Thirty years ago, on 13 September 1993, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands to seal the "Oslo Accords," which were supposed to lead to a permanent settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within five years. I remember feeling at that time the hope of finally seeing an end to the already decades-long Arab-Israeli-Palestinian tragedy. In 2023, what is left? There is neither peace nor a peace process. Hope has turned into resentment and despair, and this anniversary went virtually unnoticed.&nbsp;

On the ground, the conflict is heating up once again. This year already saw more than 200 Palestinian and 35 Israeli fatalities. Terrorist attacks, both by Palestinian militants against Israelis and by Israeli settlers against Palestinians are back at record levels. Israel continues to expand settlements in the West Bank: at the time of the Oslo Accords, there were 280,000 settlers; today there are more than 700,000. Settler violence, the separation barrier, demolitions, and other measures are gradually pushing the Palestinian population off their land in many areas of the West Bank, while the humanitarian disaster in Gaza continues unabated, with no end in sight.&nbsp;

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/irans-khamenei-terms-normalisation-with-israel-a-losing-bet-state-media-642282">Iran's Khamenei terms normalisation with Israel a 'losing' bet: State media</a>

Meanwhile, domestic support for the internationally recognised Palestinian leadership is at an all-time low, compounded by a growing lack of funding. In contrast, Israel has become a thriving “start-up nation”, in spite of an imperfect security environment. The need to change the status quo is not felt as acutely in Tel Aviv as it is in Ramallah, but the conflict is not going away: the idea that Israel could go forward without making peace with the Palestinians is a dangerous illusion.

Also Read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/jordan-scalise-or-trump-here-are-the-top-contenders-to-replace-mccarthy-as-us-house-speaker-642783">Jordan, Scalise or Trump? Who will replace McCarthy as US House Speaker?</a>

The continued violation of UN Security Council resolutions and of some of the most fundamental principles of international law is eroding trust in a rules-based international order, not just in the region but across the globe. It is, therefore, more necessary and urgent than ever for the international community to reaffirm its commitment to, and mobilise for, peace between Israelis and Palestinians.&nbsp;

For years now, we, the EU and the international community, have been defending a Two-State Solution with the State of Israel and an independent, democratic, contiguous, sovereign State of Palestine, living side by side in peace and security with Jerusalem as the capital of both states. Because of Israel’s fait accompli policy, this solution may seem less and less viable on the ground. However, which other alternative could allow Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in peace? Nobody is able to articulate any other plausible answer.

Watch |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/uns-warning-on-global-economy-642804">UN’s warning on global economy</a>

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The establishment of diplomatic ties between some Arab States and Israel, vital as it is for regional peace, has so far not brought Israelis and Palestinians closer to peace. Therefore, together with the League of Arab States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan, we have decided to make a joint contribution to help revitalise the Two-State solution.&nbsp;

On 18 September, at the United Nations in New York, we jointly launched the ‘Peace Day Effort’. It was a success with the participation of more than 50 countries and organisations. We intend to ‘reverse engineer’ the peace, putting together a “Peace Supporting Package”, which will maximise benefits for the Palestinians and Israelis if they are able to reach a peace agreement. This initiative builds on the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and the 2013 EU “package of political, security and economic support”, which both have foreseen such incentives to the conflict parties if they achieve peace, while also taking inspiration from existing relations between Israel and some Arab states.&nbsp;

We aim to gather what all of us can contribute when there is actual peace, real open borders, and substantial regional cooperation in the Middle East. What political, economic, and security perspectives could we offer? What energy, climate, water, development, and other projects would we launch? This Peace Day Effort is not just an Arab-European endeavour: all international partners are invited to contribute, and in New York, many offered their support. On 13 and 14 November, we will start to work together in Brussels to make this Peace Supporting Package precise and concrete.

