could be a decisive factor. The BJP had ruled Karnataka before, and so had the Congress in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. If the BJP manages to win over Karnataka and retain the States it governs, the Congress’s prospects for 2019 would be bleak. Indeed, even a status quo would be fine for the BJP, though the loss in Karnataka can set back its plans for a south India foray. For the Congress, less than the best scenario would be to retain Karnataka and snatch at least one state from the BJP. That would be more than a ‘moral win’. The best case situation would, of course, be a complete victory in the north and the south. It’s important that the party’s new president creates his team well before these contests. Finally, there are de-railers in both the Congress and the BJP. They must be reined in. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Opinion: Will Congress's fortune see a turnaround in 2018?

<p>As election season heats up in Gujarat and the media awaits the final &lsquo;masterstroke&rsquo; from the BJP President Amit Shah to quell the restive Patidars, public interest in the deeper underlying reasons for the social disquiet in the state remains limited. The media remains focused on individuals and their political moves. <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-elections-2017-live-results-27014" target="_blank">As Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi toured the state over the past few weeks, the buzz around personalities and key players has acquired greater traction.</a></p>

<p>Three angry young men Hardik Patel, Alpesh Thakore Jignesh Mevani for whom Amit Shah derisively coined the acronym HAJ, are threatening to undermine the Vibrant Gujarat narrative and hurt the BJP&rsquo;s electoral performance.Though there is a good reason to believe that the BJP is resilient enough to contain the challenge, it is the attacks from the Congress on the already fraying development narrative in Gujarat, that has caused some alarm in the ruling establishment.</p>

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<h5>Hardik Patel the young man from Viramgam in North Gujarat has muddled the BJP&rsquo;s developmental and Hindutva agenda by resurrecting the issue of reservation his community had once so vehemently opposed.</h5>
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<p>Notwithstanding the angry voices of Alpesh Thakore representing OBC grievances, or Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani who first drew our attention to the atrocities against young men of his community at Una earlier this year, its Hardik Patel and the Patel Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) whose voice is heard loudest. This is not without reason. Hardik Patel the young man from Viramgam in North Gujarat has muddled the BJP&rsquo;s developmental and Hindutva agenda by resurrecting the issue of reservation his community had once so vehemently opposed.</p>

<p>Many among the Patels, however, argue that not only are Hardik&rsquo;s demands for reservation in the Other Backward Class category untenable but unrepresentative. These are the voices of those Patidars who have lived up to the popular image of the community as both affluent and dominant. They are industrialists, diamond merchants, real estate developers, and of course owners of large landed properties. &nbsp;With them are large sections of the Patidar diaspora too, the thousands that went out to live their dreams of prosperity in East Africa, the US, UK and later Australia.</p>

<p>So when a forty-thousand strong gathering filled the GMDC grounds in Ahmedabad on August 25th, 2015, most of us were in a state of utter disbelief. In all the long decade I&rsquo;d lived in the city, I never saw a political rally or a march comparable in scale to the ones I&rsquo;ve grown up within Kolkata. In fact, there were hardly any rallies at all. The Opposition was virtually decimated and civil society threatened and bullied into silence. So when the dramatic events of the day unfolded with the arrest of the young leader of PAAS, and the violence unleashed on his angry supporters later that night, it was evident that the there was a political churn in the state.</p>

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<h5>Gujarat model of development had rendered the reservation question redundant for all time to come.</h5>
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<p>That the churn would come from the Patidar community, known for their unflinching loyalty to the BJP, and through the seemingly &lsquo;unreasonable&rsquo; demand for reservations was doubly surprising.</p>

<p>Barring a few academics, most political commentators in the media had made us believe that the Gujarat model of development had rendered the reservation question redundant for all time to come. This was largely because it was the Patidars who spearheaded the violent anti-reservation agitations in the 1980s and had vigorously argued the case for &lsquo;merit&rsquo; as the prime driver of Gujarat&rsquo;s &#39;Vikas&#39;.</p>

<p>So it was not clear as to why some months ago, a song curiously titled &#39;vikas gando thhayachhe&rsquo; roughly translated as &lsquo;development gone crazy&rsquo; would go viral on social media and meld into the deep reserves of Patidar resentment.</p>

<p>For sociologists observing these developments over the longue duree, the Patidar churn is not surprising. For them what we see today are manifestations of a series of separate but inter-related social phenomena. Foremost among these are the peculiarities of the class/caste configurations that define the Patidars as a distinctive social group.</p>

<p>David Pocock one of the earliest anthropologists to study the community in the 1950s, described Patidars as intensely &lsquo;hierarchical and competitive&rsquo; and drew attention to the practice of hypergamy (the drive to marry one&rsquo;s daughter up) as the structuring principle of their community life. Even if the community cohered around kinship ties and common religious, sectarian or social values, he argued that the ceaseless drive to leverage power among wealthier Patidars normalised the existing inequalities within it.</p>

<p>Pocock studied these developments through documenting the historical process through which the Kanbi or a cultivating caste became the larger group known as Patidars in the mid-twentieth century. His study focused on the two main groups within the Kanbis, the Leva Kanbis and the Kadva kanbis.</p>

<p>These groups were distributed unevenly in the regions of the south, central and north Gujarat. The wealthiest among them, the Leva kanbis came from Kheda district in the fertile Charotar tract the region, lying roughly between Ahmedabad and Baroda while Kadvas resided in parts of northern and southern Gujarat.</p>

<p>The Kanbis, in general, were known to be skilled cultivators who lived in a spartan manner, remained committed to a strict work ethic and were the earliest to take to commercial agriculture. &nbsp;They directed their spending to improvements in farming and benefited greatly from the patronage they received from the British since the mid-19th century, particularly from the positions they acquired as tax collectors and village headmen known as patels.</p>

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<h5>Sociologists have long held that the Patidar community offered unique insights into the nature of social stratification and mobility within Gujarat pointing to the fact that far from being a conservative agricultural community, the Patidars were deeply aspirational.</h5>
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<p>The wealthier within the caste developed new practices of collective holding and sharing the produce of large tracts of fertile land. They legitimised this new landholding order through deeds known as &lsquo;pattis&rsquo; from which the title Patidar acquired currency. They often farmed the richest areas of the village through hired farm labour of the lesser Kanbis.</p>

<p>Sociologists have long held that the Patidar community offered unique insights into the nature of social stratification and mobility within Gujarat pointing to the fact that far from being a conservative agricultural community, the Patidars were deeply aspirational. They moved from being agricultural labourers, to agrarian capitalists, to manufacturers and entrepreneurs. In the period between the World Wars they rose to prominence as Gandhian nationalists who drove the Kheda satyagraha under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


The Patidar group in Gujarat is an affluent and deeply aspirational group and that is why it is difficult to understand their demand for reservation