This initiative cannot of course be a substitute for a genuine peace process between Israelis and Palestinians. And, the Peace Supporting Package alone will not be sufficient to overcome the many obstacles to peace, but it can provide an incentive to go in this direction – not only by the benefits it offers but also by reminding the conflict parties that only a negotiated solution is a viable and acceptable strategic option.&nbsp;

While our Israeli and Palestinian friends are not yet negotiating peace, we have embarked on this journey to help keep the Two-State Solution alive, hoping that, together, we can bring it within closer reach. As remote as peace in the Middle East may appear today, echoing the words of Nelson Mandela that ‘‘it always seems impossible until it’s done”, we will keep trying. For the sake of the legitimate rights of Palestinians, sustainable long-term security for Israelis, peace and development in the region, and the credibility of the international rules-based order, the world cannot afford the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be forgotten.

(Josep Borrell Fontelles is High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission)

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

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Thirty years ago, on 13 September 1993, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands to seal the "Oslo Accords," which were supposed to lead to a permanent settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within five years.

Thirty years ago, on 13 September 1993, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands to seal the "Oslo Accords," which were supposed to lead to a permanent settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within five years. I remember feeling at that time the hope of finally seeing an end to the already decades-long Arab-Israeli-Palestinian tragedy. In 2023, what is left? There is neither peace nor a peace process. Hope has turned into resentment and despair, and this anniversary went virtually unnoticed. On the ground, the conflict is heating up once again. This year already saw more than 200 Palestinian and 35 Israeli fatalities. Terrorist attacks, both by Palestinian militants against Israelis and by Israeli settlers against Palestinians are back at record levels. Israel continues to expand settlements in the West Bank: at the time of the Oslo Accords, there were 280,000 settlers; today there are more than 700,000. Settler violence, the separation barrier, demolitions, and other measures are gradually pushing the Palestinian population off their land in many areas of the West Bank, while the humanitarian disaster in Gaza continues unabated, with no end in sight. Also Read | Iran's Khamenei terms normalisation with Israel a 'losing' bet: State media Meanwhile, domestic support for the internationally recognised Palestinian leadership is at an all-time low, compounded by a growing lack of funding. In contrast, Israel has become a thriving “start-up nation”, in spite of an imperfect security environment. The need to change the status quo is not felt as acutely in Tel Aviv as it is in Ramallah, but the conflict is not going away: the idea that Israel could go forward without making peace with the Palestinians is a dangerous illusion. Also Read | Jordan, Scalise or Trump? Who will replace McCarthy as US House Speaker? The continued violation of UN Security Council resolutions and of some of the most fundamental principles of international law is eroding trust in a rules-based international order, not just in the region but across the globe. It is, therefore, more necessary and urgent than ever for the international community to reaffirm its commitment to, and mobilise for, peace between Israelis and Palestinians. For years now, we, the EU and the international community, have been defending a Two-State Solution with the State of Israel and an independent, democratic, contiguous, sovereign State of Palestine, living side by side in peace and security with Jerusalem as the capital of both states. Because of Israel’s fait accompli policy, this solution may seem less and less viable on the ground. However, which other alternative could allow Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in peace? Nobody is able to articulate any other plausible answer. Watch | UN’s warning on global economy × The establishment of diplomatic ties between some Arab States and Israel, vital as it is for regional peace, has so far not brought Israelis and Palestinians closer to peace. Therefore, together with the League of Arab States, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan, we have decided to make a joint contribution to help revitalise the Two-State solution. On 18 September, at the United Nations in New York, we jointly launched the ‘Peace Day Effort’. It was a success with the participation of more than 50 countries and organisations. We intend to ‘reverse engineer’ the peace, putting together a “Peace Supporting Package”, which will maximise benefits for the Palestinians and Israelis if they are able to reach a peace agreement. This initiative builds on the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and the 2013 EU “package of political, security and economic support”, which both have foreseen such incentives to the conflict parties if they achieve peace, while also taking inspiration from existing relations between Israel and some Arab states. We aim to gather what all of us can contribute when there is actual peace, real open borders, and substantial regional cooperation in the Middle East. What political, economic, and security perspectives could we offer? What energy, climate, water, development, and other projects would we launch? This Peace Day Effort is not just an Arab-European endeavour: all international partners are invited to contribute, and in New York, many offered their support. On 13 and 14 November, we will start to work together in Brussels to make this Peace Supporting Package precise and concrete. This initiative cannot of course be a substitute for a genuine peace process between Israelis and Palestinians. And, the Peace Supporting Package alone will not be sufficient to overcome the many obstacles to peace, but it can provide an incentive to go in this direction – not only by the benefits it offers but also by reminding the conflict parties that only a negotiated solution is a viable and acceptable strategic option. While our Israeli and Palestinian friends are not yet negotiating peace, we have embarked on this journey to help keep the Two-State Solution alive, hoping that, together, we can bring it within closer reach. As remote as peace in the Middle East may appear today, echoing the words of Nelson Mandela that ‘‘it always seems impossible until it’s done”, we will keep trying. For the sake of the legitimate rights of Palestinians, sustainable long-term security for Israelis, peace and development in the region, and the credibility of the international rules-based order, the world cannot afford the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to be forgotten. (Josep Borrell Fontelles is High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission) (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. ×