As election season heats up in Gujarat and the media awaits the final ‘masterstroke’ from the BJP President Amit Shah to quell the restive Patidars, public interest in the deeper underlying reasons for the social disquiet in the state remains limited. The media remains focused on individuals and their political moves. As Congress Vice-President Rahul Gandhi toured the state over the past few weeks, the buzz around personalities and key players has acquired greater traction. Three angry young men Hardik Patel, Alpesh Thakore Jignesh Mevani for whom Amit Shah derisively coined the acronym HAJ, are threatening to undermine the Vibrant Gujarat narrative and hurt the BJP’s electoral performance.Though there is a good reason to believe that the BJP is resilient enough to contain the challenge, it is the attacks from the Congress on the already fraying development narrative in Gujarat, that has caused some alarm in the ruling establishment. Hardik Patel the young man from Viramgam in North Gujarat has muddled the BJP’s developmental and Hindutva agenda by resurrecting the issue of reservation his community had once so vehemently opposed. × Notwithstanding the angry voices of Alpesh Thakore representing OBC grievances, or Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani who first drew our attention to the atrocities against young men of his community at Una earlier this year, its Hardik Patel and the Patel Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) whose voice is heard loudest. This is not without reason. Hardik Patel the young man from Viramgam in North Gujarat has muddled the BJP’s developmental and Hindutva agenda by resurrecting the issue of reservation his community had once so vehemently opposed. Many among the Patels, however, argue that not only are Hardik’s demands for reservation in the Other Backward Class category untenable but unrepresentative. These are the voices of those Patidars who have lived up to the popular image of the community as both affluent and dominant. They are industrialists, diamond merchants, real estate developers, and of course owners of large landed properties. With them are large sections of the Patidar diaspora too, the thousands that went out to live their dreams of prosperity in East Africa, the US, UK and later Australia. So when a forty-thousand strong gathering filled the GMDC grounds in Ahmedabad on August 25th, 2015, most of us were in a state of utter disbelief. In all the long decade I’d lived in the city, I never saw a political rally or a march comparable in scale to the ones I’ve grown up within Kolkata. In fact, there were hardly any rallies at all. The Opposition was virtually decimated and civil society threatened and bullied into silence. So when the dramatic events of the day unfolded with the arrest of the young leader of PAAS, and the violence unleashed on his angry supporters later that night, it was evident that the there was a political churn in the state. Gujarat model of development had rendered the reservation question redundant for all time to come. × That the churn would come from the Patidar community, known for their unflinching loyalty to the BJP, and through the seemingly ‘unreasonable’ demand for reservations was doubly surprising. Barring a few academics, most political commentators in the media had made us believe that the Gujarat model of development had rendered the reservation question redundant for all time to come. This was largely because it was the Patidars who spearheaded the violent anti-reservation agitations in the 1980s and had vigorously argued the case for ‘merit’ as the prime driver of Gujarat’s 'Vikas'. So it was not clear as to why some months ago, a song curiously titled 'vikas gando thhayachhe’ roughly translated as ‘development gone crazy’ would go viral on social media and meld into the deep reserves of Patidar resentment. For sociologists observing these developments over the longue duree, the Patidar churn is not surprising. For them what we see today are manifestations of a series of separate but inter-related social phenomena. Foremost among these are the peculiarities of the class/caste configurations that define the Patidars as a distinctive social group. David Pocock one of the earliest anthropologists to study the community in the 1950s, described Patidars as intensely ‘hierarchical and competitive’ and drew attention to the practice of hypergamy (the drive to marry one’s daughter up) as the structuring principle of their community life. Even if the community cohered around kinship ties and common religious, sectarian or social values, he argued that the ceaseless drive to leverage power among wealthier Patidars normalised the existing inequalities within it. Pocock studied these developments through documenting the historical process through which the Kanbi or a cultivating caste became the larger group known as Patidars in the mid-twentieth century. His study focused on the two main groups within the Kanbis, the Leva Kanbis and the Kadva kanbis. These groups were distributed unevenly in the regions of the south, central and north Gujarat. The wealthiest among them, the Leva kanbis came from Kheda district in the fertile Charotar tract the region, lying roughly between Ahmedabad and Baroda while Kadvas resided in parts of northern and southern Gujarat. The Kanbis, in general, were known to be skilled cultivators who lived in a spartan manner, remained committed to a strict work ethic and were the earliest to take to commercial agriculture. They directed their spending to improvements in farming and benefited greatly from the patronage they received from the British since the mid-19th century, particularly from the positions they acquired as tax collectors and village headmen known as patels. Sociologists have long held that the Patidar community offered unique insights into the nature of social stratification and mobility within Gujarat pointing to the fact that far from being a conservative agricultural community, the Patidars were deeply aspirational. × The wealthier within the caste developed new practices of collective holding and sharing the produce of large tracts of fertile land. They legitimised this new landholding order through deeds known as ‘pattis’ from which the title Patidar acquired currency. They often farmed the richest areas of the village through hired farm labour of the lesser Kanbis. Sociologists have long held that the Patidar community offered unique insights into the nature of social stratification and mobility within Gujarat pointing to the fact that far from being a conservative agricultural community, the Patidars were deeply aspirational. They moved from being agricultural labourers, to agrarian capitalists, to manufacturers and entrepreneurs. In the period between the World Wars they rose to prominence as Gandhian nationalists who drove the Kheda satyagraha under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Congress is leading in Patidar districts. Why?

<p>Gujarat OBC leader Alpesh Thakore belonging to Ekta Manch took a dig at PM Narendra Modi during an election rally&nbsp;saying that the prime minister &quot;eats imported mushrooms from Taiwan.&quot;</p>

<p>The OBC leader said Modi has been eating the mushrooms&nbsp;since he was chief minister of Gujarat. He reportedly said that PM Modi&#39;s complexion&nbsp;used to be &quot;as dark as him&quot; but the mushrooms&nbsp;have now &quot;made the PM fairer&quot;.</p>

<p>The Gujarat leader who had met Rahul Gandhi before the Gujarat polls in an attempt to&nbsp;join the Congrees, added that the&nbsp;&quot;PM eats Rs 4 lakh worth mushrooms&nbsp;every day, so how can he like this roti and chawal,&quot;&nbsp;media reports quoted him as saying.</p>

<p>Thakore&#39;s attack on PM was taken up by former J&amp;K chief minister Omar Abdullah who joked on Twitter saying: &quot;this one takes takes the cake and mushrooms,&quot; adding,&quot;any &quot;imported mushrooms&quot;&nbsp;to give me a nice tan? I&rsquo;m already fair without mushrooms.&quot;</p>

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<p>Former J&amp;K chief minister Omar Abdullah joked saying: &quot;I&rsquo;m already fair without mushrooms.&quot; (Twitter)</p>
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<p>Alpesh Thakore, a Patidar leader has been agitating with Hardik Patel for OBC status and quota benefits for his community in Gujarat.</p>


The OBC leader said Modi has been eating the mushrooms since he was chief minister of Gujarat.

Gujarat OBC leader Alpesh Thakore belonging to Ekta Manch took a dig at PM Narendra Modi during an election rally saying that the prime minister "eats imported mushrooms from Taiwan." The OBC leader said Modi has been eating the mushrooms since he was chief minister of Gujarat. He reportedly said that PM Modi's complexion used to be "as dark as him" but the mushrooms have now "made the PM fairer". The Gujarat leader who had met Rahul Gandhi before the Gujarat polls in an attempt to join the Congrees, added that the "PM eats Rs 4 lakh worth mushrooms every day, so how can he like this roti and chawal," media reports quoted him as saying. Thakore's attack on PM was taken up by former J&K chief minister Omar Abdullah who joked on Twitter saying: "this one takes takes the cake and mushrooms," adding,"any "imported mushrooms" to give me a nice tan? I’m already fair without mushrooms." Former J&K chief minister Omar Abdullah joked saying: "I’m already fair without mushrooms." (Twitter) × Alpesh Thakore, a Patidar leader has been agitating with Hardik Patel for OBC status and quota benefits for his community in Gujarat.

Modi eats mushrooms worth 4 lakhs everyday, alleges Gujarat OBC leader Alpesh Thakore

<p>Men rush in and out of two small rooms in a double-storeyed hotel off the Palanpur-Mehsana highway. The floor is littered with campaign material -- festoons, banners, posters - all bearing Jignesh Mevani&#39;s bearded and smiling face, eyes behind thick-rimmed glasses.</p>

<p>The Dalit lawyer-activist, along with Patidar quota leader Hardik Patel and OBC leader Alpesh Thakore, has emerged as the face of resistance against the BJP, which has ruled Gujarat for the last 20 years.</p>

<p>Late last month, he announced he was standing for election as an independent candidate from the Vadgam constituency of north Gujarat&#39;s Sabarkatha district, prompting the Congress to swiftly withdraw its candidate from the seat, a traditional stronghold of the party.</p>

<p>The highway-side dhaba-cum-hotel is Mevani&#39;s election headquarters where an assortment of young activists from in and around Gujarat and from faraway Jawaharlal Nehru University brainstorm to make the 35-year-old&#39;s maiden foray into electoral politics a success.</p>

<p>With around 1 lakh Muslims and Dalit voters in the 2.5 lakh-strong constituency, Mevani, who emerged as a Dalit spearhead after organising movements against atrocities against the community in Una, was largely expected to sail through.</p>

<p>But with a combination of local issues, Mevani&#39;s prospects suddenly appear a little bleak, says a local Congress supporter.</p>

<p>Three factors have been working against him. For one, Mevani is being seen as an outsider, since he is from Mehsana and his movement was largely based out of Saurashtra. A rebel Congress candidate is also in the fray. And there is a possible consolidation of Hindu votes cutting across castes.</p>

<p>&quot;Had the Congress fielded its own candidate, a victory was certain. But this time, there will be a contest,&quot; Abdul Haq, the supporter, says, reflecting the lack of enthusiasm among the Congress&#39;s foot soldiers in the area.</p>

<p>In Vadgam&#39;s Chhapi village, sarpanch Bharatbhai Patel, a Choudhary by caste, asserts, &quot;The Congress&#39;s tactical mistake of not fielding a candidate will cost it the seat.&quot;</p>

<p>He says Muslims, numbering around 70,000, may largely vote for Mevani, but votes of Dalits and other castes such as Thakores, Choudharys and Rajputs will get splintered between Mevani and rebel Congress candidate Ashvinbhai Parmar, son of a prominent local party leader.</p>

<p>&quot;I decided to contest as an independent only after people and party functionaries pitched for my candidature. Even last time I was denied a ticket but did not rebel. I do not want the Congress to lose its traditional seat,&quot; Parmar said.</p>

<p>Congress sitting MLA Manibhai Vaghela had won the seat, reserved for SCs, by a margin of 21,000 votes in the last Assembly polls. It was under Congress&#39;s control in the previous two terms, too, the sarpanch said.</p>

<p>There are strong voices in favour of Mevani as well, especially among the youth.</p>

<p>&quot;There will be no division of votes, at least not among Dalits and Muslims. Jignesh bhai has worked hard for these communities, braving the wrath of the State. People are flocking to his rallies in large numbers,&quot; 29-year-old Bhawesh Kumar, who runs a mobile repairing shop, says.</p>

<p>Mahesh Chauhan, a young Dalit, adds that what attracts him to Mevani is a practice that may push many others away. To be a part of his team, Chauhan has to contribute to Mevani&#39;s campaign funds.</p>

<p>&quot;People used to being showered by money and liquor by the other parties during elections are not used to this, which explains the antipathy towards Jignesh bhai professed by many,&quot; Chauhan says.</p>

<p>But BJP supporters of the area, used to defeats due to the complex caste and religion matrix, are hopeful of a good performance this time.</p>

<p>&quot;The Congress managed to hold on to the seat because of the large presence of Dalits and Muslims. But with the cracks in their camp, a BJP victory cannot be ruled out,&quot; a local grocery shop owner says.</p>

<p>Sarpanch Bharatbhai adds that the Congress did not base its entire campaign on Dalits and Muslims in earlier polls.</p>

<p>&quot;But Jignesh bhai has alienated a large section of Hindus by investing all his energies on Dalits and Muslims. The others are not taking it lightly,&quot; he says.&nbsp;</p>


With around 1 lakh Muslims and Dalit voters in the 2.5 lakh-strong constituency, the Dalit leader was expected to sail through

Men rush in and out of two small rooms in a double-storeyed hotel off the Palanpur-Mehsana highway. The floor is littered with campaign material -- festoons, banners, posters - all bearing Jignesh Mevani's bearded and smiling face, eyes behind thick-rimmed glasses. The Dalit lawyer-activist, along with Patidar quota leader Hardik Patel and OBC leader Alpesh Thakore, has emerged as the face of resistance against the BJP, which has ruled Gujarat for the last 20 years. Late last month, he announced he was standing for election as an independent candidate from the Vadgam constituency of north Gujarat's Sabarkatha district, prompting the Congress to swiftly withdraw its candidate from the seat, a traditional stronghold of the party. The highway-side dhaba-cum-hotel is Mevani's election headquarters where an assortment of young activists from in and around Gujarat and from faraway Jawaharlal Nehru University brainstorm to make the 35-year-old's maiden foray into electoral politics a success. With around 1 lakh Muslims and Dalit voters in the 2.5 lakh-strong constituency, Mevani, who emerged as a Dalit spearhead after organising movements against atrocities against the community in Una, was largely expected to sail through. But with a combination of local issues, Mevani's prospects suddenly appear a little bleak, says a local Congress supporter. Three factors have been working against him. For one, Mevani is being seen as an outsider, since he is from Mehsana and his movement was largely based out of Saurashtra. A rebel Congress candidate is also in the fray. And there is a possible consolidation of Hindu votes cutting across castes. "Had the Congress fielded its own candidate, a victory was certain. But this time, there will be a contest," Abdul Haq, the supporter, says, reflecting the lack of enthusiasm among the Congress's foot soldiers in the area. In Vadgam's Chhapi village, sarpanch Bharatbhai Patel, a Choudhary by caste, asserts, "The Congress's tactical mistake of not fielding a candidate will cost it the seat." He says Muslims, numbering around 70,000, may largely vote for Mevani, but votes of Dalits and other castes such as Thakores, Choudharys and Rajputs will get splintered between Mevani and rebel Congress candidate Ashvinbhai Parmar, son of a prominent local party leader. "I decided to contest as an independent only after people and party functionaries pitched for my candidature. Even last time I was denied a ticket but did not rebel. I do not want the Congress to lose its traditional seat," Parmar said. Congress sitting MLA Manibhai Vaghela had won the seat, reserved for SCs, by a margin of 21,000 votes in the last Assembly polls. It was under Congress's control in the previous two terms, too, the sarpanch said. There are strong voices in favour of Mevani as well, especially among the youth. "There will be no division of votes, at least not among Dalits and Muslims. Jignesh bhai has worked hard for these communities, braving the wrath of the State. People are flocking to his rallies in large numbers," 29-year-old Bhawesh Kumar, who runs a mobile repairing shop, says. Mahesh Chauhan, a young Dalit, adds that what attracts him to Mevani is a practice that may push many others away. To be a part of his team, Chauhan has to contribute to Mevani's campaign funds. "People used to being showered by money and liquor by the other parties during elections are not used to this, which explains the antipathy towards Jignesh bhai professed by many," Chauhan says. But BJP supporters of the area, used to defeats due to the complex caste and religion matrix, are hopeful of a good performance this time. "The Congress managed to hold on to the seat because of the large presence of Dalits and Muslims. But with the cracks in their camp, a BJP victory cannot be ruled out," a local grocery shop owner says. Sarpanch Bharatbhai adds that the Congress did not base its entire campaign on Dalits and Muslims in earlier polls. "But Jignesh bhai has alienated a large section of Hindus by investing all his energies on Dalits and Muslims. The others are not taking it lightly," he says.