Thirty years after Oslo, we should not give up on peace in the Middle East

24 February 2022 will forever be recalled as the day when Russia started its brutal, unprovoked and illegal invasion of Ukraine. This was and remains a case of pure aggression and a clear-cut breach of the UN Charter. This war is neither ‘just a European issue’, nor is it about the ‘West versus the rest’. It is about the kind of world we all want to live in: no one is safe in a world where the illegal use of force – by a nuclear power and permanent member of the Security Council – would somehow be ‘normalised’. That is why international law must be enforced everywhere to protect everyone from power politics, blackmail and military attack.

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/biden-in-ukraine-a-perfect-photo-op-but-why-now-is-it-too-little-too-late-563977">Biden in Ukraine: A perfect photo-op, but why now? Is it too little, too late?</a>

One year on, there is a risk that people become inured to the images of war crimes and atrocities that they see – because there are so many; that the words we use start to lose their significance – because we have to repeat them so often; that we get tired and weaken our resolve – because time is passing and the task at hand is hard.&nbsp;

This we cannot do. Because every day, Russia keeps violating the UN charter, creating a dangerous precedent for the whole world with its imperialist policy. Every day, Russia keeps killing innocent Ukrainian women, men and children, raining down its missiles on cities and civilian infrastructure. Every day, Russia keeps spreading lies and fabrications.&nbsp;

For the European Union and our partners, there is no alternative to staying the course of our ‘triple strategy’: supporting Ukraine, putting pressure on Russia to stop its illegal aggression and helping the rest of the world cope with the fallout.&nbsp;

This is what we have been doing for one year now – and successfully so. We have adopted unprecedented sanctions; cut our dependency on Russian fossil fuels; and in close collaboration with key partners reduced by 50% the energy revenues the Kremlin gets to finance its aggression. Working together, we have also mitigated the global ripple effects with food and energy prices declining, partly thanks to our Solidarity Lanes and to the Black Sea Grain Initiative.&nbsp;

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/ukraine-and-pakistan-friends-enemies-or-frenemies-564017">Ukraine and Pakistan: Friends, enemies or frenemies?</a>

It is not enough to say that we want Ukraine to be able to defend itself – it needs the means to do so. So, for the first time ever, the EU has supplied weapons to a country under attack. Indeed, the EU is now the leading provider of military training for Ukrainian personnel so they can defend their country. We are also offering significant macro-financial and humanitarian aid to support the Ukrainian people. And we have decided to respond positively to Ukraine’s request to join the EU. Finally, we are working to ensure accountability for the war crimes that Russia has committed.&nbsp;

Ukraine has shown its remarkable resilience, partly thanks to this support. And Russia has grown more isolated, thanks to global sanctions and the international condemnation by the overwhelming majority of states in the UN General Assembly. Our collective goal is and remains a democratic Ukraine that prevails; pushing out the invader, restoring its full sovereignty and, with that, restoring international legality.&nbsp;