Gujarat elections: In Vadgam, going suddenly appears tough for Jignesh Mevani

<p>An Ahmedabad-based journalist quipped that the Congress had taken to HAJ this Assembly election in Gujarat. His reference was to the Hardik (Patel)-Alpesh (Thakore)-Jignesh (Mevani) trio which has cast its lot with the party and on whose traction the Congress is seeking to return to power after more than two decades in the State.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Hardik and Jignesh have their own reasons for opposing the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Patidar leader wants reservations for his community which the BJP is unwilling to commit to. He is also upset with the state action against the pro-quota demonstrations over the last couple of years.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Jignesh is a Scheduled Castes leader and is fuming over the Una incident in which a cow vigilante group had publicly flogged members of the caste in July last year, with the State authorities allegedly doing little to punish the culprits and certain members of the Union Government terming the matter as a &ldquo;small incident&rdquo;.</p>

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<h5>There is no indication that the other intermediate castes which are part of the OBCs are necessarily backing Alpesh Thakore, though he claims to be the leader of the larger OBC formulation.</h5>
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<p>But why is Alpesh Thakore a member of this bandwagon? The community he represents is part of the Other Backward Class (OBC) which enjoys the reservation benefit. His grievance, therefore, is not in common with that of Hardik Patel&rsquo;s. There have been no serious reported cases of violence or discrimination against the OBCs in Gujarat during the BJP rule, and, thus, he has no cause to fret like Jignesh Mevani. It is this lack of a definable purpose that makes Alpesh the odd man out. And yet, he has had his share of glory under the sun when he was recently inducted into the Congress at a high-profile function in the presence of no less a figure than Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi.</p>

<p>The OBCs comprise around 40 per cent of the State&rsquo;s population and they are spread across Gujarat, which makes them all the more critical in terms of seats. It is generally believed that the OBCs can influence results in more than 70 of the Assembly 182 seats &mdash; higher than any other single group can. But the Thakore community is only one of the many OBCs. In itself, it cannot make any major difference to electoral results. There is also no indication that the other intermediate castes which are part of the OBCs are necessarily backing Alpesh Thakore, though he claims to be the leader of the larger OBC formulation.</p>

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<h5>My taxi driver in Ahmedabad, a Thakore, put it bluntly that he was both OBC and Kshatriya, depending on the situation!</h5>
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<p>Besides, there is a caste confusion which makes the situation more complex. The Thakore community sees itself as part of the larger Kshatriya grouping &mdash; something which the latter resents. Other members of the OBC also view this tactic as a Thakore ploy to have the best of both worlds. My taxi driver in Ahmedabad, a Thakore, put it bluntly that he was both OBC and Kshatriya, depending on the situation! The Thakores may not be as well off as the Patidars but they are also not so marginalised as to be seen as credible victims of State apathy.</p>

<p>The Thakore community has, generally, voted for the Congress in previous elections, and so Alpesh Thakore&rsquo;s decision to align with the party this time should not surprise anyone. This is the only explanation which is on offer, but it does not still explain what Alpesh has against the BJP or what the issues are which he plans to raise before the voters in favour of the Congress or against the BJP. Up until now, he has been merely harping on generalities: Voters want a change after two decades of BJP rule; the ruling party has ignored the marginalised; the Congress has traditionally been a well-wisher of the weaker sections of society, etc.</p>

<p>Alpesh Thakore faces another problem, which is personal. He is seen as a rank opportunist, and even his supporters this columnist spoke to in Mehsana, and a few who hailed from Rajkot, admit that the youth leader had been less than transparent in his political stance. Months before he joined the Congress, Alpesh had reportedly confabulated with senior BJP leaders, including Amit Shah. The talks were to work out a deal for providing Assembly tickets to OBC &mdash; and especially Thakore community &mdash; leaders.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The failure to strike an arrangement with the BJP led Alpesh Thakore to the Congress, which was all too happy to snap him up.</h5>
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<p>Nothing came out of Alpesh&#39;s discussion with the BJP, probably for two reasons. The first is that Alpesh Thakore may have demanded more than what the party could offer to his outfit, the OBC, SC and ST (OSS) Ekta Manch. The second is that the BJP believed its own pro-OBC credentials were strong enough &mdash; Prime Minister Narendra Modi belongs to the OBC &mdash; and that it need not have to give in to the demands of a newcomer. The failure to strike an arrangement with the BJP led Alpesh Thakore to the Congress, which was all too happy to snap him up.</p>

<p>People also snigger than Alpesh Thakore is a BJP creation who was programmed to blunt the Hardik Patel factor but has now turned hostile. There may be an element of truth in this. But this raises another question. With the Patidars and the OBCs to which the Thakores belong, working at cross-purposes at the grassroots level for years, how will the convergence of votes between them happen? Alpesh Thakore rose to prominence alongside Hardik Patel when he opposed the Patidar agitation for reservations, but along the way he suddenly got himself added to the camp which housed the Patidar leader. The non-Thakore communities are not amused.</p>

<p>Alpesh Thakore&rsquo;s credibility (or lack of it, according to his detractors) is what will determine the success of his alignment with the Congress. Indeed, the demonstration of credibility is his strongest challenge. Until months ago, he had claimed to be equidistant from both the Congress and the BJP, and fully committed to the cause of OBC welfare. He wanted a Ram temple in Gujarat and a ban on cow slaughter. He blamed both the Congress and the BJP for a host of social problems, and wanted the prohibition policy to be more stringently implemented in Gujarat.</p>

<p>But that is all in the past, and Alpesh Thakore is now one of the star campaigners of the Congress in the State. It is possible that some of his star attraction may rub off on a few of the other OBCs, besides his own community. Will it be good enough for the Congress, remains to be seen? Meanwhile, the OBC leader can continue with his vague promises on equally vague issues. As the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev said, &ldquo;Politicians are the same all over. They promise to build bridges even when there are no rivers.&rdquo;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)</em></p>


Alpesh wanted a Ram temple in Gujarat and a ban on cow slaughter. He blamed both the Congress and the BJP for a host of social problems, and wanted the prohibition policy to be more stringently implemented in Gujarat.

An Ahmedabad-based journalist quipped that the Congress had taken to HAJ this Assembly election in Gujarat. His reference was to the Hardik (Patel)-Alpesh (Thakore)-Jignesh (Mevani) trio which has cast its lot with the party and on whose traction the Congress is seeking to return to power after more than two decades in the State. Hardik and Jignesh have their own reasons for opposing the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Patidar leader wants reservations for his community which the BJP is unwilling to commit to. He is also upset with the state action against the pro-quota demonstrations over the last couple of years. Jignesh is a Scheduled Castes leader and is fuming over the Una incident in which a cow vigilante group had publicly flogged members of the caste in July last year, with the State authorities allegedly doing little to punish the culprits and certain members of the Union Government terming the matter as a “small incident”. There is no indication that the other intermediate castes which are part of the OBCs are necessarily backing Alpesh Thakore, though he claims to be the leader of the larger OBC formulation. × But why is Alpesh Thakore a member of this bandwagon? The community he represents is part of the Other Backward Class (OBC) which enjoys the reservation benefit. His grievance, therefore, is not in common with that of Hardik Patel’s. There have been no serious reported cases of violence or discrimination against the OBCs in Gujarat during the BJP rule, and, thus, he has no cause to fret like Jignesh Mevani. It is this lack of a definable purpose that makes Alpesh the odd man out. And yet, he has had his share of glory under the sun when he was recently inducted into the Congress at a high-profile function in the presence of no less a figure than Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi. The OBCs comprise around 40 per cent of the State’s population and they are spread across Gujarat, which makes them all the more critical in terms of seats. It is generally believed that the OBCs can influence results in more than 70 of the Assembly 182 seats — higher than any other single group can. But the Thakore community is only one of the many OBCs. In itself, it cannot make any major difference to electoral results. There is also no indication that the other intermediate castes which are part of the OBCs are necessarily backing Alpesh Thakore, though he claims to be the leader of the larger OBC formulation. My taxi driver in Ahmedabad, a Thakore, put it bluntly that he was both OBC and Kshatriya, depending on the situation! × Besides, there is a caste confusion which makes the situation more complex. The Thakore community sees itself as part of the larger Kshatriya grouping — something which the latter resents. Other members of the OBC also view this tactic as a Thakore ploy to have the best of both worlds. My taxi driver in Ahmedabad, a Thakore, put it bluntly that he was both OBC and Kshatriya, depending on the situation! The Thakores may not be as well off as the Patidars but they are also not so marginalised as to be seen as credible victims of State apathy. The Thakore community has, generally, voted for the Congress in previous elections, and so Alpesh Thakore’s decision to align with the party this time should not surprise anyone. This is the only explanation which is on offer, but it does not still explain what Alpesh has against the BJP or what the issues are which he plans to raise before the voters in favour of the Congress or against the BJP. Up until now, he has been merely harping on generalities: Voters want a change after two decades of BJP rule; the ruling party has ignored the marginalised; the Congress has traditionally been a well-wisher of the weaker sections of society, etc. Alpesh Thakore faces another problem, which is personal. He is seen as a rank opportunist, and even his supporters this columnist spoke to in Mehsana, and a few who hailed from Rajkot, admit that the youth leader had been less than transparent in his political stance. Months before he joined the Congress, Alpesh had reportedly confabulated with senior BJP leaders, including Amit Shah. The talks were to work out a deal for providing Assembly tickets to OBC — and especially Thakore community — leaders. The failure to strike an arrangement with the BJP led Alpesh Thakore to the Congress, which was all too happy to snap him up. × Nothing came out of Alpesh's discussion with the BJP, probably for two reasons. The first is that Alpesh Thakore may have demanded more than what the party could offer to his outfit, the OBC, SC and ST (OSS) Ekta Manch. The second is that the BJP believed its own pro-OBC credentials were strong enough — Prime Minister Narendra Modi belongs to the OBC — and that it need not have to give in to the demands of a newcomer. The failure to strike an arrangement with the BJP led Alpesh Thakore to the Congress, which was all too happy to snap him up. People also snigger than Alpesh Thakore is a BJP creation who was programmed to blunt the Hardik Patel factor but has now turned hostile. There may be an element of truth in this. But this raises another question. With the Patidars and the OBCs to which the Thakores belong, working at cross-purposes at the grassroots level for years, how will the convergence of votes between them happen? Alpesh Thakore rose to prominence alongside Hardik Patel when he opposed the Patidar agitation for reservations, but along the way he suddenly got himself added to the camp which housed the Patidar leader. The non-Thakore communities are not amused. Alpesh Thakore’s credibility (or lack of it, according to his detractors) is what will determine the success of his alignment with the Congress. Indeed, the demonstration of credibility is his strongest challenge. Until months ago, he had claimed to be equidistant from both the Congress and the BJP, and fully committed to the cause of OBC welfare. He wanted a Ram temple in Gujarat and a ban on cow slaughter. He blamed both the Congress and the BJP for a host of social problems, and wanted the prohibition policy to be more stringently implemented in Gujarat. But that is all in the past, and Alpesh Thakore is now one of the star campaigners of the Congress in the State. It is possible that some of his star attraction may rub off on a few of the other OBCs, besides his own community. Will it be good enough for the Congress, remains to be seen? Meanwhile, the OBC leader can continue with his vague promises on equally vague issues. As the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev said, “Politicians are the same all over. They promise to build bridges even when there are no rivers.” (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

Opinion: Alpesh Thakore's main drawback is lack of credibility

<p>In the post-independence period, Patidars became the social force behind Gujarat&rsquo;s industrial push. By the 1960s and &lsquo;70s, they dominated large sectors of agricultural, industrial and commercial activities.</p>

<p>Patidars consolidated their economic and social standing through affiliating with ruling political parties, first the Congress and then the BJP. &nbsp;The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the &lsquo;prosperous Patel&rsquo; became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination.</p>

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<h5>The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the &lsquo;prosperous Patel&rsquo; became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination.</h5>
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<p>Yet for all this picture of success, it has to be noted that more than a third of the Patidars are still small and marginal farmers, often inhabiting the less fertile regions of north Gujarat. As the sociologist, Ghanshyam Shah, observed in one of his interviews to the magazine Frontline, that with the onset of a phase of agricultural distress in Gujarat induced by a steep increase in input cost for cultivation most of these poor farmers no longer have resources to access to timely credit for investment.</p>

<p>With agriculture becoming difficult and un-remunerative, the young Patidars are forced to find alternative employment in urban areas. It is here that they encounter the deep disconnect between their abilities and their expectations. In Prof Shah&rsquo; words, &ldquo;it is this lot &nbsp;that forms the spine of the Patidar agitation.&rdquo;</p>