Watch | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/kyiv-seeks-indias-support-for-un-peace-resolution-565143">Kyiv seeks India's support for UN Peace resolution</a>

Above all, we want peace in Ukraine, a comprehensive and lasting peace that is in line with the UN Charter and international law. Supporting Ukraine and working for peace go hand in hand since if Russia’s illegal aggression were to succeed, the repercussions would spread globally. The risk of regional hotspots in Asia, such as the South and East China Seas, the Taiwan Strait and others, turning into open conflicts would increase. That is why Europe and its partners in the Asia Pacific have to take a joint stand. The support of many Asian countries at the UN and elsewhere for the principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and international law has been crucial.&nbsp;

But the reverse is also true: the EU is fully committed to uphold international law everywhere, not just in Ukraine. We work for peace and security around the world including in the Asia Pacific.&nbsp; 
 
We need to be clear that Russia’s actions are responsible for the economic shockwaves in terms of food, energy and fertilisers. We have always exempted food and fertilisers from EU sanctions and we are monitoring any possible unintended effects.&nbsp;

More broadly, the Russian invasion has underlined the need for both Europe and Asia to avoid excessive dependencies. We must reinforce our collaboration to build more resilient and inclusive economies, protect our democracies and strengthen social cohesion.

History and justice are on the side of Ukraine. But to accelerate history and achieve justice, we need to amplify our ‘triple strategy’. We know this is a collective task. That is why the EU is counting on all its partners, to act in a spirit of joint responsibility and solidarity: to ensure that aggression fails and international law prevails.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)&nbsp;

24 February 2022 will forever be recalled as the day when Russia started its brutal, unprovoked and illegal invasion of Ukraine. This was and remains a case of pure aggression and a clear-cut breach of the UN Charter.

24 February 2022 will forever be recalled as the day when Russia started its brutal, unprovoked and illegal invasion of Ukraine. This was and remains a case of pure aggression and a clear-cut breach of the UN Charter. This war is neither ‘just a European issue’, nor is it about the ‘West versus the rest’. It is about the kind of world we all want to live in: no one is safe in a world where the illegal use of force – by a nuclear power and permanent member of the Security Council – would somehow be ‘normalised’. That is why international law must be enforced everywhere to protect everyone from power politics, blackmail and military attack. Also Read | Biden in Ukraine: A perfect photo-op, but why now? Is it too little, too late? One year on, there is a risk that people become inured to the images of war crimes and atrocities that they see – because there are so many; that the words we use start to lose their significance – because we have to repeat them so often; that we get tired and weaken our resolve – because time is passing and the task at hand is hard. This we cannot do. Because every day, Russia keeps violating the UN charter, creating a dangerous precedent for the whole world with its imperialist policy. Every day, Russia keeps killing innocent Ukrainian women, men and children, raining down its missiles on cities and civilian infrastructure. Every day, Russia keeps spreading lies and fabrications. For the European Union and our partners, there is no alternative to staying the course of our ‘triple strategy’: supporting Ukraine, putting pressure on Russia to stop its illegal aggression and helping the rest of the world cope with the fallout. This is what we have been doing for one year now – and successfully so. We have adopted unprecedented sanctions; cut our dependency on Russian fossil fuels; and in close collaboration with key partners reduced by 50% the energy revenues the Kremlin gets to finance its aggression. Working together, we have also mitigated the global ripple effects with food and energy prices declining, partly thanks to our Solidarity Lanes and to the Black Sea Grain Initiative. Also Read | Ukraine and Pakistan: Friends, enemies or frenemies? It is not enough to say that we want Ukraine to be able to defend itself – it needs the means to do so. So, for the first time ever, the EU has supplied weapons to a country under attack. Indeed, the EU is now the leading provider of military training for Ukrainian personnel so they can defend their country. We are also offering significant macro-financial and humanitarian aid to support the Ukrainian people. And we have decided to respond positively to Ukraine’s request to join the EU. Finally, we are working to ensure accountability for the war crimes that Russia has committed. Ukraine has shown its remarkable resilience, partly thanks to this support. And Russia has grown more isolated, thanks to global sanctions and the international condemnation by the overwhelming majority of states in the UN General Assembly. Our collective goal is and remains a democratic Ukraine that prevails; pushing out the invader, restoring its full sovereignty and, with that, restoring international legality. Watch | Kyiv seeks India's support for UN Peace resolution Above all, we want peace in Ukraine, a comprehensive and lasting peace that is in line with the UN Charter and international law. Supporting Ukraine and working for peace go hand in hand since if Russia’s illegal aggression were to succeed, the repercussions would spread globally. The risk of regional hotspots in Asia, such as the South and East China Seas, the Taiwan Strait and others, turning into open conflicts would increase. That is why Europe and its partners in the Asia Pacific have to take a joint stand. The support of many Asian countries at the UN and elsewhere for the principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and international law has been crucial. But the reverse is also true: the EU is fully committed to uphold international law everywhere, not just in Ukraine. We work for peace and security around the world including in the Asia Pacific. We need to be clear that Russia’s actions are responsible for the economic shockwaves in terms of food, energy and fertilisers. We have always exempted food and fertilisers from EU sanctions and we are monitoring any possible unintended effects. More broadly, the Russian invasion has underlined the need for both Europe and Asia to avoid excessive dependencies. We must reinforce our collaboration to build more resilient and inclusive economies, protect our democracies and strengthen social cohesion. History and justice are on the side of Ukraine. But to accelerate history and achieve justice, we need to amplify our ‘triple strategy’. We know this is a collective task. That is why the EU is counting on all its partners, to act in a spirit of joint responsibility and solidarity: to ensure that aggression fails and international law prevails. (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