<p>This is a complex situation within a community that&rsquo;s aspirational but structurally disadvantaged not by its caste position, but by a neo-liberal economic order that offers them little recourse to cope with the demands of the job market or look to the state for protection. Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the &lsquo;merit&rsquo; imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out.</p>

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<h5>The demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine.</h5>
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<p>Yet, as the political scientist Amit Dholakia argues, the demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. With the large-scale privatisation of higher education and the proliferation of deemed universities and colleges often demanding high capitation fees and offering a quality of education that rarely meets market demands, the younger Patidars rearing to move out of farming and small enterprise, feel deeply betrayed.</p>

<p>Hemmed in by a lack of educational and social capital and the difficulties of access to the modern sectors of employment, this section of the young Patidars, unlike an older generation, are also finding it increasingly hard to emigrate or seek opportunities in the west. Little wonder then that a &nbsp;2012 film titled &ldquo;Kevi rite jaish?&rdquo; or &ldquo;How do I go?&rdquo; spoofing the Patel aspiration to emigrate resonated with the predicament of the Gujarati youth and became one the most successful regional language films made in recent times.</p>

<p>Alice Tilche a young researcher studying the problems of Patidar discontent makes the astute observation that the problems of Patidar youth have much in common with young people in the newly depleted economies of southern Europe where expectations driven by the promise of education and emigration have been belied by the tightening of international borders and the increasing demands for skilled migrants.</p>

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<h5>Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked &lsquo;down&rsquo; in order to &lsquo;move up&rsquo;.</h5>
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<p>The villages of Gujarat she concluded have become dismal &ldquo;waiting rooms&rdquo; for a generation of young people who are Patels, but not quite. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked &lsquo;down&rsquo; in order to &lsquo;move up&rsquo;.</p>

<p>Hardik&rsquo;s &nbsp;supporters who are bent on defeating the BJP this time constantly remind us that the policemen deployed to brutalise them on the night of his arrest 2015 belonged to the OBCs. They feel that the reservations for caste groups &lsquo;lower&rsquo; than they have left them both deprived and vulnerable.&nbsp;It&rsquo;s a perception that makes their alliance with the OBCs and the Congress a particularly troubled one.</p>

<p>It is likely that the BJP will win the elections and subdue the angry Patidars, but it remains to be seen if it can sustain Gujarat&rsquo;s developmental model in its existing form. The angry young men from the OBC, Dalit and Patidar communities have a compelling story to tell about the social strains, the human costs and economic limits of a market-led model of economic growth. Any party that wins these elections may be well advised to heed these stories and craft an alternative and more genuinely humane model of development for Gujarat.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s, and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the ?merit? imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out for the Patidar community.

In the post-independence period, Patidars became the social force behind Gujarat’s industrial push. By the 1960s and ‘70s, they dominated large sectors of agricultural, industrial and commercial activities. Patidars consolidated their economic and social standing through affiliating with ruling political parties, first the Congress and then the BJP. The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the ‘prosperous Patel’ became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination. The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the ‘prosperous Patel’ became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination. × Yet for all this picture of success, it has to be noted that more than a third of the Patidars are still small and marginal farmers, often inhabiting the less fertile regions of north Gujarat. As the sociologist, Ghanshyam Shah, observed in one of his interviews to the magazine Frontline, that with the onset of a phase of agricultural distress in Gujarat induced by a steep increase in input cost for cultivation most of these poor farmers no longer have resources to access to timely credit for investment. With agriculture becoming difficult and un-remunerative, the young Patidars are forced to find alternative employment in urban areas. It is here that they encounter the deep disconnect between their abilities and their expectations. In Prof Shah’ words, “it is this lot that forms the spine of the Patidar agitation.” This is a complex situation within a community that’s aspirational but structurally disadvantaged not by its caste position, but by a neo-liberal economic order that offers them little recourse to cope with the demands of the job market or look to the state for protection. Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the ‘merit’ imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out. The demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. × Yet, as the political scientist Amit Dholakia argues, the demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. With the large-scale privatisation of higher education and the proliferation of deemed universities and colleges often demanding high capitation fees and offering a quality of education that rarely meets market demands, the younger Patidars rearing to move out of farming and small enterprise, feel deeply betrayed. Hemmed in by a lack of educational and social capital and the difficulties of access to the modern sectors of employment, this section of the young Patidars, unlike an older generation, are also finding it increasingly hard to emigrate or seek opportunities in the west. Little wonder then that a 2012 film titled “Kevi rite jaish?” or “How do I go?” spoofing the Patel aspiration to emigrate resonated with the predicament of the Gujarati youth and became one the most successful regional language films made in recent times. Alice Tilche a young researcher studying the problems of Patidar discontent makes the astute observation that the problems of Patidar youth have much in common with young people in the newly depleted economies of southern Europe where expectations driven by the promise of education and emigration have been belied by the tightening of international borders and the increasing demands for skilled migrants. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked ‘down’ in order to ‘move up’. × The villages of Gujarat she concluded have become dismal “waiting rooms” for a generation of young people who are Patels, but not quite. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked ‘down’ in order to ‘move up’. Hardik’s supporters who are bent on defeating the BJP this time constantly remind us that the policemen deployed to brutalise them on the night of his arrest 2015 belonged to the OBCs. They feel that the reservations for caste groups ‘lower’ than they have left them both deprived and vulnerable. It’s a perception that makes their alliance with the OBCs and the Congress a particularly troubled one. It is likely that the BJP will win the elections and subdue the angry Patidars, but it remains to be seen if it can sustain Gujarat’s developmental model in its existing form. The angry young men from the OBC, Dalit and Patidar communities have a compelling story to tell about the social strains, the human costs and economic limits of a market-led model of economic growth. Any party that wins these elections may be well advised to heed these stories and craft an alternative and more genuinely humane model of development for Gujarat. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Harsh reality drives Patidar's demand for reservation

<p>&quot;When I gave the taxi driver at Ahmedabad airport the name of a nondescript hotel as my address, he looked at me pityingly and asked, &ldquo;Chota-mota dhanda hai (Are you engaged in petty business)? I readily agreed and said I was in the business of journalism and had come to study the election; I had been there in 2012 also. He perked up and in the course of the 40-minute journey assured me that change would happen in Gujarat. &ldquo;The BJP will be voted out. Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakore will ensure that.&rdquo;&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Across north Gujarat and Saurashtra, the Patidars were backing Hardik Patel&rsquo;s reservation agenda and would vote against the BJP.</h5>
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<p>Is Hardik Patel really a challenge, I asked. Does he command the majority support of the Patidar community, I wondered. The taxi driver responded, &ldquo;If he were not a challenge, why is the BJP doing so much to discredit him? And why has the party launched a desperate drive to retain the Patel votes?&rdquo; Across north Gujarat and Saurashtra, he claimed, the Patidars were backing Hardik Patel&rsquo;s reservation agenda and would vote against the BJP.</p>

<p>I assumed by his stiff defence of the young Patel leader that he was a votary of reservation for the Patidar community in the State. His answer was surprising. &ldquo;The Patidars don&rsquo;t deserve reservation. They are financially, educationally and socially well off.&rdquo; Before I could respond, he added, &ldquo;You must be amazed. I am backing Hardik Patel because he is today in my community leader Alpesh Thakore&rsquo;s side.&quot;</p>

<p>The Thakores belong to the Other Backward Class (OBC), and the taxi driver was a Thakore. He strongly suggested that I move around extensively in Mehsana, Patan, Sabarkantha and other parts of north Gujarat, and Ahmedabad too. &ldquo; You will realise that I am right. The BJP will lose this time. You came five years ago, but things are very different today.&rdquo; I assured him that I would visit as many of the places he had advised.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>But after moving around throughout the day across the length and breadth of Ahmedabad (Thaltej, Vastrapur, Naranpur etc) and in Patan and Mehsana, the impression I had was far from the kind the taxi driver had predicted. The driver represented one kind of extreme outcome which found resonance among a clutch of people on the streets &mdash; the BJP&rsquo;s rout. A few others I spoke to in these towns and adjoining villages presented another extreme &mdash; that the ruling party would return to power with even more seats than it had in 2012.</p>

<p>Most of the people with whom I interacted on the subject foresaw a &lsquo;moderate&rsquo; outcome. They were agreed on three conclusions. The first is that the Hardik Patel factor has gained some traction for the Congress. The second is that the Patidar leader will cut into the Patel vote-bank of the BJP. The third is that, despite these setbacks, the BJP will emerge with a simple majority (100-plus seats) and form the Government yet again.</p>

<p>What also became evident through my interactions in Ahmedabad, Patan and Mehsana is that, at the ground level the Patidar and the Thakore communities do not see eye to eye. This is easy to understand. The Thakores belonging to the OBC resent the prospect of having to share the quota pie with the dominant Patels. It&rsquo;s not ideology that binds them together now; the desire to oust the BJP compels them to share the tent.</p>

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<h5>The turning point for the Patidars, according to a resident of Thaltej locality in Ahmedabad, was the crackdown by the State police on Patidar agitators in August 2015.</h5>
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<p>The turning point for the Patidars, according to a resident of Thaltej locality in Ahmedabad, was the crackdown by the State police on Patidar agitators in August 2015. Fourteen people had died in the violence. The subsequent action against Hardik Patel, including his incarceration and banishment from Gujarat for a while, was viewed as a humiliation of a proud community which had stood by the BJP for decades.</p>

<p>Or at least this is how the Patidar community led by Hardik Patel presented it before his people. The sentiment is echoed by Babubhai Patel, an elderly local in Mehsana. &ldquo;The BJP Government really brutalised the Patidar community through its action. The lathi-charge cannot be forgotten. We would not have turned against the party but for this act of atrocity.&rdquo;</p>

<p>The Thaltej resident, who belongs to the OBC and did not wish to be named, remarked, &ldquo;It&rsquo;s not that the Congress is liked by us. It has been disastrous for Gujarat in the past. But if it can manage Hardik Patel properly, it can gain significantly.&rdquo; The anti-BJP sentiment, according to him, the taxi driver and a few&nbsp;other spoken to, is such that the voters are willing to ignore the development work BJP regimes have done over the years, and the failures of the Congress too.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Was this an all-pervasive mood? Not really. The manager of the hotel I stayed in, and who appeared politically well-informed, smirked at the proposition. &ldquo;Do not over-estimate Hardik Patel,&rdquo; he warned. &ldquo;Because of his youth and enthusiasm and Congress support, he has begun to look larger-than-life. The Patidar outfit he heads is not the only Patel organisation that exists. There are others and those are as important. They are with the BJP. The Patidar votes will split, true, but not to the extent that the divide can harm the ruling party greatly.&rdquo;</p>

<p>He said that the Patels were an educated lot and socially aware, and they realise that Hardik Patel was leading them up the garden path with his promise of reservation. &ldquo;How can he ensure his community reservation? The 50 per cent mark is already touched. The Congress&rsquo;s assurance is only on paper. It cannot be implemented.&rdquo; This line or reasoning was incidentally shared by several middle-aged and senior citizens.</p>

<p>But everyone is agreed upon the fact that Hardik Patel has taken a big risk and that things can go wrong. If the Congress fails to give the Patidars a credible and actionable plan of action for reservations, for instance. Or, if the Patels, who have been inextricably linked to the BJP for their socio-economic development and who now back Hardik Patel, develop cold feet over the disruption that may happen in case they vote against the BJP, keep themselves away from the polling booth. Or, if the Congress does not give the Hardik Patel-led organisation, the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) a fair number of seats to contest.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The Congress and the Hardik Patel-led Patidars, he said, represented the privileged system, while the BJP under Modi stood for inclusive development.</h5>
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<p>There is another danger, which even Hardik Patel&rsquo;s supporters acknowledge, even if grudgingly: That of Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s ability to swing fence-sitting Patidar votes in his party&rsquo;s favour through a series of aggressive campaigns in the region. A 65-year old voter in Patan town remarked, &ldquo;Modi sabka magaj ghuma dega (Modi can change people&rsquo;s minds in his favour), adding, &ldquo;Also, don&rsquo;t forget the Gujarati pride (which the Prime Minister symbolises) issue.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Although Mehsana had been the focal point of the Patidar agitation, opinion there is not overwhelmingly against the BJP &mdash; or at least not as decisively as one might have expected. A 25-something (Patel) civil engineer who has ventured into the construction business said that while Hardik Patel was shrewd and manipulative, the BJP led by Modi &ldquo;can manage things at the last moment&rdquo;. He supported Hardik Patel&rsquo;s demand for reservation. &ldquo;Patidars need quota not so much in Government employment (we Patels either have land or are engaged in business or are salaried employees) but in educational institutions.</p>

<p>Why should we lose out to those who are less merited but get through because of quotas?&rdquo; On the other hand, a shop-keeper, vociferously supported by a bunch of youngsters around him, bluntly said, &ldquo;Hardik Patel cannot be trusted. He is neither mature nor responsible.&rdquo;</p>

<p>The sense of ambivalence that was reflected across Ahmedabad and in Patan and Mehsana towns, was replaced by clarity in the small Pimpal village, situated on the Mehsana-Patan road. Phulabhai Jeevabhai Rabari is a 30-year old who is engaged in the dairy business. The Rabari community belongs to the OBC and is a beneficiary of the quota system.</p>

<p>He made light of the benefit and claimed that it made no difference to youngsters like him. &ldquo;We live by our skills and hard work. I don&rsquo;t like the reservation business.&rdquo; The Congress and the Hardik Patel-led Patidars, he said, represented the privileged system, while the BJP under Modi stood for inclusive development. &ldquo;The 2017 election is about development versus reservation&rdquo;, Phulabhai stated. A motley group of villagers seconded the opinion.</p>

<p>Perhaps Phulabhai hit the nail on the head. It does appear that the Assembly poll is just that.</p>


The Congress and the Hardik Patel-led Patidars represented the privileged system, while the BJP under Modi stood for inclusive development.