One year of war against Ukraine: Acting together to ensure international law will prevail

The world initially met the COVID-19 crisis in an uncoordinated fashion, with too many countries ignoring the warning signs and going it alone. It is now clear that the only way out of it is together.&nbsp;

The contrast between the silence of Europe’s streets and squares and the tumultuous, painful reality in many of its hospitals is heartbreaking. COVID-19 has not only Europe but the entire global community in its grip. It is already clear that the pandemic will reshape our world. But precisely, how will depend on the choices that we make today. &nbsp;

The coronavirus should be seen as the world’s common enemy. Though this is not a war, we nevertheless need a 'war-like'&nbsp;mobilisation of resources. But in times of crisis, our instinct is to turn inward, to fend for ourselves. This reaction, though understandable, is self-defeating. Going it alone all but guarantees that the fight will last longer, and that the human and economic costs will be far higher. Although the enemy has triggered nationalist reflexes, we can defeat it only with cross-border coordination – in Europe and beyond. We need a common international approach to the pandemic and for assisting the most vulnerable,&nbsp;those in developing countries and conflict zones. I have emphasised this point in recent discussions with G7 foreign ministers and many others. The European Union must and will be a part of the effort.&nbsp;

Now is the time to show that solidarity is not an empty phrase. Fortunately, that is already being demonstrated in Europe, where France and Austria are sending more than three million masks to Italy, and where Germany is taking in and treating patients from France and Italy. After the first phase of diverging national decisions, we are now entering a phase of convergence in which the EU takes center stage. For its part, the organisation is stepping up with decisions to facilitate joint procurement of vital medical equipment, a joint economic stimulus, and coordinated consular efforts to repatriate stranded EU citizens. Following a virtual meeting of the European Council, EU leaders have agreed to intensify their joint efforts, not least by developing a European crisis-management system and a shared strategy to manage the coronavirus.&nbsp;

The COVID-19 crisis is not a battle between countries or systems. At different stages of the pandemic, there has been reciprocal assistance between Europe, China, and others, demonstrating mutual support and solidarity. The EU supported China when the outbreak emerged at the beginning of the year, and now China is sending equipment and doctors to help affected countries around the world. These are concrete examples of global solidarity and cooperation; they need to become the norm. One way to think of COVID-19 is that it is accelerating history. Through whatever changes are in store, the EU must remain a unifying factor, by promoting joint efforts with China and the United States to address the pandemic and its consequences. 
 