"When I gave the taxi driver at Ahmedabad airport the name of a nondescript hotel as my address, he looked at me pityingly and asked, “Chota-mota dhanda hai (Are you engaged in petty business)? I readily agreed and said I was in the business of journalism and had come to study the election; I had been there in 2012 also. He perked up and in the course of the 40-minute journey assured me that change would happen in Gujarat. “The BJP will be voted out. Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakore will ensure that.” Across north Gujarat and Saurashtra, the Patidars were backing Hardik Patel’s reservation agenda and would vote against the BJP. × Is Hardik Patel really a challenge, I asked. Does he command the majority support of the Patidar community, I wondered. The taxi driver responded, “If he were not a challenge, why is the BJP doing so much to discredit him? And why has the party launched a desperate drive to retain the Patel votes?” Across north Gujarat and Saurashtra, he claimed, the Patidars were backing Hardik Patel’s reservation agenda and would vote against the BJP. I assumed by his stiff defence of the young Patel leader that he was a votary of reservation for the Patidar community in the State. His answer was surprising. “The Patidars don’t deserve reservation. They are financially, educationally and socially well off.” Before I could respond, he added, “You must be amazed. I am backing Hardik Patel because he is today in my community leader Alpesh Thakore’s side." The Thakores belong to the Other Backward Class (OBC), and the taxi driver was a Thakore. He strongly suggested that I move around extensively in Mehsana, Patan, Sabarkantha and other parts of north Gujarat, and Ahmedabad too. “ You will realise that I am right. The BJP will lose this time. You came five years ago, but things are very different today.” I assured him that I would visit as many of the places he had advised. BJP will emerge with a simple majority (100-plus seats) and form the Government yet again. × But after moving around throughout the day across the length and breadth of Ahmedabad (Thaltej, Vastrapur, Naranpur etc) and in Patan and Mehsana, the impression I had was far from the kind the taxi driver had predicted. The driver represented one kind of extreme outcome which found resonance among a clutch of people on the streets — the BJP’s rout. A few others I spoke to in these towns and adjoining villages presented another extreme — that the ruling party would return to power with even more seats than it had in 2012. Most of the people with whom I interacted on the subject foresaw a ‘moderate’ outcome. They were agreed on three conclusions. The first is that the Hardik Patel factor has gained some traction for the Congress. The second is that the Patidar leader will cut into the Patel vote-bank of the BJP. The third is that, despite these setbacks, the BJP will emerge with a simple majority (100-plus seats) and form the Government yet again. What also became evident through my interactions in Ahmedabad, Patan and Mehsana is that, at the ground level the Patidar and the Thakore communities do not see eye to eye. This is easy to understand. The Thakores belonging to the OBC resent the prospect of having to share the quota pie with the dominant Patels. It’s not ideology that binds them together now; the desire to oust the BJP compels them to share the tent. The turning point for the Patidars, according to a resident of Thaltej locality in Ahmedabad, was the crackdown by the State police on Patidar agitators in August 2015. × The turning point for the Patidars, according to a resident of Thaltej locality in Ahmedabad, was the crackdown by the State police on Patidar agitators in August 2015. Fourteen people had died in the violence. The subsequent action against Hardik Patel, including his incarceration and banishment from Gujarat for a while, was viewed as a humiliation of a proud community which had stood by the BJP for decades. Or at least this is how the Patidar community led by Hardik Patel presented it before his people. The sentiment is echoed by Babubhai Patel, an elderly local in Mehsana. “The BJP Government really brutalised the Patidar community through its action. The lathi-charge cannot be forgotten. We would not have turned against the party but for this act of atrocity.” The Thaltej resident, who belongs to the OBC and did not wish to be named, remarked, “It’s not that the Congress is liked by us. It has been disastrous for Gujarat in the past. But if it can manage Hardik Patel properly, it can gain significantly.” The anti-BJP sentiment, according to him, the taxi driver and a few other spoken to, is such that the voters are willing to ignore the development work BJP regimes have done over the years, and the failures of the Congress too. Although Mehsana had been the focal point of the Patidar agitation, opinion there is not overwhelmingly against the BJP × Was this an all-pervasive mood? Not really. The manager of the hotel I stayed in, and who appeared politically well-informed, smirked at the proposition. “Do not over-estimate Hardik Patel,” he warned. “Because of his youth and enthusiasm and Congress support, he has begun to look larger-than-life. The Patidar outfit he heads is not the only Patel organisation that exists. There are others and those are as important. They are with the BJP. The Patidar votes will split, true, but not to the extent that the divide can harm the ruling party greatly.” He said that the Patels were an educated lot and socially aware, and they realise that Hardik Patel was leading them up the garden path with his promise of reservation. “How can he ensure his community reservation? The 50 per cent mark is already touched. The Congress’s assurance is only on paper. It cannot be implemented.” This line or reasoning was incidentally shared by several middle-aged and senior citizens. But everyone is agreed upon the fact that Hardik Patel has taken a big risk and that things can go wrong. If the Congress fails to give the Patidars a credible and actionable plan of action for reservations, for instance. Or, if the Patels, who have been inextricably linked to the BJP for their socio-economic development and who now back Hardik Patel, develop cold feet over the disruption that may happen in case they vote against the BJP, keep themselves away from the polling booth. Or, if the Congress does not give the Hardik Patel-led organisation, the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) a fair number of seats to contest. The Congress and the Hardik Patel-led Patidars, he said, represented the privileged system, while the BJP under Modi stood for inclusive development. × There is another danger, which even Hardik Patel’s supporters acknowledge, even if grudgingly: That of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ability to swing fence-sitting Patidar votes in his party’s favour through a series of aggressive campaigns in the region. A 65-year old voter in Patan town remarked, “Modi sabka magaj ghuma dega (Modi can change people’s minds in his favour), adding, “Also, don’t forget the Gujarati pride (which the Prime Minister symbolises) issue.” Although Mehsana had been the focal point of the Patidar agitation, opinion there is not overwhelmingly against the BJP — or at least not as decisively as one might have expected. A 25-something (Patel) civil engineer who has ventured into the construction business said that while Hardik Patel was shrewd and manipulative, the BJP led by Modi “can manage things at the last moment”. He supported Hardik Patel’s demand for reservation. “Patidars need quota not so much in Government employment (we Patels either have land or are engaged in business or are salaried employees) but in educational institutions. Why should we lose out to those who are less merited but get through because of quotas?” On the other hand, a shop-keeper, vociferously supported by a bunch of youngsters around him, bluntly said, “Hardik Patel cannot be trusted. He is neither mature nor responsible.” The sense of ambivalence that was reflected across Ahmedabad and in Patan and Mehsana towns, was replaced by clarity in the small Pimpal village, situated on the Mehsana-Patan road. Phulabhai Jeevabhai Rabari is a 30-year old who is engaged in the dairy business. The Rabari community belongs to the OBC and is a beneficiary of the quota system. He made light of the benefit and claimed that it made no difference to youngsters like him. “We live by our skills and hard work. I don’t like the reservation business.” The Congress and the Hardik Patel-led Patidars, he said, represented the privileged system, while the BJP under Modi stood for inclusive development. “The 2017 election is about development versus reservation”, Phulabhai stated. A motley group of villagers seconded the opinion. Perhaps Phulabhai hit the nail on the head. It does appear that the Assembly poll is just that.

2017 Gujarat election: Development vs reservation

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