Only with these three powers pulling in the same direction can the G20 and the United Nations make a real difference. Beyond international coordination between governments, cooperation among scientists, economists, and policymakers also needs to be scaled up. During the 2008 financial crisis, the G20 played a pivotal role in rescuing the global economy when it was in freefall. 
 
There is once again an urgent need for global leadership along these lines. There are four major priorities for global cooperation. First, we must pool resources to produce new treatments and a vaccine, which should be regarded as a global public good. Second, we need to limit the economic damage by coordinating fiscal- and monetary stimulus measures and protecting the global trade in goods. Third, we should be planning to re-open borders in a coordinated way whenever health authorities give the green light. Lastly, we must cooperate to fight disinformation campaigns.&nbsp;

The outcome of the G20’s recent virtual summit points in this general direction. But global and multilateral initiatives will need to be sustained and fully implemented in the days and weeks ahead. As the virus spreads globally, we need to pay special attention to its growing impact on fragile countries, where it threatens to exacerbate existing security crises. In Syria, Yemen, Gaza, and Afghanistan, millions of people have already suffered through years of conflict. Just imagine what would follow if the coronavirus emerges in the region’s refugee camps, where sanitation and health services are already overstretched and humanitarian workers already struggle to deliver aid.

Then there is Africa, which is of paramount importance. Owing to the 2014-16 Ebola epidemic and other outbreaks, African countries have some experience that Europe lacks in this crisis. But health-care systems on the continent remain weak overall, and the number of infected people is growing.&nbsp;

In many developing countries, a large number of people often have no choice but to go out every day and make a living in the informal economy. Worse, hand washing and social distancing can be far more difficult in these countries, because running water is not always available and families tend to live in cramped spaces. This is a fight that will need funding to win. Developing countries depend crucially on three sources of finance: foreign investment, remittances, and tourism. Yet all three are now being hit hard. 
 
Globally, capital flows have fallen dramatically as investors flee to safe havens and migrant workers lose jobs and are unable to send money home. We are facing a global recession; to avoid an economic crash in developing countries, significant financial support and credit lines will be needed – and soon. Coordination among central banks and international financial institutions is the only viable way forward. Finally, amid the overwhelming gloom, there is a chance to end long-running conflicts. There have already been some positive signs of cooperation between rivals. 
 
The United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, for example, recently sent aid to Iran, which has been hit particularly hard by COVID-19. No one can afford to wage multiple wars at the same time. As UN Secretary-General António Guterres has urged, we should use this crisis as an opportunity to restore peace. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

(First published on <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/global-priorities-covid19-response-by-josep-borrell-2020-03">Project.Syndicate.Org</a>)

The world initially met the COVID-19 crisis in an uncoordinated fashion, with too many countries ignoring the warning signs and going it alone. It is now clear that the only way out of it is together.

The world initially met the COVID-19 crisis in an uncoordinated fashion, with too many countries ignoring the warning signs and going it alone. It is now clear that the only way out of it is together. The contrast between the silence of Europe’s streets and squares and the tumultuous, painful reality in many of its hospitals is heartbreaking. COVID-19 has not only Europe but the entire global community in its grip. It is already clear that the pandemic will reshape our world. But precisely, how will depend on the choices that we make today. The coronavirus should be seen as the world’s common enemy. Though this is not a war, we nevertheless need a 'war-like' mobilisation of resources. But in times of crisis, our instinct is to turn inward, to fend for ourselves. This reaction, though understandable, is self-defeating. Going it alone all but guarantees that the fight will last longer, and that the human and economic costs will be far higher. Although the enemy has triggered nationalist reflexes, we can defeat it only with cross-border coordination – in Europe and beyond. We need a common international approach to the pandemic and for assisting the most vulnerable, those in developing countries and conflict zones. I have emphasised this point in recent discussions with G7 foreign ministers and many others. The European Union must and will be a part of the effort. Now is the time to show that solidarity is not an empty phrase. Fortunately, that is already being demonstrated in Europe, where France and Austria are sending more than three million masks to Italy, and where Germany is taking in and treating patients from France and Italy. After the first phase of diverging national decisions, we are now entering a phase of convergence in which the EU takes center stage. For its part, the organisation is stepping up with decisions to facilitate joint procurement of vital medical equipment, a joint economic stimulus, and coordinated consular efforts to repatriate stranded EU citizens. Following a virtual meeting of the European Council, EU leaders have agreed to intensify their joint efforts, not least by developing a European crisis-management system and a shared strategy to manage the coronavirus. The COVID-19 crisis is not a battle between countries or systems. At different stages of the pandemic, there has been reciprocal assistance between Europe, China, and others, demonstrating mutual support and solidarity. The EU supported China when the outbreak emerged at the beginning of the year, and now China is sending equipment and doctors to help affected countries around the world. These are concrete examples of global solidarity and cooperation; they need to become the norm. One way to think of COVID-19 is that it is accelerating history. Through whatever changes are in store, the EU must remain a unifying factor, by promoting joint efforts with China and the United States to address the pandemic and its consequences. Only with these three powers pulling in the same direction can the G20 and the United Nations make a real difference. Beyond international coordination between governments, cooperation among scientists, economists, and policymakers also needs to be scaled up. During the 2008 financial crisis, the G20 played a pivotal role in rescuing the global economy when it was in freefall. There is once again an urgent need for global leadership along these lines. There are four major priorities for global cooperation. First, we must pool resources to produce new treatments and a vaccine, which should be regarded as a global public good. Second, we need to limit the economic damage by coordinating fiscal- and monetary stimulus measures and protecting the global trade in goods. Third, we should be planning to re-open borders in a coordinated way whenever health authorities give the green light. Lastly, we must cooperate to fight disinformation campaigns. The outcome of the G20’s recent virtual summit points in this general direction. But global and multilateral initiatives will need to be sustained and fully implemented in the days and weeks ahead. As the virus spreads globally, we need to pay special attention to its growing impact on fragile countries, where it threatens to exacerbate existing security crises. In Syria, Yemen, Gaza, and Afghanistan, millions of people have already suffered through years of conflict. Just imagine what would follow if the coronavirus emerges in the region’s refugee camps, where sanitation and health services are already overstretched and humanitarian workers already struggle to deliver aid. Then there is Africa, which is of paramount importance. Owing to the 2014-16 Ebola epidemic and other outbreaks, African countries have some experience that Europe lacks in this crisis. But health-care systems on the continent remain weak overall, and the number of infected people is growing. In many developing countries, a large number of people often have no choice but to go out every day and make a living in the informal economy. Worse, hand washing and social distancing can be far more difficult in these countries, because running water is not always available and families tend to live in cramped spaces. This is a fight that will need funding to win. Developing countries depend crucially on three sources of finance: foreign investment, remittances, and tourism. Yet all three are now being hit hard. Globally, capital flows have fallen dramatically as investors flee to safe havens and migrant workers lose jobs and are unable to send money home. We are facing a global recession; to avoid an economic crash in developing countries, significant financial support and credit lines will be needed – and soon. Coordination among central banks and international financial institutions is the only viable way forward. Finally, amid the overwhelming gloom, there is a chance to end long-running conflicts. There have already been some positive signs of cooperation between rivals. The United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, for example, recently sent aid to Iran, which has been hit particularly hard by COVID-19. No one can afford to wage multiple wars at the same time. As UN Secretary-General António Guterres has urged, we should use this crisis as an opportunity to restore peace. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) (First published on Project.Syndicate.Org)

Four priorities for a global strategy to contain coronavirus pandemic

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